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in i in. 

Jtacjjusetts historical Socictij. 

Vol. II. — Second Series. 


PublisfjrtJ at tfjc ©fjarge oC the ^JraboUu jTunti. 


M.DCCC I wxvi. 

University Press: 
John Wilson and Son, Cambridge. 




Committee of Publication. 



The present volume confprises the monthly transactions 
of the Society from March, 1885, to May, L886, Inclusive, 
the meetings in July, August, and September having 
been omitted. 

Besides the regular proceedings which are recorded, 
there are seven Memoirs, — that of Mr. Nathaniel 
Thayer, by Dr. George E. Ellis; that of the Hon. 
Stephen Salisbury, by Colonel John I). Washburn ; 
that of Ralph Waldo Emerson, by Dr. James Free- 
man Clarke ; that of the Hon. David Sears, by Mr. 
R. C. Winthrop, Jr. ; that of the Rev. William S. Bart- 
let, by the Rev. Edmund F. Slafter : and those of Rear 
Admiral George H. Preble and Mr. John Langdon 
Sibley, by Dr. Andrew P. Peabody. 

The longest paper which is here printed is that com- 
municated by the late Mr. Charles C. Perkins, — whose 
loss is widely mourned by the lovers of music and art, — 
and it has a special interest as its preparation was the 
last literary labor which he performed before he was 
suddenly taken away. 

For the illustrations which add to the attractiveness 
of this book, the Society is indebted to several friends. 
The portrait of Mr. Thayer is a gift from his family ; 


that of Mr. Salisbury is from his son ; that of Mr. 
Emerson is from Dr. Edward W. Emerson ; the likeness 
of Governor Dudley has been presented by Mr. R. C. 
Winthrop, Jr. ; and that of Mr. Sears has been furnished 
by Mrs. William Amory. The representation of the 
Flag which w 7 as carried by the minute-men of Bedford 
into the Concord fight — procured through the efforts 
of Mr. Jenks — is striking in itself, and interesting for 
the historic associations that cluster about it. 

The past year has been made memorable in the his- 
tory of the Society by the munificent bequest which has 
been left to it by one whose portrait, given by his wife, 
is rightfully placed as the frontispiece to this volume, and 
whose Memoir appropriately closes the book. Endeared 
to those who knew him by his sterling qualities of char- 
acter, he has accomplished what no one — not even 
himself — ever believed possible. The story of his life 
is a romance. It seems almost incredible that a poor 
boy, whose father was scarcely able to afford him an edu- 
cation, should have become a distinguished benefactor 
of the academy which he entered as a beneficiary ; and 
that, while devoted wholly to scholarly pursuits, he 
should likewise have been by far the most liberal donor 
to an Historical Society which has had many men of 
wealth among its members, since he has given to it 
more than seven times as much as the largest contrib- 
utor to its resources. Reluctant to be known for his 
deeds of kindness while he lived, he has left the world 
without permitting any one to thank him for what he 
has now bestowed. But, though not one of the living 
will see the full benefit which will accrue from his 
noble bequest, this Society, which he has selected 
as the depositary of his literary materials gathered 


by painstaking labor through half a century, and which 
he has endowed with his entire Fortune, will faithfullj 
execute its trust, and will ever hold In honor and 
grateful remembrance the name of this conscientious, 
patient, persevering, disinterested man, biographer, and 


Cambridge, September 27, 1880. 



Preface v 

List of Illustrations xv 

Officers elected April, 188G wii 

Resident Members wiii 

Honorary and Corresponding Members xx 

Members deceased xxii 


Remarks by the President, announcing the deaths of John C. 

Phillips and George IT. Preble 3 

Tributes to Admiral Preble 4 

Committees appointed 4 

The President declines a re-election 4 

Diary of the Hon. Jonathan Mason, communicated by George 

E. Ellis 5 

Gottingen University in 182<S, by the Rev. William Barry, com- 
municated by Lucius R. Paige 34 

Paper relating to Indians kidnapped from Maine in L 605, by 

Charles Deane 35 

Ninth Report of the Royal Commission on Historical Manuscripts, 

noticed by Edward Ciiannixg 89 

The Motto of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, and the word 

" Alablaster," by William Evebett 39 

Origin of the motto explained by Henry W. IIayxes .... 40 
Verses by Chief Justice Sewall, with remarks by SAMUEL A. 

Green U 



The Legality of the Salem Court for Witch-trials in 1692, dis- 
cussed by George H. Moore, A. C. Goodell, Jr., and 
William Everett 43 

John Eliot's Description of New England in 1650, from Professor 

Charles A. Briggs 44 

Memoir of Nathaniel Thayer, A.M., by George E. Ellis . . 51 


Recent historical works mentioned, and letter from the Mayor of 
Charleston, S. C, with a heliotype of the Great Seal of 
the Lords Proprietors of Carolina, presented by the Presi- 
dent 64 

Medal struck to commemorate the dedication of the Washington 

Monument, presented by the President 64 

Remarks by Robert C. Winthrop, Jr 66 

Newly discovered evidence concerning the Parentage of John 

Harvard, referred to by John T. Hassam 6Q 

Report of the Council 66 

Report of the Librarian 70 

Report of the Cabinet-keeper 71 

Report of the Treasurer 72 

Report of the Auditing Committee 79 

Report of the Nominating Committee and election of Officers . 79 
Remarks on assuming the Presidency of the Society, by George 

E. Ellis 82 

Remarks of the Retiring President, Robert C. Winthrop . . 84 


Catalogue of the Cabinet 87 

Committee to publish the Proceedings 87 

Declaratory Act of Parliament on the right to tax the Colonies, 

alluded to by the President 87 

John Harvard's will, considered by Charles Deane .... 87 
Fac-simile of the Great Seal of the Confederate States of America, 

presented by Frederick W. Putnam 88 

Memoir of the Hon. Stephen Salisbury, LL.D., by John D. 

Washburn 89 


Portrait of Joiin Langdon Sibley Frontispiece 

Portrait of Nathaniel Thayer 51 

Portrait of Stephen Salisbury 89 

Portrait of Ralph "Waldo Emerson 107 

The Bedford Flag 166 

Portrait of Joseph Dudley 196 

Portrait of David Sears l (l "» 



Elected April 16, 1886. 

Rev. GEORGE E. ELLIS, D.D., LL.D. . . 




gccorbing Secrctarn. 
Rev. EDWARD J. YOUNG, A.M. . . . 

(Corresponding £ccretnrn. 


Cambridgi . 



CHARLES C. SMITH, Esq Boston. 


Hon. SAMUEL A. GREEN, M.D. . , 


Cabinet- Jlecpcr. 

Boa roN. 

Ctceutibe Committee of the Council. 



(ill I -I \. 

QuiN< r. 
Bog roN. 




Hon. Robert C. Winthrop, LL.D. 
Hon. Charles Francis Adams, LL.D. 
Rev. George E. Ellis, LL.D. 
Hon. PelegW. Chandler, LL.D. 
Rev. Lucius R. Paige, D.D. 
Henry Wheatland, M.D. 
Charles Deane, LL.D. 
Francis Parkman, LL.D. 
Oliver Wendell Holmes, D.C.L. 
Henry Austin Whitney, A.M. 
Hon. Leverett Saltonstall, A.M. 
Henry W. Torrey, LL.D. 
Rev. Robert C. Waterston, A.M. 
Thomas C. Amory, A.M. 
Hon. Samuel A. Green, M.D. 
Charles Eliot Norton, Litt.D. 
Robert Bennett Forbes, Esq. 
Rev. Edward E. Hale, D.D. 
Rev. Andrew P. Peabody, D.D. 
Hon. Horace Gray, LL.D. 
Rev. Edwards A. Park, D.D. 
William H. Whitmore, A.M. 
Hon. James Russell Lowell, D.C.L. 
Hon. W T illiam C. Endicott, LL.D. 
Hon. E. Rockwood Hoar, LL.D. 
Josiah P. Quincy, A.M. 
Samuel Eliot, LL.D. 
Henry G. Denny, A.M. 

Charles C. Smith, Esq. 
Hon. George S. Hale, A.M. 
William S. Appleton, A.M. 
Rev. Henry M. Dexter, D.D. 
Hon. Theodore Lyman, S.B. 
Abner C. Goodell, A.M. 
William Amory, A.M. 
Edward D. Harris, Esq. 
Augustus T. Perkins, A.M. 
Hon. Mellen Chamberlain, LL.D. 
Winslow Warren, LL.B. 
Francis W. Palfrey, A.M. 
Charles W. Eliot, LL.D. 
Rev. Henry W. Foote, A.M. 
Charles F. Dunbar, A.B. 
Hon. Charles Devens, LL.D. 
Charles F. Adams, Jr., A.B. 
William P. Upham, A.B. 
Fitch Edward Oliver, M.D. 
William Everett, Ph.D. 
George B. Chase, A.M. 
Henry Cabot Lodge, Ph.D. 
John T. Morse, Jr., A.B. 
Justin Winsor, A.B. 
J. Elliot Cabot, LL.D. 
Henry Lee, A.M. 
Gamaliel Bradford, A.B. 
Rev. Edward J. Young, A.M. 



Hon. John Lowell, LL.D. 

Abbott Lawrence, A. M . 

Rev. James Freeman ('lark' 1 , !>.]>. 

Rev. Phillips Brooks, 1>.1>. 

William W. Greenough, A.l'». 

Roberl C. Winthrop, Jr., A.M. 

Henry W. Haynes, A.M. 

Thomas W. Higginson, A.M. 

Rev. Edward G. Porter, A.M. 

John C. Ropes, LL. r>. 

Rev. Henry F. Jenks, A.M. 

Hon. Samuel C. Cobb. 

Horace E. Scudder, A.M. 

Rev. Edmund F. Slafter, A.M. 

Stephen Salisbury, A.M. 

John T. Hassam, A.M. 

Rev. Alexander McKenzie, D.D. 

Arthur Lord, A.B. 

Arthur B. Ellis, LL.B. 

Hon. II' m \ Mil is, I.I. I>. 
Clement Hugh Hill, A \l. 
Fredei ick W. Putnam, A.M. 

•lam.- MI',, .1 

II- mi. John l>. Washburn, LL.B. 
Rev. Egbert C. Smyth, D.D. 
Francis A. Walker, LL.D. 
Rev. Arthur L. Perry, LL.D. 
Hon. John E. Sanford, A.M. 
Uriel II. Crocker, LL.B. 
Hon. Martin Brimmer, A.B. 
l: er Wolcott, LL.B. 
William <;. Russell, LL.D. 
Edward J. Lowell, A.M. 
Edward Channing, Ph.D. 
lion. Lincoln F. Brigham, LL. I » 
Edward Hair-. LL.B. 
Samuel E. McCleary, A.M. 



Rt. Rev. William B. Stevens, D.D. 
E. George Squier, Esq. 
Hon. George Bancroft, D.C.L. 
J. Hammond Trumbull, LL.D. 

James Riker, Esq. 

Rev. William S. Southgate, A.M. 

John Gilmary Shea, LL.D. 



James Anthony Froude, M.A. 
Edward A. Freeman, D.C.L. 
Rt. Rev. Lord A. C. Hervey, D.D. 
Rev. Theodore D. Woolsey, D.D. 
David Masson, LL.D. 
Baron Franz von Holtzendorff. 
S.A.R. le comte de Paris, 

Rt. Rev. William Stubbs, D.D. 

Hon. William M. Evarts, LL.D. 

Theodor Mommsen. 

Marquis de Rochambeau. 

Hon. Elihu B. Washburne, LL.D. 

John Robert Seeley, LL.D. 

William E. H. Lecky, LL.D. 


ELECTKD BINCB mi: PASSAGE 09 mi: k( I Of 185' 

Benjamin F. French, Esq. 

Hon. William II. Trescol . 
J. Carson Brevoort, LL.D. 
George II. Moore, LL.D. 
William Noel Sainsbury, Es [. 
S. Austin Allibone, LL.D. 
Henry Take Parker, A.M. 
Benson J. Lossing, LL.D. 
Lyman C. Draper, LL.D. 
Rev. William G. Eliot, D.D. 
Henry B. Dawson, Esq. 
Goldwin Smith, D.C.L. 
George Ticknor Curtis, A.B. 
Hon. John Meredith Read, A.M. 
Joseph Jackson Howard, LL.D. 
Richard Henry Major, F.S.A. 
Rev. Edmond de Pressense, D.D. 
Charles J. Stille, LL.D. 
William W. Story, A.M. 
M. Jules Marcou. 
Thomas B. Akins, D.C.L. 
M. Pierre Margiy. 
Charles J. Hoadly, A.M. 
John Foster Kirk, Esq. 
Benjamin Scott, Esq. 
Hon. Charles H. Bell, LL.D. 
Rev. Edward D. Neil], D.D. 
William Gammell, LL.D. 
Rev. Thomas Hill, LL.D. 
Hon. Manning F. Force, LL.B. 
Sir Bernard Burke, C.B., LL.D. 
Samuel Rawson Gardiner, LL.D. 
Hon. John Bigelow, LL.D. 
George William Curtis, LL.D. 

Henry ('. Lea, Esq. 
Huberl II. Bancroft, A.M. 
Rev. Richard S. Storrs, LL.D. 
M. Gustavo Vapereau. 
William F. Poole, LL.D. 
Rev. E. Edwards Beardsley, D.D 
John Austin Stevens, A. B. 
Joseph F. Loubat, LL.D. 

Char- II. II. ut. LL.B. 

Rev. Moses Coil Tyler, LL.D. 

Hermann von ll"!-t , Ph.D. 

Franklin P.. Dexter, A.M. 

John M. Brown, A.M. 

Hon. Andrew D. White, LL.D. 

George W. Ranck, Esq. 

James M. Le Moine, Esq. 

Ut. Hon. sir George <). Trevelyan, 

Part., D.C.L. 
Henry Adams, A.B. 
Julius Dexter, A. B. 
Rev. Henry M. Baird, D.D. 
Henry B. Carrington, LL.D. 
Hon. William Wirt Henry. 
\"icoiiit o d'Haussonville. 
William F. Allen, A.M. 
James Bryce, D.C.L. 
Rev. Charles R. WML B.D. 
Herbert P. Adams, Ph.D. 
Signor Cornelio Desimoni. 
Gen. George W. Cullum, [J.S \ 
Hon. Jabez L. M. Curry, LL.D. 
Amos Perry, A.M. 
Horatio Hale, A.M. 



Members who have died since the last volume of the Proceedings 
was issued, March 27, 1885. 

Hon. James M. Kobbins. Hon. John J. Babson. 

John Langdon Sibley, A.M. Rev. Samuel K. Lothrop, D.D. 

Hon. Francis E. Parker, LL.B. Amos A. Lawrence, A.M. 

Rev. Nicholas Hoppin, D.D. Charles C. Perkins, A.M. 

Honorary and Corresponding. 
Frederick Griffin, Esq. John Winthrop, Esq. 

Hon. Horatio Seymour, LL.D. Leopold von Ranke. 

Henry Stevens, F.S.A. Hon. John R. Bartlett, A.M. 





'T^IIE stated monthly meeting was held on Thursday, the 
■*■ 12th instant, at No. 30 Tremont Street, Boston; and the 
President, the Hon. ROBERT C. WlNTHROP, was warmly wel- 
comed as lie again occupied the chair. 

The record of the last meeting by the Recording Secretary 
was read and approved. 

The gifts to the Library during the past month were re- 
ported by the Librarian. 

The President then addressed the Society as follows: — 

I was in doubt, Gentlemen, until almost the last moment, 
whether I could be here this afternoon. Our long iron stair- 
way presents a formidable impediment to my still feeble limbs. 
The March winds and snows were even a more serious con- 
sideration to one not yet entirely free from aches and ails. 
But when I remembered that illness had already kept me 
away from this chair for three or four months, and that haply 
I should be in the way of occupying it, as your President, only 
once more after to-day, I could not resist the impulse, even at 
some risk, to make my appearance. 

I come, however, without any formal introductory Paper, and 
must trust to my friend Dr. Ellis — to whom we are already 
so much indebted, and to whom I owe a special acknowledg- 
ment for making my place good, if not more than good, for 
so many months — to supplement anything that I may be able 
to say, either as to the living or the dead. 



The dead, alas ! claim our first notice this afternoon, as too 
often heretofore. Since our last monthly meeting we have 
lost two notable names from our Resident roll, — that of John 
C. Phillips and that of George Henry Preble. 

The death of Mr. Phillips at the early age of forty-six is 
a subject for real sorrow in our community. With our own 
Society he had been associated but a few years. A lineal 
descendant of the Rev. George Phillips, the famous Puritan 
minister of Watertown in 1630, — the companion and friend of 
Governor Winthrop, who came over with Winthrop and the 
Charter, and catechised and preached on board the "Arbella" 
on the voyage, — he could not fail to take an interest in the 
earliest history of Massachusetts. I remember his showing me, 
with pride, an original autograph sermon of that distinguished 
ancestor and excellent man, when I was visiting him in his 
beautiful library some years ago. I believe he had other 
Phillips manuscripts, which we may hope will not be wholly 
lost to our Collections hereafter. 

His later lineage, too, was of a kind to make him observant 
of whatever contributed to the honor and welfare of our Com- 
monwealth. His family name is associated, as we know, with 
some of our most celebrated academies and institutions. An- 
dover and Exeter owe their famous schools to the bounty and 
beneficence of the Phillipses. The Observatory of Harvard 
University was principally endowed by one of the same name 
and blood. The statues which adorn our squares are, many 
of them, from a Phillips Fund." He himself had given the 
generous sum of twenty-five thousand dollars to the Phillips 
Academy at Andover at their centennial celebration in 1878, 
and an equal amount to the Phillips Exeter Academy on a 
similar occasion. And it is within my own knowledge that 
he had supplied most important and liberal pecuniary and 
personal aid to other institutions, at moments of special need. 
I was associated with him as one of the Trustees of the Pea- 
body Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology at Cambridge, 
of which he has been the Treasurer for several years past, and 
to which he has rendered valuable service. I was associated 
with him, also, in the management of the new Children's 
Hospital, of whose board he was the Vice-President at his 
death, and of which he had been a most efficient and liberal 


A graduate of Harvard in the class of L858, there are t ! 
here who can hear witness to his character as a Btudent, as 

well as to his worth as a man, better than myself; but 1 can- 
not hut feel that our community lias sustained a great 1"--, 
in his early death, for which 1 desire to record my persona] 


Of Admiral Preble, Or. Ellis has a peculiar right to speak, 
as he was one of his parishioners in Charlestown for many 
years, and always an intimate friend. He was an officer in 

our Navy for half a century, and had seen much service in 
peaee and in war. He did not wholly escape the injustices 
which resulted from suspicions and jealousies during our late 
civil struggle ; hut he was vindicated by a Courl of Inquiry, <»r 
Court-martial, and no shadow lvsts on his long and honorable 
record. Meantime his contributions to History have been nu- 
merous and important. 

His "Flag of the United States and other National Fla 
in a volume of eight hundred octavo pages, with many illus- 
trations, is a work of the highest interest, full of patriotic 
incident, and exhibiting great research. His more recent 
"Chronological History of the Origin and Development of 
Steam Navigation," in nearly five hundred octavo pages, has 
also much valuable matter, which can hardly he found any- 
where else in so convenient and condensed a form, In send- 
ing me a copy of this volume last summer, lie spoke of having 
been forced, by the impatience of the publishers, to issue it 
without the opportunity of correcting and completing it as 
he desired. But it is a highly creditable volume, and exhibits 
great interest in the subject as well as a thorough acquaintance 
with all its details. 

I forbear, however, from dwelling longer on his works or 
his career, in the assurance that they will be dealt with more 
worthily by others. I cannot fail to remember, however, 
that on one of his last visits to me at Brookline last autumn, 
when I was already somewhat of an invalid, lie left with me 
for examination a magnificently bound volume which p; 
to contain my orations at Bunker Hill and at Vorktown in 
1881, which he had been at the personal cost and labor of 
illustrating sumptuously with portraits and engravings of 
the men and the scenes to which the orations referred, and 


which can hardly be surpassed by any volume of the same 
kind. He regarded it as one of the gems of his large and 
valuable library. 

I could not but regret that the state of my health precluded 
my attendance at the funeral of friends for whom I had so warm 
an esteem and regard as Admiral Preble and Mr. Phillips ; 
but our Society was fitly represented at both. 

Dr. Ellis said that there was something singularly modest 
and worthy in the character of Admiral Preble, who was a 
most accomplished officer, and a high-minded, excellent, and 
honorable man. 

Dr. Peabody spoke of him as commanding at once respect 
and affection, as thoroughly patriotic, and as leaving a mem- 
ory of enduring honor with all who knew him. 

Appropriate resolutions were then passed ; and the Rev. 
E. G. Porter was appointed to prepare a memoir of Mr. 
Phillips, and Dr. Peabody to write one of Admiral Preble. 

The Hon. J. L. M. Curry, LL.D., of Virginia, the agent of 
the Peabody Fund ; and Amos Perry, of Providence, Secretary 
of the Rhode Island Historical Society, were elected Corre- 
sponding Members of the Society. 

Messrs. George B. Chase and Augustus T. Perkins were 
appointed a Committee on the Treasurer's Accounts ; and Mr. 
C. F. Adams, Jr., Judge Lowell, and the Hon. Leverett Sal- 
tonstall were appointed a Committee on Nominations. 

In announcing the latter committee the President said : — 

I desire to repeat distinctly and emphatically what I said at 
the last Annual Meeting, that, having now been President for 
thirty years, I must rely on being excused from further offi- 
cial service. The uncertainties of my health and the positive 
infirmities which are already upon me constrain me to with- 
draw from the chair. The Nominating Committee will do me 
the favor to take notice of this decision. 

The Catalogue of the Cabinet being now in press, it was 
voted, on motion of Mr. C. C. Smith, that the cost of pub- 
lishing be charged to the income of the Richard Frothingham 
Fund, and that the words " Published at the Charge of the 
Richard Frothingham Fund " be placed on the titlepage of 
the volume. 


Dr. Ellis communicated, on behalf of Patrick Grant, E 
ii diary kept by his grandfather, the Hon. Jonathan Mason, 
of 11 trip he made to Savannah in the winter of L804 L805, 
which is here printed. 

Jonathan Mason, the author of the diary, was the bod <>( 

Jonathan .Mason, a success fid merchant, and of Miriam, daugh- 
ter of Benjamin Clark, and was born in Boston Sept. L2, I 

lie was educated at the Boston Latin School and at the Col- 
lege of New Jersey in Princeton, where he graduated in 1771. 
Before he had graduated he was entered as a Btudenl in the 
office of Josiah Quincy, Jr., and was recommended for ad- 
mission as an attorney of the Superior Court in 177'.'. 1 He 
gained distinction at the bar, and was a very prominent 
Federalist, being- a member of the Legislature and of the 
Governor's Council, and United States Senator from L800 to 
1803, when he declined re-election and was succeeded by John 
Quincy Adams. He was afterwards a member of Cong 
from 1817 to 1821. He married Susannah, daughter of Wil- 
liam Powell, of Boston, and had a large family of children. 
He died in Boston, Nov. 1, 1831, aged seventy-five. 

The journey of which the diary gives an account was made 
in Mr. Mason's own carriage, with four horses and two out- 
riders. Mrs. Mason and his daughters Miriam and Anna 
(afterwards Mrs. David Scars and Mrs. Patrick Grant) accom- 
panied him. 

Tuesday, Nov, 6, 1804. Left Boston at ten o'clock. Pined with 
Mr. and Mrs. Dowse,' 2 with my brother and Bister Perkins, 1 and pleas- 
antly. In the afternoon rode to Medfield and paid a visit to Mi. Pren- 
tiss. 4 This good man we found fairly encircled with a win- and nine 

1 The Record Book of the Suffolk Bar, learnedly edited by Mr G 
Dexter, states, under date of July 26, 1771. that Mr. Qaincy has liberty " to take 
into his office Mir. Joshua Thomas and Mr. Jonathan Mason as clerks ; Mr. M 
term to be computed from the time lie shall come into Mr. Quincy '8 office, 

has not yet graduated at College." Where he Btudied after Mr. Quincy'a 
is not recorded, as there is a break between 177! and 1779, bat it bare 

been with John Adams. His recommendation for admission as an attorney, 
however, was on motion of Perez Morton, afterwards Attorney-General of Mas- 
sachusetts. See Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, vol. xix. pp. 162, 1 ■"'■". — Eds. 

2 At Bankside in Dedliam, well known in recent years as tin- r. Bidence of the 
late Edmund Quincy, whose family inherited it from the Dowses. — Eds. 

3 Thomas Perkins, ot Boston, had married a sister of Mr-. Mason. 

* The Bev. Thomas Prentiss, D.D. (II. C. 1766), minister of Medfield. He 
died in 1814. — Eds. 


children, very happy and contented, with little more than enough to 
keep them either decent or in health. Perhaps there is no family in 
this country where the same number are more happy, where the means 
are so small. Returned, and after drinking coffee, am much pleased 
to find that the tears upon the cheeks of my children, occasioned by 
their departure from those they love, are fast giving way to smiles and 
merriment. We do not forget our friends, but our passions subside and 
excitement ceases. The weather delightful, and prospects flattering. 
Clarke's house [at Medfield] decent, — disposition good. 

Wednesday, Nov. 7. Rode this day thirty-two miles, mostly on the 
turnpike, beginning about thirty miles from Boston. Pleasant day, no 
accident, merry without care, and safe arrived at Thompson [Connec- 
ticut] at a Mr. Manchester's, whose daughters are pretty and fine per- 
sons, wanting only tinsel, fashion, and perhaps less nature, to make 
them what Bostonians would esteem fine women. This country [is] 
abounding in pleasant prospects, sufficient to assure you that in mid- 
summer, with the dress of Nature, it must be beautiful to the eye of 
the traveller. 

Thursday, Nov. 8. Arrived, after a journey of thirty-two miles, at 
Coventry at the house of a Mr. Brigham. Literally in this tavern no 
ostentation, but everything the best of its kind, and aided by the land- 
lady, who shows to you one of the best dispositions in the world. She 
fills your table with good things, and she does this quickly. She smiles 
upon you with an anxiety to make you comfortable and happy. She 
makes you happy. You meet with more than you expected, and your 
feelings are gratified, with your appetite also. The country in general 
hill and dale ; fine tract of land, and great plenty discovered among all 
the farmers. Road good, but not so good as a turnpike ought to be. 

Friday, Nov. 9. Unpleasant, and snow with hail and rain. Reached 
Hartford [at] one o'clock ; arrived at Lee's tavern, and passed the day 
pleasantly with my family. Fair within, though foul and rainy abroad. 

Saturday. Passed the turnpike to New Haven, thirty-four miles, 
one of the best and straightest in New England. It goes through a 
delightful country, and had the weather been pleasant, it would have 
added greatly to the landscape ; rode it in seven hours. Ten miles from 
New Haven stopped in the wood at the tavern. Poverty and difficulty, 
but peace, contentment, and affection in an extraordinary manner ex- 
hibited. Grandfather, grandmother, mother, and child by the name of 
Doolittle. I ought not to except from this group a black kitten, which 
the little child, seven months old, had been accustomed to pull, pinch, 
and squeeze until the animal had become sensible of it, and delighted in 
suffering it. Well persuaded I am that no man could use the same 
freedom with the same impunity, — but the wind is tempered to the 
shorn lamb. 

1885.J diaiiv OF THE HON. Jonathan mason. 7 

Tarried the Sunday at New Haven. In the morning ritited 
Episcopalian church and heard preach u Dr. Hubbard, 1 a murderer ol 
scnsi' and language. I pity his parish; they must have hearts prone 

to virtue, or I am suit he will Dover poinl the road or give peace to tin- 
doubtful breast. Our morning misfortune was compensated in the 
afternoon by a great deal of eloquence and devou! learning from Dr. 
Dwight 9 Much as I have heard of the sermonizing talenl of this 
gentleman, it far surpassed my expectations. Methodical, eloquent, in- 
genious, forcible, and in language chaste, extremely energetic, he com* 
mands universal attention from his audience, and irou cannol leave this 
church without retaining a greal proportion of his Bermon for medita- 
tion. Invited Jonathan Trumbull and William Smith of South Caro- 
lina 8 to dine with me at Mr. Butler's, and the company of each of them 
was desirable from their polite and easy deportment This day, fine 
weather and drying roads. Much prosperity appears throughout this 
town. It is said it increases. This may be in a degree, but I do UOl 

think equal to Hartford. I grow daily an enemy t > all wooden houses, 
and excepting the colleges, one or two churches, and a Bingle dwelling- 
house, the whole of this city is wooden. 

Passed, on Monday, from New Haven to Stamford, forty-two miles; 
a good road and delightful country. Stratford, Fairfield, Newtield, and 
Norwalk, all of them pretty towns, contiguous to the Sound and enjoy- 
ing the advantages of the ocean and the land; their soil too good to be 
neglected, the sea gives a stimulus to their industry and makes good 
sailors of their spare young men. The building- in all these towns 
carry evident marks of property and wealth, and indicate much fashion 
and taste. Comfortably lodged at Mr. Davenport's at Stamford; and 
almost all the inns we have passed have oblige. 1 us to admire the im- 
provement, the abundance, the cleanliness, and the civility of the country 
and the accommodations. 

Tuesday, Nov. 13. Early in the morning arrived at Rye, where we 
learned that Gouverneur Morris 4 had left orders and directions for us 
to dine with him. We accordingly arrived at hi- chateau about three 
o'clock, and were ushered into a large company, two of which had been 
married but a few days, and this was a wedding dinner. Sixty and 
twenty-eight; a little disparity, but balanced by a good house and a 

1 The Rev. Bela Hubbard, D.D. (Y. C. 1758), Rector of Trinity Church, New 
Haven. For a more favorable account of him, Bee Sprague'fl Annals of the 
American Pulpit, vol. v. p. 2o4. He died in 1812. — Eds. 

2 The well-known Dr. Timothy Dwight, at this time President of Vale 
College. — Eds. 

3 These were probably students in Yale College. — Eds. 

4 Gouverneur Morris (C. C. 1768), the distinguished Federalist statesman, 
lived at the Manor House of Morrisania, near Rye, New York. He had been in 
the Senate with Mr. Mason. He died in 1816. — Eds. 


plentiful fortune, — convenient things to a young lady at twenty-eight. 
We met also Mr. King, 1 and Mr. Samuel Ogden 2 and his lady and 
daughter ; also Mr. Hammond and lady and two sisters. We passed 
Tuesday and dinner on Wednesday with great sociability and mirth, 
added to splendor in the extreme. My friend is a real aristocrat, and 
he lives literally like a nobleman. You are continually attracted by 
a profusion of plate, gold, and mirror. He has all this world can give 
him but a good wife and amiable children ; and with all his possessions 
he is to be added to the many proofs of the folly of those who leave 
themselves in the want of those good things in the latter part of life, 
when they are absolutely necessary to constitute our happiness. He 
also laments that he did not, twenty years since, unite his talents with 
some corresponding female mind to make each other happy. 3 

On Wednesday evening we arrived at New York, at Mrs. Avery's. 
Bad, cold, and snowy weather, which lasted for two days. 

Thursday. Visited the panorama representing the battle of Alexan- 
dria and the death of Abercrombie. This may be well done, but to me 
it gave no pleasure. It must be either a more scientific or fashionable 
man to admire this painting, — it appears to me confusion without design, 
— and wholly to trace the actual position of the armies and comprehend 
their situation and manoeuvres, also the face of the country ; all which 
it is said to exhibit tolerably well. 

Friday. Visited the Academy of Arts and their casts, with the 
Museum. These are good imitations, it is said, and they appear to 
show talent. Their originals must be wonderful specimens of ancient 
sculpture and of the progress of the arts. The Museum is not worth 

The progress of this city is, as usual, beyond all calculation, — seven 
hundred buildings erected the last twelve months ; and Broadway, be- 
yond all dispute, is the best street for length, width, position, and build- 
ings in America. Foreigners say few in Europe exceed it. The people 
are rich, live well, and fashionable, by no means handsome, mostly of 
Dutch extraction. Their mode of business and their talents, by com- 
parison with other cities, in my opinion, suffer. They have not so much 
information so generally diffused as the New England States have, and 
their present paucity of characters to fill their offices shows it. Mr. 
De Witt Clinton 4 is the head of the ruling party in this State, and this 
is proof enough to any person open to conviction. 

1 Undoubtedly Rufus King, the celebrated Federalist leader. — Eds. 

2 Brother-in-law of Mr. Morris. — Eds. 

3 In 1809, at the age of fifty-seven, Mr. Morris married Anne Cary, daughter 
of Thomas Randolph, of Virginia. See Sparks's Life, vol. i. p. 494. — Eds. 

4 De Witt Clinton, who had been for a short time in the Senate with Mr. 
Mason, was now mayor of the city of New York. Eight years later the Feder- 
alists supported him as candidate for President against Mr. Madison. — Eds. 


Sunday. At Mrs. Avery's, opposite the Battery. Have been de- 
lighted with the display of vessels bound to sea as they bavi 
Buccession. Six ships have been near the Batter} at one and the 
time, not one hundred yards from the window. The} must all p 

review in order to tall down to the tiook. 

Dined on Friday with Mr. King; Judge Benson, 1 M . I. w, and 
Mr. Murray, etc., present We had here a great portion oi boci< ty, — 
less etiquette, of course. 

Monday. Dined with Mr. Mumford, 9 Mr. S. Jones, Jr., 1 and Mr. 
Ledyard present; and in the evening attended the play. Mr. Cooper 4 
played " Macbeth," a chef-d'oeuvre. His talents are real!) great in that 
line, but most miserably supported. 

Tuesday. Dined at Mr. F. Winthrop's, 6 a pleasant Bociety and much 
conviviality. The evening we passed at Mr. Abraham I with 

still more pleasure and less etiquette. Mrs. Ogd< a is a favorite in all 
countries; naturally amiable, and [with] great feminine beauty, un- 
affected. You here saw the mother at the head of the table, with >ix 
or eight children around; her heart literally overflowing with gratitude 
for these blessings at her period of life. A great deal of affection dis- 
played in this circle. It convinces me that bachelors and old maids are 
sorry kind of animals. It is the mother of Mrs. Ogden's husband, and 
the attention they all paid to her convinced me that she was deserving 
of it. 

Wednesday, Nor. 21. Dined with Mr. Rogers; 1 Mr, and Mrs. King, 
Mr. and Mrs. Trumbull, 8 Mrs. Robinson, and [a] number of gentlemen 
present; a very pleasant day. In the evening at the theatre; play, 

1 Egbert Benson (C. C. 1765), a leading Federalist. He was a Member of Con 
gross. Judge of the Supreme Court of New York, Chief Justice ot the U. S. Cir- 
cuit Court (created in 1801), and President of the New York Historical Society. 
He died in 1833.— Eds. 

2 Prohably Gurdon Saltonstall Mumford. Member of Congresfl from N> W 
York, 180.5-1811. — Eds. 

3 Samuel Jones (C. C. 1700), afterwards Chancellor of the State nf New York 
and Chief Justice of the Superior Court of the city of New York. He died in 
1853. — Eds. 

4 Thomas Apthorpe Cooper, an English actor who had considerable reputation 
as a tragedian at the beginning of this century. He ultimately settled in thin 
country. He died in 1840. See Clapp's Record of the Boston Stage, p. 61. — Eds 

5 Francis Bayard Winthrop, an elder brother of the Hon. Thomas Lindall 
Winthrop of Boston.— Eds. 

G Abraham Ogden (C. C. 1703), a merchant of New York, is probably the 
person referred to. — Eds. 

7 Mrs. Lamb, in her " History of New York " (vol. ii. p. 522 . Bpeakfl of "the 
distinguished merchant brothers Fitch. Henry, Moses, and Nehemiah R 
three of whom founded three great mercantile houses in New York."— Eds 

8 Probably John Trumbull, the painter, now residing in New York. II 
an intimate friend of Mr. Mason's. See Lis Autobiography, p. 246. — Eds. 



" Jane Shore," — Lord Hastings, Cooper ; Mrs. Melinoth, 1 Alicia ; and 
Mrs. Johnston, Jane Shore. I see not many handsome ladies in this 
city, most of them comely ; but the inhabitants generally cannot be said 
to be handsome. They live well and are hospitable. They are wealthy ; 
they feel conscious of all their advantages, and they rate them full 
high. There are a great many young men in the city, but not disposed 
to matrimony. 

Thursday, Nov. 22. Dined at Judge Benson's, and the evening at 
Mr. Oliver Kane's, with a brilliant party of ladies and gentlemen, and 
among them Mr. Thomas Morris 2 and lady. 

Friday, Nov. 23. Dined at Mr. King's ; and the evening, the play, 
" Hamlet." 

Saturday. At Governor [?] Crawford's ; Mr. and Mrs. Robinson. 
Pleased with him ; she is much too indifferent to have admirers, upon 
whom she has no claims save those of wealth. 

Sunday, 25th. Passed the evening with Mr. Mumford and his lady 

Monday, 26th. Dined with J. P. Livingston ; 3 prettily entertained. 
This day about eight hundred militia in uniform, in celebration of the 
evacuation of the city by the British troops. They made a soldier-like 
appearance, but I do not think equal to the volunteer companies of Bos- 
ton, but superior to our militia. They are made up of the draymen 
and the mechanics in general. They were reviewed by the mayor of 
the city. I am more and more convinced that we live as comfortably, 
as conveniently, as generously, and as sumptuously as our neighbors, 
and we manage our commercial and fiscal operations as well. 

I received a polite card from the Corporation to their public dinner 
on this day ; but being engaged with my family, I declined it. The 
weather has been uncommonly fine, as mild as August, and the roads 
as good as in that month. One day may reverse this scene and all our 
comforts in travelling ; but we set our faces against misfortune. Pur- 
chased a head of General Hamilton and sent it to Boston. Was fortu- 
nate enough to hear of the arrival of the " Pembroke " at New York, 
one hour previous to my departure. 

Tuesday Evening. Wrote to T. Perkins, mentioning the head of 
Hamilton which I had sent, and the arrival of the " Pembroke," and 
put it in the Brunswick post-office. 

Wednesday, 28th. Still finer clay ; rode this day forty miles to Tren- 
ton, through a pleasant, pretty country ; fine orchards and good wheat 
in many places. Anna left at Brown's, Woodbridge, a pair of gold 

1 A celebrated actress in her day. She died in New York in 1823. — Eds. 

2 Thomas Morris, Member of Congress from New York, 1801-1803. — Eds. 

3 John R. Livingston, a brother of Chancellor Livingston. — Eds. 


Thursday. The weather still continues ai good, and with 
rode into Philadelphia l>y three o'clock. Stopped at Bin. La* 
but could not be accommodated to my mind, and accordiugh rem 
to Mrs. Jones's, between Seventh and Eighth Streets. The country 
round astonishingly improving, and a very fine turnpike, finished for 
thirteen miles and intended for Trenton. 

Friday. Passed the evening ai G[eorge] Harrison's; called al the 
Museum with my daughters, and passed the daj generally in receiving 
visits and rambling [about] thecity. Received letter from Mr. Perkins, 
and one from Susan and Jonathan. 1 Wrote to Ann Barry and Mr. 


Monday. Visited the Hospital and Philosophy Ball, [nvited to 
tea by R. Peters- and lady, but engaged iodine by T. Willing 1 and 


Tuesday. Passed the evening at Mr. Dallas's, 4 a Kent, bo called. 
Mrs. Cadwallader, Miss Biddle, and Miss Bird, with a Mr. .Miller, sane 
glees and catches and trios to admiration. 

Wednesday. Dined with Mr. Dallas, and passed the evening at 


The increase of this city is still astonishing. I am persuaded, though 
the citizens deny it, that they do not trade .so much or BO \\ .11 as New 
York, and that their commercial capital is lessening; yet having been 

in the habit of building for several years past, the masons and carpen- 
ters and tradesmen from their past earnings are able ami obliged to 
employ their journeymen aud themselves in putting up houses for rent 
and sale. There is not a gentleman in the city that ha- built this year 
past, and yet whole squares have been covered during that time ; five 
hundred houses the last year. The circle and the beauty of ladi< 
New York bear no comparison with this city. I am repeatedly re- 
minded of this observation. The ladies here resemble their city; 
pretty, regular, and refined. Their beaux mu>t be imported, for at this 
moment they are only as one to five in numbers, and [as] ordinary as 
they are scarce. I can say nothing in behalf of the young men win. are 
growing up. Their scarcity gives them advantages which they do not 
improve. A stranger passing through does not hear of politic-. The 

1 Jonathan Mason, Mr. Mason's younger son, and a well-known an 1 much- 
respected citizen of Boston, died Feb. 21, 1884, in the eighty-ninth year of hi* 
age. — Eds. 

- Richard Peters, the first Judge of the U. S. District Court tor IYnns\ I 
He died in 1828. — Eds. 

3 Thomas Willing, a wealthy merchant of Philadelphia, and a prominent poli- 
tician. He died in 1821, aged eighty-nine. — Eds. 

4 Alexander James Dallas, afterwards Secretary of the Treasury, and father 
of George Mifflin Dallas, Vice-President of the United States and Biinil 
Great Britain. He died in 1817. — Eds. 


Federalists are beaten and out of date and conversation. There is a 
third party who are opposing Governor McKean, 1 and who will finally 
overthrow him. Next month the four Judges of the Supreme Court — 
men of respectability, integrity, and talent, gray in the service of their 
country — are to be tried upon an impeachment for having acted op- 
pressively in punishing a Republican for contempt of court. 2 This State 
[is] under the control of ignorance and Jacobinism. If it changes, it 
must be for the better, and perhaps it may be the first to let a little 

Visited the gunboats which are building. What they are and what 
they are for, nobody seems to know. They apologize for that evident 
enmity which the Southern people possess to a navy. Their day must 
be short; and -the growth of this country and its demands, in a very 
few years, will scout all such feeble puerile performances. A navy 
must grow out of our woods, and ride in our harbors, or our trade will 
not be protected and our country forever insulted. We are verging 
fast to that state of things when there must be a new mixture, and out 
of which will come new combination, perhaps energetic, stable, and with 
the properties of durability. 

Thursday. Dined with Mr. G. Harrison, and passed the evening 
very pleasantly at the assembly. Again reminded, by the presence of 
many lovely women, of their superiority, in beauty, affability, and manners, 
to those of New York. A man would suppose that where so much 
worth was so visible, there would be more matrimony, but the reverse is 
true ; and among many, one cause is the dress and extravagant ideas of 
the ladies themselves. The generality of young men of our country 
are not able to support the rank and grade which the ladies assume, 
particularly in dress ; and they are so easy of access, so naked in their 
charms, that they destroy and satiate desire where they would wish to 
enkindle it. 

Friday. Dined with Mr. Breck, 3 and passed the evening there. A 
very large set of ladies and gentlemen in the evening, with good music. 

Saturday. Dined with Mr. Richard Willing, and passed the evening 
at Mrs. Jackson's. The fine women of this city are, in the estimation 
of the young gentlemen, Miss Willcox, Miss Boardley, Miss Keene, 
Miss Stewart. There are innumerable pretty ones, but not all of them 
accomplished. To do common justice, there are many and more than 

1 Thomas McKean, a signer of the Declaration of Independence, Chief Justice 
of Pennsylvania, and Governor from 1799 to 1808 ; a warm supporter of Jefferson. 
He died in 1817, aged eighty-three. — Eds. 

2 They were tried before the Senate of Pennsylvania in January, 1805, and 
acquitted ; the prosecution failing to secure the requisite two-thirds vote. — Eds. 

3 Samuel Breck, formerly of Boston, who survived till 1862, when he died at 
the age of ninety-one. His Reminiscences, edited by Mr. H. E. Scudder, were 
published in 1877. — Eds. 

1883.] DIARY OF THE Hon. JONATHAN MA80N, 1', 

enough to make society happy and sought after, — many more than in 

any city in America. 

Sunday. Dined with Mr. Thomas Butler, and passed the evening 
with Mrs. Edwards and Bliss Clarkson ; prettily entertained al both th< e 

places. Their tea-parties abound with ladies and good urn ic, duets 

and trios, with young gentlemen and ladies. .Mr. Nicholas and .Mr. 

Miller two of the lines! Bingers I have for a long time heard, perhaps 

not equalled since the days of Captain Phillips. This evening also 

much gratified with the society of .Mis. I/ard. or the Widow Shippen, 

whose prophecy and dream that in the coura ' her life Bhe should 

have eighteen feet of husband has come to pa-, her third and pn 

husband making, with the two preceding ones, eighteen [feet] three 

Monday. Disappointed of all invitation (having refused Beveral) 
in expectation of attending a splendid party (dance) at the Marquis 
Casa Yrujo's, 1 to which we had been early invited. The ambassador 
himself waited upon us; but the lady (Miss Sally McKean thai was) 
expected the first compliment of [a] call from Mrs. Mason, to which I 
could not consent, — in my estimation it being etiquette false, foolish, 
and assumed. We accordingly gave up her party and attended the 

Tuesday. Dined with Mr. Paul Siemen, a bachelor, who gave a 
splendid entertainment to a party of ladies and gentlemen in compliment 

to Mrs. M . We passed the beginning [of J the evening with <>ur 

friend Harrison, and after supper went to a private dance given by tip- 
Miss Gratzes, three pretty and accomplished Jewesses. 

On Wednesday morning, in a snow-storm not troublesome, we left 
the city of Philadelphia, in company with Mr. Goldsborough ' ami his 
lady, Mr. and Mrs. Steel, and their two daughters. These two families, 
polite and agreeable, had been our companions at Mi--. Jones's from 
our first entrance to the city. We lodged together at Christiana, and on 
Thursday morning separated with great reluctance, — they tor the town 
of Cambridge, in Dorset [Dorchester] County, on the Chop tank River, 
on the Eastern Shore of Maryland, and we for Baltimore. They 
had uniformly been very assiduous and equally successful in pleas- 
ing me and mine; and their invitations to see them on our return 
were pressing and, I believe, sincere. 1 am at present much preju- 
diced in their favor, and have much desired to see them ami their 
Eastern Shore. 

1 The Marquis D'Yrujo, Spanish Minister to the United States, married a 
daughter of Governor McKean of Pennsylvania. Their son the Duke of v 
mayor became prime minister of Spain. — Eds. 

2 Charles W. Goldsborough was Member of Congress, 1806-1817, sad I 
ernor of Maryland, 1818-181°-. This may have been he. — Eds. 


We jogged on to Baltimore, cold but without accident. At Havre 
de Grace we feasted upon the canvas-back in perfection. We were 
agreeably surprised here by the arrival of our friend Mr. William 
Crafts 1 in the stage, with letters from our friends from Boston. They 
were all well. But there is no pleasure without its alloy ; he brought 
to us the afflicting intelligence of the death of Bishop Parker. 2 Alas, 
poor man ! his honors were yet green upon him ; elected to that honor 
only four months since, he has been summoned to another tribunal, 
leaving behind him a widow and thirteen children. He may be said 
literally to have left nothing of this world's goods behind him but his 
sermons and his cassock. He who feeds the ravens will be a father to 
this widow and her orphan children. 

On Friday we arrived at Baltimore without anything interesting in 
country, prospect, or occurrence worthy recording. The country to the 
very suburbs is the poorest I ever saw in my life, not habitable and not 
inhabited excepting by those who cannot live anywhere else. Supped 
with our friend Crafts, who has engaged to provide us lodgings at 

Friday. This evening still continues snowing, and induces us to ac- 
knowledge and repeat our great good fortune in arriving at this moment, 
when the roads have been so excellent. . . . 

Saturday. Extremely stormy and tempestuous the whole day, but 
on Sunday an entire change of weather. The morning opened with an 
unclouded sky and a bright sun, — cold and clear, promising better 
weather and the continuance of good roads. Dined this day with 
Luther Martin, Esq., 3 and passed an hour in the evening with my good 
friend Bishop Carroll. 4 

Monday. Paid to Bishop Carroll three hundred and fifty dollars, 
moneys received for him from the Rev. Mr. Chevreuse [Cheverus] at 
Boston. . . . 

Tuesday. Dined with Colonel Howard. 5 

Wednesday. Dined with Mr. Cook, and passed the evening with Mr. 

1 William Crafts (H. C. 1805), afterwards a distinguished member of the 
Charleston Bar. He died in 1826. — Eds. 

2 Dr. Samuel Parker, Rector of Trinity Church, Boston, and the second bishop 
of Massachusetts, died Dec. 6, 1804, having only been consecrated on the 14th of 
the previous September. — Eds. 

3 The celebrated lawyer and Democratic politician. He died in 1826. —Eds. 

4 Dr. John Carroll, the first Roman Catholic bishop in the United States, 
consecrated at Lulvvorth Castle in England in 1790. He died in 1815. For an 
account of Mr. Chevreuse, or Cheverus, afterwards a Cardinal, see Memorial 
History of Boston, vol. iii. p. 516. — Eds. 

5 Colonel John Eager Howard, a Revolutionary soldier and distinguished 
Federalist, had been in the Senate with Mr. Mason. He died in 1827. — Eds. 

lss:,.] DIARY OF THE HON. JONATHAN mason. 1 .", 

Thursday. Breakfasted with Colonel Rogers, 1 dined frith M 
[Robert] Gilmor, and passed the evening with Mrs, s. Smith. 1 

Friday, Dined with Mr. Thompson, aud by desire passed the ei 
there also. 

In the course of this week we have received the attention! ofal 
the whole city, and also marks of greal hospitality. This place ia 
growing in extent, in wealth, and in luxury. They live in Bplendor, 
though their houses from had management are cold and uncomfortable. 
Like to New Yorkers and the Philadelphians, [and] perhaps the B 
nians, they are well pleased with themselves, their city, and its prosj 
Nothing can be equal to it; and they suffer you, wiih great sang 

to tell them SO. They swallow (lattery as the) do their food, — with a 
good appetite. They are not so refined in their manners as the 1'hila 
delphians, more so than the New Yorkers. They have many handsome 
women, enough for any man of reflection to lament the scarcity of 
young men to match with them; it appears as though three fourths 
must be maids, and old ones. They appear to be of all nation-, kin- 
dred, and tongues. They are well-bred, hospitable, and social. Their 
city will be handsome, but their country round barren and unpleasant 
One side, however, which is filled and diversified with country-seats, is 
an exception. Hill and dale and prospect, and ground made fruitful 
by great expense, with woods, make this extremely piety. Colonel 
Rogers's situation, in particular, is beautiful, and great taste displayed 
both in the building and the grounds. . . . 

Very much like Boston, the city, as a city, lias not much to amuse a 
traveller. The library and assembly-room is [are] resorted to as clever 
in their kind. Unquestionably, however, their dispositions and their op- 
portunity to gratify their disposition will, in time, enlarge and ornament 
their city with public buildings that shall have Style, grandeur, and 
expense to recommend them. 

We left Baltimore on Saturday, the 22d of December, and as tine a 
day as could be chosen to travel in. We rode with great ease to An- 
napolis, thirty-three miles before sunset, much pleased with the pros- 
pect, which small hill and dale covered with firs and pines will most 
commonly produce. Now and then pleasant openings, and always 
road. We arrived at Caton's Tavern, and our first impressions were 
received from what we here experienced, — the remains of ancient 
prosperity. Baltimore has, by its trade and commercial ad van I 
totally destroyed this place; and nothing but the Beat of government 

1 Colonel Nicholas Rogers, die 1 in 1822. Hia beautiful estate near Bftltii 
referred to farther on, was purchased from his son Lloyd Nicholas R 
I860, for a public park, now known ;is Druid Hill Park. — Km*. 

- General Samuel Smith was United States Senator from Maryland fron 
to 1815. — Eds. 


and six or seven ancient independent families keep it from being wholly 
deserted. Such also was the tavern, — a large house, indicative of 
former times, large glass (all of them patched and broken), creaking 
windows, and broken-panelled doors ; innumerable servants, and yet 
no attendance, filthy and ragged. And such also was the general ap- 
pearance of every building in this place, • — no fences, decayed court- 
yards, hogs in their gardens, and universal finale. The place is upon 
the Chesapeake, beautifully situated, and in summer and spring the 
climate fine. They have a handsome State-House, costly, but not 
agreeable to rule or proportion. They have also a college, 1 dwindled 
into a bad grammar-school. I saw at their church [St. Anne's] on 
Sunday, a fine day, just twenty-two persons and a parson. 

On Sunday, 23d, we dined with Mr. Charles Carroll 2 and his family, 
consisting of Mr. Caton and lady and four daughters, Mr. Harper 3 and 
lady, a Mr. Lloyd, 4 Mr. Low, and the celebrated Miss Wheeler of 
Norfolk. We were received and entertained with great hospitality and 
splendor, and the day in every respect exceeded our expectations. Mrs. 
Caton and Mrs. Harper both treated us with the lady-like, polite de- 
portment, and we are equally indebted to Mr. Harper for his atten- 
tions. Miss Wheeler is accomplished and informed, mistress of two or 
three languages, musician, and with much acquirement ; but she is 
learned and stiff in her manner, and not so handsome as expectation 
had portrayed her. She is precise, and verging towards thirty. She is 
an accomplished girl, but not a lovely one. She courts your attentions ; 
and to please, you must admire, and say so. 

Sunday Evening. Snowed considerably, but not so bad as to prevent 
our leaving Annapolis on Monday morning and arriving late in the 
evening, through a tedious road and barren country, at Washington at 
the house of my old friend Mr. James Barry, where we were welcomed 
by Mr., Mrs., and Anna and Mary Barry. 

On Tuesday morning [Christmas day] I waited upon the President 
and Vice-President 5 to escape censure, and attended afterwards at the 
Catholic Church at Georgetown. We passed a week at this hospitable 
mansion, witnessing daily the most marked and flattering tokens of 

1 St. John's College. — Eds. 

2 Charles Carroll, of Carrollton, the last survivor of the signers of the Dec- 
laration of Independence. Three of his granddaughters, the daughters of the 
Mr. Richard Caton here mentioned, married English peers, — the Marquis Welles- 
ley, Lord Stafford, and the Duke of Leeds. — Eds. 

3 Robert Goodloe Harper (Coll. N. J. 1785), the distinguished Maryland lawyer 
and statesman, married a daughter of Mr. Carroll. He died in 1825. — Eds. 

4 The Lloyds have long been one of the wealthiest and most influential fami- 
lies on the Eastern Shore of Maryland. James Lloyd was United States Senator 
from 1797 to 1800, and Edward Lloyd from 1819 to 1826. — Eds. 

6 Jefferson was now President, and Aaron Burr Vice-President. — Eds. 


their hospitality an.l friendship. They were unremitted in their d< 
to prolong our .stay and to make ii agreeable* 

On Wednesday evening, January 2 | 1805 j. we passed the evening with 
Mrs. Peters, and once again realized her friendly professions. M . I' 

is really a line woman. AW- here also saw a sister of Ann Stewart's 
by the name of Ariadoe Stewart, — pas grand chose. January I, \ 
Year's day, a large fall of snow, and for three or four days after b 
treme cold as I ever felt it in Boston. EJvery river near and round this 
country was frozen sufficiently for carriages to pass and repass; and for 
three uights successively water has frozen in our rooms, though a fire 
has been in the same chamber. 

Thursday, Jan. 3. Crossed the ferry at Georgetown, taking with 
us my friend Ann Barry; and such was the extreme severity of the 
weather that we were obliged to lay by at Alexandria the succeeding 
day. Visited Mrs. Deblois's in the evening, agreeable to invitation, and 
politely received among the beaux and belles of Alexandria. We had 
intended to have visited Mount Vernon and Mr. Lewis's; hut so deep 
was the snow and ice that we concluded it would he best t.» proceed on, 
and accordingly, on Saturday, January •">. we parted with Ann with 
tears and regret, and made our first stage at Colchester. We lodged at 
Dumfries, a small village, but nothing worthy of remark. 

This day, Sunday, we have passed on, and are now at Fredericksburg 
in a dirty inn by the name of Estis, — at the Columbian Inn. The 
house is full of slaves, and nobody is served or attended to. Tin- conn- 
try hitherto gives no entertainment to the travel ; without soil, without 
houses, you see nothing but hills, barren, interspersed with pines, a few 
negro huts, and a solitary road through a country without fences and 
without cultivation. At Washington we obtained of Stewart [Stuart], 
the celebrated painter, a promise to paint two of my girls; and with 
the intercession of Joseph Russell and Dr. Eustis, 3 he finished the 
heads of Anna and Miriam, and flattered them with perfect liken. 
Washington City is as it has been ; it does not improve, and is filled 
with dissensions. It is hated as a rival by Georgetown and Alexandria, 
who with equal cordiality hate each other. Every mean, base passion is 
displayed in the conduct of these different parts of the same district to 
each other, in their government and their matters of police, insomuch it 
would puzzle wiser heads than Congress to legislate for them with wis- 
dom. It will end in secession or a legislature for Columbia. 1' 

1 William Eustis, at this time a Member of Congress, afterward" Secretary of 
War, and one of the few Democratic Governors of Massachusetts. H< 

while holding that office, in 1825. — Eds. 

2 These portraits are now in the possession, respectively, of Mr. (".rant and 
of Mrs. William Amory. From a memorandum in th<> diary it Appears that 
Mr. Mason paid two hundred dollars for the two. — Kns. 


Judge Chase was on the anvil. He made his appearance at the bar of 
the Senate without a chair or a table. He was obliged to ask for both ; 
he asked also for time until the first day of the next session, and they 
have assigned the 4th of February next to immolate him. Unfortunately 
for this man, his manner is arbitrary and ungracious; he always wanted 
the suaviter, and he has no friends but those who are friends to his 
cause. The man is not beloved ; and he will fall without tears, though 
not without remark. 1 

Monday, Jan. 7, 1805. After leaving Fredericksburg, situated as 
it is beautifully upon the Rappahannock, which you pass by means of 
a bridge from Falmouth, we proceeded early in the morning for the 
Bowling Green, and from thence, the remainder of the day, to T. Sutton's, 
in Caroline County, thirty-four miles through a fine country, — very fine 
roads, sandy, and without the hills between Dumfries and Fredericks- 
burg. We have scarcely ascended a hill to-day. The country very 
well cultivated, and many very large plantations. The holly and the 
pride of India very plenty, growing in the open air. On a plantation, a 
few days since, some of the negroes refused the orders of the overseer; 
and he shot one, wounded another, and a third drowned himself, — the 
blessed effects of slavery. 

Tuesday, Jan. 8. Proceeded on in the morning, and reached Richmond 
in the afternoon. "We searched in vain for three hours for a place to 
sit down in. Though four taverns in the town, they are all crowded and 
full, and we finally were obliged to put up in a private house for the 
night, and sleep on the floor. This was occasioned by the session of 
the legislature, and the meeting of the stockholders of the Virginia 
Bank, from all parts of Virginia. With nothing to do at home, they 
flock to Richmond in search of news and variety. 

Wednesday, Jan. 9. Were admitted by special favor into the Eagle 
Tavern, and in the evening were introduced to a public ball, given 
by the members of the Legislature to the ladies of Richmond, by his 
Excellency Governor Page 2 and his lady, having previously taken tea 
at Mrs. McKenzie's. 

Friday. Dined with Mr. Giliat, and were prettily entertained. On 
Thursday it rained excessively the whole day, and confined us to the 

Saturday. Dined with Mr. Gallego, and in the evening at Governor 

1 Samuel Chase of Maryland, Judge of the Supreme Court of the United 
States from 1796 till his death in 1811, had been impeached by the Democratic 
House of Representatives for alleged misconduct on the bench. His manners 
were especially complained of. He was acquitted ; a majority of the Senators, but 
not the requisite two-thirds, voting for conviction. — Eds. 

- John Page, Governor of Virginia, 1802-1805. He died in 1808, aged sixty- 
five. — Eds. 

1885.1 diakv OF THE 1 1< > N . JONATHAN M \ ON. L9 

Sunday i L3M. Dined with Mr. Giliat Saturday we pa ted over the 
basin of the canal to vi<\\ the water descending in torn ni •■\< r the falls 
of the river. This town is most beautifully situated, very much re- 
Bembling that of Boston, — much the fines! -it'- in Virginia. The v 
House is handsome, — a model, though imperfect, <>i tin- Temple of 
Minerva. They have a large building, ornamental and of stone, 
public warehouse for the reception <>f tobacco, a penitentiary <»t' still 
larger size, and a public armory. The canal i- the greal friend ai d 
promoter of this place. It brings by the falls all tin- produce of the 
upper country, and with little more expense will carry it by locks 
down to the heavy vessels at tide-water. Souk- of the society in Rich- 
mond is really good; the ladies well bred and will educated. There 
is much hospitality; hut in manners the gentlemen are far. very far, 
behind the ladies. From the use of coal and the tribes of negroes their 
labor is badly managed, and their city wears the appearance of tilth and 
dirt. Tin 4 coarse, affected Republican manners, which Bel :it defiance 
education and decency, seem to he overspreading the country. I> it 
prejudice, or are not the Northern States one hundred years in advance 
of tins country in convenience of living, in civility of manner, and in the 
art of passing life with happiness, equality, and affection ? Their hous< - 
in general are badly constructed for winter, and badly provided. You are 
oftentimes frozen in a warm climate, and every winter colder in Richmond 
than in Quebec. The slaves of this country are its curse; their nature, 
their manners, their disposition, and even their color operate upon BOciety 
wherever they abound. The citizens live in fear, and [to] avert theevil, 
to lessen the danger, and to thin their population, employs the time 
expense of the Government annually. Commerce is fast increasing, and 
the profits of their trade will soon show themselves in an extension of 
their city and in fine houses. .James River i^ a source of wealth, and 
requires only industry and the use of it to </w<- to every adventurer 
wealth. But their government is purely democratic; talent and eVen 
principle seem to have retired. Ignorance, prejudice, jealousy, and 
every envious passion are making their appearance in their bIow but 
sure operations, and the result is known only above. The poor Feder- 
alist is poor indeed; his voice is no more heard, and he lives only at the 
mercy of his enemies. Still power and influence i- in motion. The 
first Republicans are fast moving from their Beats to give place to those 
more violent, and will suffer perhaps more conspicuously than those now- 
deemed Federalists until government becomes anarchy, and anarchy 
from necessity becomes again a government. I think this State, in this 
revolutionary circle, is equally forward with any State in the Union. 

Monday, \4th. Dined with Colonel Gamble; Tuesday, 15th, with 
Mr. Wickham; 1 Wednesday. 16th, with William McKei 

1 John Wickham, a distinguished lawyer of Richmond, who afterward! 


Wednesday Morning. Visited the Armory, a large elegant brick build- 
ing for the manufacture of arms ; and it was in excellent order, — great 
specimen of skill and industry. It employs about one hundred men, 
who work by the musket, and is carried on by water from the canal. 
It is oftentimes astonishing to the traveller to see at once the aggregate 
of many years' invention and of different men, witnessed in this very 
manufactory, and also in a flour-mill, belonging to a Mr. Rutherford, 
which we also passed through and viewed. The wheat is received into 
a large funnel from the wagon, where it is weighed ; from thence, by 
water, it is carried backwards and forwards up to the garret and back 
again into all parts of the building, in every kind of shape, heated and 
cooled until it is completely changed into flour, and ready for the barrel, 
and it is there packed by the same power. Their Penitentiary is another 
very beautiful public building, planned by Mr. Latrobe ; and it is now 
full, with probability of increase. They have also handsome stone 
buildings, owned by the State, for the reception of tobacco. The peni- 
tentiary and its principle is [are] not popular, and I think [they] will 
be abolished in June. Their canal is profitable, and will finally be 
locked to the Rockets, so called, — the tide-water. 

Thursday, Jan. 17. Left this very hospitable town for Petersburg, 
and with a beautiful day, extremely mild, we arrived at Petersburg 
about six o'clock. Wretched roads, and through a miserable country. 
Petersburg is situated upon the Appomattox River, and pleasantly, 
though not equal to Richmond. The village is flourishing, though 
principally wood. It is checked in its growth, owing to its being under 
the control of a single individual by the name of Bowling, who owns 
the fee of the whole towm and as far on all sides as the eye can reach. 
Pie rents a vast number of houses and lots ; the remaining land upon 
ground rents. The trade is increasing, and they have a branch bank 
of the mother State bank at [of] Virginia. Very much indebted we 
were [at Richmond] to the families of Gallego, Scot, and Giliat, and 
Mr. McKenzie. They gave us their society the whole week, and filled 
us with good things at our departure. 

Friday, Jan. 18. Extreme bad weather, and Mrs. Mason being in- 
disposed we rested, and the next morning, it having cleared away and 
frozen the whole country by its severity, we began our motions, and 
lodged at the house of a Mr. Stark, a man who had seen much better 
days. Both he and his wife mingled with their present occupation 
much civility and dignity of manners, in no way restrained or distant, 
but familiar, properly so, and hospitable. We were comfortable and 
refreshed, and about nine on Sunday left it for the next stage, which 
was Ruffin's ; and without any disparagement to the last, I could say 

to the leadership of the Virginia Bar. Harvard College conferred upon him the 
degree of Doctor of Laws in 1825. He died in 1839. —Eds. 

1885.] di a kv of THE iion. Jonathan mason. 21 

that both man and wife were really well bred and elegant in their 
manners. We had every little rarity, mi.1i as pies, quinces, etc, and in 
half an hour left them, with Bineere regret that it was ool consistent 
with our plans to stay longer. We lodge this evening, Sunday, the 20th, 
at Drummond's ; a good house and a rich man, — one who has taken up 

this mode of life as appurtenant to Other views. He also owns the line 

of stages to Raleigh; he has one or two other plantations, and is a 

wealthy planter. He reminds me of Holmes at the Bowling Gi 
he wants his country travelled through, and he is ambitious of its 
name. From Petersburg here, nothing can be said in favor [of] the 
soil, the prospect, or the roads ; they are all execrable. 

Wednesday, 23<£ Now at Raleigh, one hundred and fifty miles distant 
from Petersburg; and for three days past experienced as cold weather 
as I ever did at l>oston. At Warrenton the water in every bowl and 
basin in the house, in rooms with large fires, froze solid during the night 
The oldest inhabitants never experienced a colder night. The roads as 
bad as possible, and their houses literally comfortless, from the slight 
manner they are built, and the scandalous inattention to their windows, 
which in every instance have more or less panes of glass out The 
country on the road affords nothing at which the traveller can either 
amuse or inform himself with. One continued wood of pines and 
oaks, with here and there a spot miserably cultivated, ami a few log 
houses of the very worst structure. They live miserably, and where 
you meet a collection of houses, say ten or twelve wretched hovels, you 
are sure to meet a gambling-tavern, and a parcel of idle vagabonds. 
Louisburg, 1 at Greenhill's, is a striking proof. Warrenton is an excep- 
tion ; though small, it is flourishing, and there; were many gentlemen 
who carried the marks of civility and politeness. 

The line between North Carolina and Virginia seems [to be] about 
two miles on the eastern side of Eaton's Ferry upon the Roanoke. 
Raleigh is a miserable place, nothing but a few wooden buildings and a 
brick Court House, built for the accommodation of the Government, 
who hold their sessions here. 

From Raleigh we proceeded in the morning, and rode thirty-nine 
miles to Mrs. Smith's, having passed a ferry at Cape Fear River, three 
miles before we reached Mrs. Smith's. This river, five days before we 
passed it, by the great rains ami snow had risen and fallen twenty-five 
feet in thirty-six hours. On our road through the woods we were put 
into spirits and delighted with the Bight of a flock of deer passing the 
road about one hundred yards in front of us. In general, no country in 
the world ever afforded so small an opportunity for information or 
amusement as this [does] from Richmond or Petersburg to this place, 
and I am told [it is] more ordinary >till until we arrive at Georgetown. 

1 In North Carolina. — Eds. 


Friday, 25th. We set out in a thunder-storm for Fayetteville, and 
rode for four hours in the most severe showers and heaviest thunder I 
ever heard at this season. . . . We reached Fayetteville by one o'clock. 
I was waited upon by Mr. W. Barry Grove 1 and his sister; his lady 
being nearly being confined. He invited us to dinner on the morrow, 
which was accepted. The less I say of Fayetteville the better. It is, 
however, rather superior to Raleigh. It is a small wooden settlement 
within three quarters of a mile of Cape Fear River, navigable for small 
boats ; and small boats will answer for the produce of this market. 

The only valuable thing I have seen in this [region] is the lightwood, 
which is the pitch pine after the turpentine has been extracted. They 
use it for the purpose of lighting their fires. It blazes instanter, like a 
candle, and until the wood is perfectly consumed. They burn all their 
wood in a green state ; and this is absolutely necessary, and at the same 
time completely answers the purpose. 

They marry astonishingly early, the females oftentimes at fourteen 
years. The landlady of the house I now occupy, Mrs. Pitman, told me 
herself that she married at twelve years and two months old. She had 
a child, which she showed me, before she was fourteen ; her husband 
died, and she was married to her present husband before fifteen. She 
is now in her twenty-fifth year, with a boy eleven years of age, and 
three other children. She looks like an old woman. 

We dined on Saturday with Mr. Grove ; was entertained with great 
hospitality and politeness, and was invited to dine this day (Sunday) with 
J[ohn] Hay, Esq., a celebrated lawyer, but the inclemency of the storm 
which still rages, from Friday last, prevented my acceptance of this 

Monday, Jan. 28. We left Fayetteville, and arrived on the 1st of 
February at Georgetown, 2 distant one hundred and thirty miles, through 
a country a dead flat, presenting without the least variety one uniform 
appearance of pine barren. Pine upon pine, saving only a straight 
solitary road as far as the eye can reach ; with miserable huts of houses 
and still more miserable owners scattered about one in ten or twelve 
miles. The astonishment excited is, how these shiftless beings pass 
through life. They are all surrounded with a set of negroes, naked, 
and more miserable and helpless than themselves, — rags that the mean- 
est beggar would not pick out of the streets they are clad in. They do 
not even regard modesty in either sex, and oftentimes you see them 
totally deprived of clothes. The weather was remarkable, equal to the 
April and May months in New England. The woods full of ever- 
greens ; and we had no occasion for muffs or outside clothes during the 

1 William Barry Grove, Member of Congress from North Carolina, from 1791 
to 1803. —Eds. 

2 In South Carolina. — Eds. 


five days of our journey. At Georgetown we in 
in Mr. Trapier's ground, and bo high aa to be Btuck with I i iup- 

port them ; also large myrtles. The difficulties of food are gr< it; we 
oftentimes had little or nothing to eat, and fortunate for us the w< 
was good, for we never Laid down to resl in any room where we could 
not Bee the .-Ivy through a thousand cracks; and in all cum-, the win- 
dow glass is broken almost rMiy pane. All this, howi ';11 of 
no consequence compared to some difficulties in the road, Buch as swamps, 
creeks, and lowlands, covered with water, and the road made bj rails 

and posts, and not half mad''. V\ 6 passed through Ashpole Swamp with 

the waters up to the belly of the horses lor an half of a mil.-, BO high 

that the pole bridges themselves were under the water. This Bwamp 
is situated about eight miles beyond Widow Rowland's, and two miles 
beyond the line of North Carolina. The most dangerous place was 
on the north side of the Great Pedee, where tor a mile we passed through 
a swamp, travelling through the water, which in many cases went to 
the backs of our horses, where they would frequently attempt to Bwim, 
and the water all the time flowing in the bottom of our carriage. In 
the midst of this difficulty we were called to encounter a bridge, one 
half of which was carried away. We were obliged to stop, take out 
horses, get out ourselves, and push the horses off of the bridge, and our 
servants upon planks push forward the carriage; then rctackle. and _■ t 
in upon planks, while the water was even with the carriage. [nde< d. 
the dangerous part of this terrible swamp cannot be imagined equal to 
its reality. I wonder myself how we possibly could finally succeed; 
but we passed, with the help of a guide, without injury either t<> our- 
selves or horses. Lyuch's Creek, situated live miles from Port's, was 
equally bad, though not so long; and the waters, happily for us, were 
so high that they made what they term a long ferry, -that is. the 
boat came over the creek and came up to the commencement of the 

Having no fodder for my horses in Georgetown, T determined to 
leave it, and in the morning set off immediately for ( harleston. In the 
moment of leaving the city, the Miss Hugers waited upon my family 
and invited them to pass the day ; but we were on the move and de- 
clined the invitation. Georgetown is prettily Bituated upon a river that 
goes to the ocean. It admits of brigs, .ships, etc., to tin- town. The 
seats around are pleasantly situated, particularly Mr. Trapier's. I 
passed through it hastily without delivering my letters, but not bo booh 
as to avoid my showing to my girls some beautiful myrtle ami oleander 
trees in the highest perfection and as large as the apple-tree. Orange- 
trees, also, with oranges upon them, but pinched in Borne degree by the 
excessive cold weather. 

At the distance of six miles from Georgetown we ware met by my 


friend Rutledge, 1 and by him, the same evening, carried to Madam 
Horry's, on the south side of South Santee, at Hampton. We passed 
the next day, the 3d, at this hospitable mansion. The weather ex- 
cessively cold, and freezing the water in all the basins and tumblers in 
the house. This situation is most delightfully variegated by the shape 
of the grounds and the fine live-oak trees in great abundance, size, and 
magnificence. It gives you the idea of the cultivated English taste ; 
the seat of wealth, splendor, and aristocracy. The rice fields on the 
side and in the rear form an extensive flat as far as the eye can reach, and 
everything you meet upon this plantation carries with it the appear- 
ance of a community. You see blacksmiths, wheelwrights, carpenters, 
masons, shoemakers, and everything made and manufactured within 
themselves. Of four or five hundred negroes, one fifth have trades and 
follow them. It is a perfect society, of which the owner is absolute 
lord and master ; and such are all the considerable plantations in this 
country, the incomes of many of whom are one hundred thousand 
dollars annually ; some are known to make upwards of three thousand 
barrels of rice. Within their houses you meet great hospitality, the 
polish of society, and every charm of social life ; an abundance of food, 
convenience and luxury. It is impossible but that human nature in 
such a situation, doing justice to those under him, must feel himself 
lord of this earth. The mills for cleaning, grinding the rice, and pack- 
ing of it, upon many of the plantations cost from fifteen to twenty thou- 
sand dollars, and are equal to the improvements of the ncur-mills in the 
Middle States. They have complete command of water to overflow and 
drain their fields at their leisure. 

February 4. We passed this day at a place seven miles lower down 
the Santee, called Eldorado, the seat of Mrs. Mott, the mother-in-law 
of Major Thomas Pinckney, 2 and at his request ; here we saw the same 
abundance, the same affluence, and a plantation equal in its size. In 
digging a ditch we saw one hundred and eighty negroes at work, men 
and women. They were well clothed, appeared healthy and happy ; 
and I am well convinced, where they are well treated, they live ten 
times happier than any of their color in their own country. Much 
depends upon the owner ; if they are miserly, parsimonious, or bad- 
tempered in grain, woe betide the slave ! 

We were extremely happy at both of these plantations, and certainly 
met with great hospitality and true politeness. We returned to Madam 

1 John Rutledge, son of Chief Justice Rutledge, and Member of Congress 
from South Carolina from 1797 to 1803. He died in 1819, aged fifty-three. — Eds. 

2 Thomas Pinckney, younger brother of Charles Cotes worth Pinckney, and, 
like him, educated in England. He was a Major in the Revolutionary Army, 
Governor of South Carolina in 1787-1789, and Member of Congress from 1799 
to 1801. He died in 1828, aged seventy-eight. — Eds. 


Horn's on the 5th, and on the 6th Bel oul for Charleston; the road un- 
commonly fine. We arrived at the ferry about dusk ; but bo bad was the 
weather that we could not finish our journey until the 7th, when n 
rived in Charleston about eleven o'clock, in g 1 health and g 

Saturday. Passed the evening with Mr. Ford. 1 

Sunday. With Bliss Ladsons. 

Monday^ Feb, 11. Wrote to Dr. Warren. 8 Passed the eveningwith 
Mr. Desaussure. 8 

Tuesday. With Mr. De8auSSUre at a picnic, BO called. 'lie 

tlemen of the town resort to the concert-room, where they dance, 

play cards, and sup. Their supper is made up of a collection from 

each other, to which they contribute by each one carrying a dish 
and a bottle of wine and loaf of bread. We passed a pleasant evening; 

but the institution has its inconveniences. It is uol guarded sufficiently 
against the admission of improper company; and oftentimes the Bupper 
presents a very curious collection, such as eight or ten turkeys, a major- 
ity of pies, or some very curious specimen of cookery, — there being no 
previous understanding among the concerns as to the <li-h«- carried. 

Wednesday. Rained nil day. Spent this day at the Supreme Court 
iu attending to a cause in which a Mr. [ngraham was concerned, for- 
merly a Bostonian. The talents of the bar were displayed upon this 
occasion, and Mr. [John Julius] Pringle, Mr. Desaussure, .Mr. K [eating 
Lewis] Simons, Mr. [Thomas] Parker, and Mr. J[ohn] Ward ac- 
quitted themselves with great reputation. 4 

Thursday. Visited a vessel at Geyer's Wharf, on hoard of which 
were about two hundred Africans, the remnant of a cargo arrived a few 
weeks since. They appeared healthy, unconcerned, and without intel- 
lect or sensibility. It wrung me to the soul to reflect upon the future 
destinies of the several individuals, and the poor miserable prospects 
they had presented to them. For what came they into life? They 
appeared totally insensible to the least regard or concern for each other, 
upon being sold and leaving the vessel. I saw no one that took the 
least notice of those he left behind. I saw many of them leave tin; 
vessel to return no more, and probably never see the face of one of their 
fellow-passengers ; this without the least emotion on either Bide. I Baw 
no difference (except in form) between them and an equal number of 

1 Timothy Ford (Coll. X. J. ITn'"!). a prominent member of the Char'. 
Bar and partner of Mr. Desaussure. He died in 1881. — lie-. 

- l)r. John Collins Warren, of Boston, son indaw of Mr. Mason. He 'lid in 
1856. — Eds. 

3 Henry William Desaussure, afterwards Chancellor of the State. He died in 
1839. — Eds. 

4 An interesting account of the Charleston Bar i- given by Mr. Charles Fraser 
in his Reminiscences of Charleston, pp. 69, 73. — Eds. 



Dined this day with Mr. Frederick Rutledge, 1 and passed the even- 
ing at a subscription concert, and ball afterwards. A handsome display 
of ninety and upwards of ladies, many of them [with] strong preten- 
sions to beauty, and all of them handsome in appearance and agree- 
able and refined in manners. The music excellent, and everything 
conducted with much propriety. 

Friday. Dined with Mr. Hugh Rutledge, 2 the Judge in Chancery ; 
and the evening passed with Mrs. and Miss McPherson, at a musical 

Saturday. Clear and cold ; frost, and no fire, which is bad ; and an 
open house, which is worse. The evening with Mr. Cripps and family ; 
an elegant ball and supper. 

Monday, 18th. Visited the Orphan House ; passed the evening at 
the play. 

Tuesday. Dined with Colonel Morris ; passed evening with Major 

Wednesday. Races ; and dined with Jockey Club. Evening at Mr. 
Desaussure's. Invited to pass the evening with Mr. and Mrs. Wragg ; 
also some Friday evening with Mr. and Mrs. Mitchell ; declined, pre- 

Thursday. General McPherson's, dined ; evening at the play. 

Friday. John Rutledge's, dined ; evening, race ball. . . . 

Saturday, 23d. Dined with General Pinckney. 3 Evening with Mrs. 
Middleton. 4 

Sunday. Invited to dine with T[homas] Pinckney, Jr.; refused, 
engaged. . . . 

Tuesday. Dined with Mr. Price, and evening at concert for relief 
of St. Domingo inhabitants. Waltz. 


Wednesday. Dined with Governor Hamilton. 5 In the day a review 
of General Read's brigade, and in the evening a ball at Mrs. McPher- 
son's. Invited to dine on Thursday next at Mr. Joseph Manigold's 
[Manigault], but engaged. 

Thursday, 28th. Dined with J[ohn] B[ee] Holmes, Esq. 

Friday, March 1. Communicated to my family the distressful tid- 
ings of the death of Mrs. Perkins's child, and the illness of my respected 
father-in-law. Here is the end of their society in this place. In pay- 
ment for past happiness they are now loaded with sorrow and affliction, 

1 Son of Chief Justice Rutledge and son-in-law of Madam Horry. — Eds. 

2 Brother of Chief Justice Rutledge. —Eds. 

3 Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, the celebrated Federalist. — Eds. 

4 Probably the widow of the Hon. Arthur Middleton, one of the signers of 
the Declaration of Independence, who was residing in Charleston a few years 
before this. — Eds. 

5 Paul Hamilton, Governor of South Carolina, 1804-1806, and Secretary of 
the Navy, 1809-1813. He died in 1816. — Eds. 

1886.] DIAKV OF THE Hon. JONATHAN MA80N. 27 

and are to put on the Bable garment of grief; and as though to be de- 
prived of a parent al this distance from bim, and in this uuexpi 
moment, were nol enough to till up their cup of wroe, tin j nixed 

and wounded, Borely wounded, with the tidings "f the death of the only 
beloved child of their aun! and her Bister Anna. Gracious God, th y 
ways are inscrutable and past finding out! How foolish, how th 
less, how insane, with Buch repeated admonitions, to be always d 
pared for Buch dispensations I 

March '2, Saturday. Invited to tea l»y Dr. and Mrs. Ramsay, 1 but 
declined. . . . 

March 4. Heard from home of the continuation of my father-in-law's 
illness, so as to exclude my family from all Bociety. . . . 

March 7. Thursday morning left Charleston in company with Gen- 
eral Pinckney to visit Savannah; reached that day the plantation of 
General Washington; 2 dined and passed the day with this hospitable 
man, universally beloved throughout this country for his many virtues, 
his useful qualities, and his great benevolence. II'- has served his coun- 
try during the last war, at the head of a regiment of horse, with great 
bravery and skill. lie treated ns with profusion and politeness, and 
with difficulty we left his house and hia entreaties the next morning to 
progress on our journey. We rode the next day (Friday) to Mr. Pi 
twenty-eight miles further; the succeeding day to Colonel Cuthbert's, 
at Portogallieo [Pocotaligo]. On Sunday evening at General Read's, 
and on Monday at two o'clock we arrived in Savannah. Tuesday, the 
12th. we passed in visiting the town, and dined with Mr. Thomas Gib- 
bons, 3 and in the society of a very respectable circle of Federalists. 

Savannah as a town is increasing, but it has no charms. It i- a 
wooden town on a sand-heap. In walking their streets you labor a> 
much as if you was wading through a snow-bank, with this difference 
only, — you must walk blindfolded, or youreyes will be put out. It re- 
sembles my ideas of the Arabian deserts in a hurricane. No lady walks 
the roads, and the inhabitants never with pleasure, excepting after a 
rain ; the least breeze of wind moves in clouds the Band through every 
street, in such abundance and so deep it is that no pavements can be 
laid either in the centre or sides of the streets. It U bad enough in 
cold weather, but the citizens exclaim against it in warm. The road to 
Savannah is extremely fine, though a great sameness throughout N I 

1 David Ramsay (Coll. N. J. 1765), a prominent physician, and author <>f a 

History of South Carolina and of several other work- which had a reputation in 
their day. He died in 1815. — Eds. 

2 William Augustus Washington, a kinsman of President Washii 

a distinguished cavalry officer during the Revolutionary War. He was made a 
Brigadier-General in 1798. lie died in 1810, aged fifty-eight —Eds 

8 Thomas Gibbons was appointed Judge of the l'. 8. District <''-urt for 
Georgia in 1801, but was probahly not at this time on the bench.— Eds. 


altogether pines, but oak, hickory, cypress, and birch, with other and 
various kinds that denote a good soil. The plantations of rice are upon 
all the rivers, and those of cotton at a small distance from the roads. 
They live entirely within themselves; many of them extremely well 
and hospitably. 

On Wednesday morning a Mr. Mein called upon me with a note from 
my friend Rutledge, took me in his curricle to his plantation about 
twelve miles upon the river ; and on Thursday morning, after enter- 
taining us liberally and very handsomely, took my friend Rutledge and 
myself in his barge over to Union Ferry on the Charleston side, where 
my horse and chaise was in waiting. Rutledge and myself immediately 
proceeded, and that evening arrived at Colonel Cuthbert's ; the next 
day we reached the plantation of Colonel Shirvin, and on Saturday, at 
noon, arrived in Charleston after a pleasant tour of ten days. 

The trees were most of them in blossom ; and the redbud tree and 
the yellow jasmine were in great abundance in all the woods, and in 
all their beauty and fragrance. Most of the bushes and shrubs were 
evergreens, and interspersed with the wild laurel, the wild orange, and 
the magnolia tree. One great inconvenience is the distance you are 
obliged to travel from plantation to plantation, there being few or no 
taverns of consequence. I rode thirty miles many times, and in one 
instance forty, without feeding my horse. Their produce, in good sea- 
sons, is uncommonly profitable, — as much, in cotton, as three hundred 
dollars to a hand, and nearly so in rice. They will make thirty 
per cent upon the real value of their farms in a single season. The 
ravages and devastation of the late hurricane are beyond description. 
As you pass the country, especially towards Savannah, you see whole 
sections of the forest blown down, without a single tree standing. They 
dread the hurricane and the caterpillar as they would death. 

While at Georgia I received a letter from Mr. Desaussure announc- 
ing that letters had been received at Charleston mentioning the death 
of my respected father[-in-law], who, by every account, seems to have left 
the world without regret, without a single pain, without the least appre- 
hension, and in full possession of his mind ; conscious of having done 
his duty to his fellow-creatures through a long life of seventy-eight 
years, he resigned it with the strong sense of his own rectitude, and the 
fullest assurance that he had nothing to fear, but everything to hope 
for from the mercy and justice of his Maker. His calmness, his phi- 
losophy, his judgment, and his conduct during his sickness and his last 
moments evince a strength of mind and a fortitude which exceeds any- 
thing he ever manifested in his health and strength. I have no doubt 
he will meet the reward of uniform unshaken honesty and uprightness, 
of great affection and fidelity to his wife and children, and the best 
dispositions towards man. 


Sunday. Dined with Madam Horry and Mr. Frederick Rutled 

Mondayi March 18, 1805. Dined al home with my family. . . . 

Thursday, Dined with Mr. Ford; Friday, with Mr. Gabriel Mani- 
gold [Manigault] ; and Saturday, with Mr. J. Rutledge. 

Sunday, March 24. The last day I ezpecl to pass in Charleston; 
dined with Mr. Desaussure. Received, March 23, an order in my be- 
half upon the bank al Philadelphia for one thousand dollars. 

Monday, March 25. Set off in company with Mr. and Mrs. I> 
sure to commence my journey to Boston by way of (he San tee (anal. 
AVe rode the first day about thirty miles, to M rs. Edwards's upon ( looper 
River, after sailing up to Clemen ts'a Ferry >i\ miles in a pleasant boat, 
where we met our carriages, which we had sent on by land, and which 
had crossed the Cooper to Clements's. 

Tuesday, 26lA. We spent the day in riding up the canal and viewing 
the different locks, single and double; and being also so fortunate 
see three or four loaded and as many empty boats pass up and down. 
In the evening we arrived at the head of the « 'anal at the house of a 
Mr. Arthopel, the head agent of the canal, placed there by the company. 
At present this canal is not productive, it having cost upwards of Bix 
hundred thousand dollars, and its income dors not exceed one thousand 
dollars per month. It is, however, a growing property, and in future 
days, with prosperous crops, it must appreciate in value. It now sells 
at a discount of fifty per cent. It is a very handsome work, and reflects 
great honor upon the enterprise of the country. It unites the Santee 
with the Cooper River, and the work with the locks is well exe 
and durable. The boats will carry at a trip one hundred bags of cotton, 
and are drawn at the rate of four miles per the hour by a couple of 
mules driven by a negro on its banks. The canal has seven locks in 
twenty-one miles, and is higher than the bed of either river, in Bome 
places fifty feet, and at the entrance ten in common times. It is sup- 
plied by springs and swamps, and one spring in particular, which we 
saw at a Mr. Maseek's, which was the finest fountain I ever Baw. It 
came from its bottom; it was perfectly clear, and never affected by the 
severest droughts. 

Wednesday the 27th. At the head of the canal we parted with our 
friends Mr. and Mrs. Desaussure; they for Charleston and we for Si 
burg. We crossed the Santee very easily about one o'clock, and arrived 
at Bimbo's Inn, a clean and good one, about three. We here dined 
plentifully, and are now thinking of our friends and the changes of a 
season. I am this moment diverted from my book by the Bight oi 
Mason giving bread to three tame domesticated deer, — animals p< 
of their kind, and some of the most beautiful in creation. Prom v 
Canal to Manchester, at Mr. Pitts's, where we dined. A very bad road i 
five miles swamp and causeway, and though not coven d with n 


much worse causeway than the Pedee Swamp. In freshets the water 
rises three and four feet over this whole causeway, so that it is de- 
nominated a long ferry. Changed my Henshaw horse for a horse 
belonging to Mr. Pitts, and gave him thirty-five dollars in addition. 
We lodged at Statesburg, a pretty town upon the high hills of San- 
tee, resembling very much the different situations in New England. 
Some very rich planters of cotton reside in this neighborhood, and 
the climate is delightful, without yellow or intermittent fevers. We 
were politely invited to a dance and tea-party of about twenty couples, 
but declined. 

Friday, March 29. Left Statesburg, and had rode but a little dis- 
tance before we perceived that my horse Nicholson was very sick, and 
swelled very much. Continued riding, presuming it would heal and 
relieve him ; but his swelling increased, and before we could reach a 
house he died in the road. As fine and as useful an animal as I ever 
saw or wished to own. This was occasioned by his overfeeding with 
corn the preceding night, and drinking a large quantity of water in the 
morning. Could we have drenched him with sassafras, or any other 
powerful medicine, we could have saved him ; but it was my misfortune 
to travel at this moment through a country badly settled, and where 
you must, and we did, ride thirty miles without seeing a house. Through 
the great importunity of our friends we had taken this road, contrary to 
our own inclinations, with the design of seeing the Santee Canal. We 
resisted until we were afraid of .giving offence, and finally accepted their 
offer with the assurance the road [was] equally near, and with better 
accommodations, all of which we found the reverse. The country 
generally through which you ride is bad and dreary, poverty -struck, 
uninhabited ; and where there are people they live worse than their 
cattle, excepting a few independent planters holding slaves, and who live 
far from the road. Thirty-five miles from Statesburg, after crossing the 
creek of Lynch so called, we arrived at a miserable hut owned by a Mr. 
Price ; he was eighty-five years of age, and had twenty-four children, 
the youngest eight years of age. He had had two wives, and eleven of 
his children were in the house with him. They had land in plenty, 
without the necessaries of life ; they were as dirty as the beasts, and 
had nothing to give us or anywhere to put us to make us comfortable. 
Their whole wardrobe was not worth one groat. It had one conve- 
nience ; they never washed or exchanged it until worn out. We had 
tea, sugar, and biscuit of our own, which gave us a dish of tea, and with 
our bed-linen and a bedstead we passed the night without undressing, 
and with the help of our great-coats. You could have but one passion 
excited for this family, and that was pity. Had we gone the other way, 
we must have deviated from our road to have passed a day at Madam 
Horry's, and another at Major Pinckney's, both which was insisted upon; 


so that we were impelled to embrace the offer of .Mr. I ). laussun 
visit tlif canal, when our first wishes were to take leave of our friend* 
at Charleston and make the best of our way home. . . . 

The road to Cheraw Bluff from Statesburg to Mrs. Wilson's \'-rv a I, 

though through country poor indeed, and without settlements. This day 
we have rode thirty miles without refreshing our hors< i. 

Saturday, Muni, 31. Lefl Greenville, the Dame of this long bluff, 
given in compliment to the late General Greene for bis militan services 
in this country, — and rode through a miserable country with a tolerable 
road, and finally arrived after dark to a miserable log bouse by the name 
of Wilkes. But one room, two bed- mil of vermin, and not a single 
thing of any kind to eat or drink ; si\ or seven children crying in tip- 
house, and two drunken Scotch neighbors, drinking, reeling, and suck- 
ing. Go further we could not ; and as W6 had lately, though badly, 
dined, wo concluded to c ] a^v our carriage as much as possible, and pass 
the night in it. The weather was fortunately Berene and mild. Th< re 
were six of us in the carriage, and sleep we could not ; the only hope 
was in daylight, that we could again move forward. After tic 96 
drunken fellows had talked themselves asleep upon the floor, my family, 
not being able to stay longer in the coachee, alighted and threw them- 
selves one and all upon a miserable bed in the same room, and sat with 
patience for an end of such unexpected sufferings. It was really a 
laughable sight to see persons seeking pleasure in such a hovel; giving 
up every comfort, flying from home, deserting their relations and friends, 
and travelling in a distant country for the purpose of finding this miser- 
able abode, and then to be confined and cooped with the refuse of crea- 
tion, drunk and beastly, deprived of the little understanding God 
to them. Fortunately for us the day at length appeared, ami we moved 
on to the house of Mrs. William Fall, five mile- nearer Payette. Tin 
disposition, the cleanliness, and the exertions of this Scotch woman in a 
house by herself, were all employed in furnishing to us a breakfast that 
was refreshing, and peculiarly so to us who had been deprived "t ft 91 
and exhausted for want of Bleep. From this place we proceeded for 
Fayette to the house of Mr. Shepard, where we dined, and considered 
ourselves once again in a country we were acquainted with. 

Tuesday, April 2. Mrs. Smith's, twenty-one miles. 

Thursday. Raleigh, Casco. 

Friday. Took the stage in order to ease my horses, and rode this day, 
though rainy, fifty-nine miles to AVarrenton. Was pleased with Mark 
Miatt's house; had a very good dinner provided, and the daught 
his house well-bred and civil. Before sunset reached our destined inn 
for the night; found that Johnston bad left it. and it was filled by a 
man and wife every way qualified to make it one of the best in the 




[Date.] [Miles 

22 Hightowers 13 

Louisburg 14 

23 Rogers' 19 

Raleigh 13 

24 Mark Miatt's 16 

Cape Fear 20 

Mrs. Smith 3 

25 Peyton's ........ 10 

28 Fayetteville 11 








Ferry, drawing C[oac]h . . 
Mrs. Rowland's ..... 
Ford's, at Little Pedee [S. C] 


Port's on Great Pedee . . . 
Lynch's Creek and Ferry . . 


Black River Ferry .... 



North Santee Ferry .... 
South Santee Ferry .... 






Mrs. Edwards's, [on] Cooper 


Mr. Antapee's, Head of Canal 

Mr. Bimbo's 

Statesburg . 


Lynch's Creek 


Long or Cheraw Bluff . . . 


Mrs. W. Fall's 

Fayetteville [N. C] . . . . 



] [Innkeeper.] 

Bad $1.00 

Greenhill's . Bad — exces. . . . 9.00 
Poor and proud. Four girls . . . 1.25 
By Hinton's Bridge. Tolerable . . 10.25 

Very poor, but civil . 1.00 

Ferry at Averysborough . . . .1.00 

Excellent .... 9.00 


Pitman . . Good for nothing . 35.00 
Baker's much better. 

Decent 10.25 

Martin's . . Not good .... 2.00 


Decent 9.00 

Bad 2.00 















Miserable .... 8.00 

do 5.50 

. 2.00 

Good 9.00 

. 1.25 

Bad. Joseph . . 20.00 



........ 1.25 




Lady's Plantation 
Company's Agent, 
Good .... 
Good .... 



Mrs. Smith 


Miserable . . . .1.00 
Miserable,— civil . 000 
Or Greenville. Good 8.00 
Most miserable . . 5.00 



Dr. Paige communicated two letters written by the late 
Rev. William Barry, D.D., describing life in Gottingen in 
1828. The following extract gives an account of his courses 
of study at the University : — 

"There are probably 1,500 students here and about 80 professors. 
Some students attend six lectures daily ; others, one or two. I attend 


half of the time, four; and half, three. One course of Natural History 
is by Professor Blumenbach. This is a verj aged man of eighty-four, 
and lie has lectured uninterruptedly now for fifty-three years. He baa 
always been distinguished, and is now well known in Europe, and is 
honored with knighthood. He speaks English pretty well, and is toler- 
ably familiar with our country. II.' is an exceedingly humorous man, 
and though so old he keeps the lecture-room in a continual roar. In- 
deed I have never seen a man who possessed bo fully the art of pre- 
senting abstract, remarks in an interesting and pleasant manner. Tic- 
principal anraciii.n of his lectures is his Cabinet, which he has been 
collecting during his whole life. It has been bought for the Univer- 
sity at 40,000 rix-dollars. It contains a wonderful variety of natural 
curiosities from every dime. 

"My second course is on the modern history of Europe by Profi 
Heeren, the most distinguished living historian in Germany. He pos- 
sesses great simplicity, which is his ruling trail of character, and is com- 
bined at the same time with true dignity. He is about Bixty-eighl 
years of age, and has lectured for forty years without any interrup- 
tion from ill health. He is also honored with knighthood. These two 
professors are the most eminent in Gottingen. 

"Then my third course is by a Professor Ewald, a young man of 
twenty-five, who lectures on the Psalms. He is a prodigy. He has 
obtained a very excellent knowledge of Hebrew, Arabic, and kindred 
Oriental languages, and will go to Paris next month to Btudy Chi- 
nese! He published a Hebrew Grammar about two years since, which 
has made him extensively known." 1 

Mr. Deane presented a paper for the Proceedings, and be- 
fore reading it made the following explanatory statement: 

1 It is interesting to read this allusion to Profe-sor Ewald, who wm then bo- 
ginning his remarkable career, and afterwards became one <>t" the most dis- 
tinguished philologists of his time. lb' was a prodigy <>f learning. The Hebrew 
Grammar which is here mentioned grew under his hands into an exhaustive 
treatise, comprising, in its eighth edition, more than nine hundred closely printed 
pages. His " History of the People of Israel," in seven volumes, has been trans- 
lated and is well known. Besides these he published commentaries <>n all the 
principal books of tlie old and New Testaments ; he earrie<l on a Biblical Review 
for twelve years almost alone ; he wrote innumerable articles for other periodi- 
cals; and he gave instruction in Persian, Ethiopic, Assyrian, Sanscrit, an i 
languages. In 1837 he was one of the famous seven Gottingen professors who 
protested against the overthrow of the Constitution of Hanover by the Icii 
which act he was dismissed from the University, though he was recalled in 1848 
In 1867 he was elected a representative to the German Parliament in Berlin ; and 
in 1874 lie was arrested ami sentence. 1 to three weeks' imprisonment because 
he could not tolerate the despotic policy of Bismark. He died in 1-7".. at t 
of seventy-two years. — Eds. 



[Date.] [Miles.] [Innkeeper.] 

22 Hightowers 13 Bad $1.00 

Louisburg 14 Greenhill's . Bad — exces. . . . 9.00 

23 Rogers' 19 Poor and proud. Four girls . . . 1.25 

Raleigh 13 By Hinton's Bridge. Tolerable . . 10.25 

24 Mark Miatt's 16 Very poor, but civil . 1.00 

Cape Fear 20 Ferry at Averysborough .... 1.00 

Mrs. Smith 3 Excellent .... 9.00 

25 Peyton's ........ 10 Bad. 

28 Fayetteville 11 Pitman . . Good for nothing . 35.00 

Baker's much better. 

29 Wise 16 Decent 10.25 

Lumberton 18 Martin's . . Not good .... 2.00 

Ferry, drawing C[oac]h . . 1.00 

Mrs. Rowland's . .... 13 Decent 9.00 

Ford's, at Little Pedee [S. C.J 17 Bad 2.00 

31 January. 

Phillips 17 Miserable .... 8.00 

Port's on Great Pedee ... 10 do. .... 5.50 

Lyneh's Creek and Ferry . . 5 . 2.00 

1 Gasquil's 15 Good 9.00 

Black River Ferry .... 7| 1.25 

Georgetown 13 Bad. Joseph . . 20.00 

Ferry 2.00 

North Santee Ferry .... 10 1.00 

South Santee Ferry .... 1 . . . . 1.25 

6 February. 

Jones 11 2.00 

Jones 17 2.00 

Ferry 15 24.00 

7 February. 

Charleston 3 \ 

25 Mrs. Edwards's, [on] Cooper ( 800.00 

[River] 30 Lady's Plantation ) 

26 Mr. Antapee's, Head of Canal 25 Company's Agent. 

27 Mr. Bimbo's 22 ..... Good 9.00 

Statesburg 37 Good 11.32 


Lyneh's Creek 30 Miserable . . . .1.00 

Price's 5 Miserable, — civil . 600 

Long or Cheraw Bluff ... 30 Mrs. Smith . Or Greenville. Good 8.00 

Wilkes's 40 Most miserable . . 5.00 

Mrs. W. Fall's 5 2.00 

Fayetteville [N. C] .... 25 Sheppard's 20.00 

Dr. Paige communicated two letters written by the late 
Rev. William Barry, D.D., describing life in Gottingen in 
1828. The following extract gives an account of his courses 
of study at the University : — 

" There are probably 1,500 students here and about 80 professors. 
Some students attend six lectures daily ; others, one or two. I attend 

1885.] LECTURES AT <;<"> ni\< ; i:n [JNIVEB8ITY. 

half of the time, four ; and half, three. One course of Natural II 
is by Professor Blumenbach. This is a verj aged man of eighty-four, 
and he lias lectured uninterrupted!) now for fifty-three years. He has 
always been distinguished, and is uow well known in Europe, and is 
honored with knighthood. He Bpeaks English pretty well, and is toler- 
ably familiar with our country. He is an exceedingly humorous man, 
and though so old he keeps the lecture-room in a continual roar. In- 
deed I have never seen a man who possessed bo fully the art of pre- 
senting abstract remarks in an interesting and pleasant manner. The 
principal attraction of his lectures i> his Cabinet, which be has been 
collecting during his whole life. It has been bought for the Univer- 
sity at 40,000 rix-dollars. It contains a wonderful variety of natural 
curiosities from every clime. 

"My second course is on the modern history of Europe by Prof< 
Ilecren, the most distinguished living historian in Germany. He pos- 
sesses great simplicity, which is his ruling trail of character, and is com- 
bined at the same time with true dignity. lie is about sixty-eight 
years of age, and has lectured for forty years without any interrup- 
tion from ill health. He is also honored with knighthood. These two 
professors are the most eminent in Gbttingen. 

"Then my third course is by a Professor Ewald, a young man of 
twenty-five, who lectures on the Psalms. He is a prodigy. II.' has 
obtained a very excellent knowledge of Hebrew, Arabic, and kindred 
Oriental languages, and will go to Paris next month to study Chi- 
nese! He published a Hebrew Grammar about two years since, which 
has made him extensively known." 1 

Mr. Deane presented a paper for the Proceedings, and lie- 
fore reading it made the following explanatory statement: 

1 It is interesting to read this allusion to Professor Ewald, who was then be- 
ginning his remarkable career, and afterwards became one of the most dis- 
tinguished philologists of his time. He was a prodigy of learning. The Hebrew 
Grammar which is here mentioned grew under his hands into an exhaustive 
treatise, comprising, in its eighth edition, more than nine hundred closely printed 
pages. His " History of the People of Israel," in seven volumes, has been trans- 
lated and is well known. Besides these he published commentaries on .ill the 
principal books of the Old and New Testaments ; he carried on a Biblical Review 
for twelve years almost alone ; he wrote innumerable articles for other periodi- 
cals; and he gave instruction in Persian, Ethiopic, Assyrian, Sanscrit, an 1 other 
languages. In 1*37 he was one of the famous Beven Gdttingen profess »rs who 
protested against the overthrow of the Constitution of Hanover by the kil 
which act he was dismissed from the University, though he was recalled in 1848 
In 1807 he was elected a representative to the German Parliament in Berlin : and 
in 1874 lie was arrested and sentenced to three weeks' imprisonment b 
he could not tolerate the despotic policy of Bismark. He died in 1876, at t: 
of seventy-two years. — Ens. 



Persons familiar with the accounts of the early voyages 
along the coast of Maine will remember that Captain George 
Waymouth, on his visit here in 1605, entered the river Pem- 
maquid, and kidnapped thence five of the natives, whom he 
carried to England. Their names, as given by James Rosier, 
who wrote an account of Waymouth's voyage, were Tahanedo, 
Amoret, Skicowaros, Maneddo, and Sassacomoit. 1 

Sir Ferdinanclo Gorges relates that Waymouth, after he had 
arrived in England on his return from this voyage, put into 
the harbor of Plymouth, where Sir Ferdinando commanded, and 
that he himself there seized upon three of these savages, whose 
names were Manida, Skettwarroes, and Tasquantum. 2 " They 
were all of one nation," he says, "but of several parts and 
several families. This accident," he continues, " must be ac- 
knowledged the means under God of putting on foot, and giv- 
ing life to all our plantations." Gorges kept these natives in 
his custody for some time, until they began to show signs of 
civility, and he could communicate intelligibly with them ; his 
purpose being to learn from them all he could concerning the 
country whence they came. " The longer I conversed with 
them," he sa} r s, "the better hope they gave me of those parts 
where they did inhabit, as proper for our uses, especially when 
I found what goodly rivers, stately islands, and safe harbors 
those parts abounded with, being the special marks I levelled 
at as the only want our nation met with in all their naviga- 
tions along that coast, and having kept them full three years, 
I made them able to set me down what great rivers ran up 
into the land, what men of note were seated on them, what 
power they were of, how allied, what enemies they had, and 
the like of which in his proper place." 

Gorges wrote his interesting and valuable narrative many 
years after the events which he here records took place ; and 

1 A True Relation of Captain George Waymouth, etc., in 3 Mass. Hist. Coll. 
vol. viii. p. 157. 

2 Waymouth sailed from Dartmouth the last of March, upon Easter day, and 
returning arrived on the coast of England the 16th of July, when he "made 
Scylly ; from whence," says Hosier, " hindered with calms and small winds, upon 
Thursday, the 18th July, about four o'clock afternoon, we came into Dartmouth, 
which haven ... we made our last and first harbor in England." (3 Mass. Hist. 
Coll. vol. viii. pp. 129, 155.) There is no mention here of putting into Plymouth, 
which harbor they passed by, and came to Dartmouth, " the first harbor in Eng- 
land." His visit to Plymouth with his five natives, of whom Gorges took three, 
must have taken place afterwards. 

1885. J INDIANS KIDNAPPED 7B0M maim:. .7 

it abounds with cnors, Bome of which may be typographical, 
some editorial. In saying that the name of one of th< 
natives was " Tasquantum," he eiTs. 1 Tasquantuni was not 
among the five whom Waymouth captured at Pemmaquid. 
Gorges's third Indian was named "Assacumel " (by Rosier 
Bpelled "Sassacomoit "). This is confirmed l>v various ac- 
counts, by Gorges himself in a later part of his narrative, and 
by the early manuscript here communicated for publication. 
Gorges also errs in saying thai he kept these men in custody 
"full three years." The inference from his narrative is thai 
the three years had expired before the sending away of Cap- 
tain Challong. Gorges kept them only from July, L605, until 

August, 1606, in which last month he .sent away two of them, 

Mannido and Assacomet, with Captain Challong, u in a ship 
furnished with men and all necessaries, provisions, conven- 
ient for the service," with instructions to proceed to the 

coast whence the natives had been taken.- The remaining 
Indian, Skettwarroes, Gorges despatched, the Last of .May, 
1G07, with the Popham colonists. 3 

The voyage of Challong, referred to, was unsuccessful. ( >w- 
ing to the illness of the captain, the vessel, instead of keeping 
the " northerly gage," according to instructions, made a .south- 
erly course, and on the 10th of November was captured by a 
Spanish fleet from the Havannah, and carried to Spain. " Their 
ship and goods," says Gorges, "were confiscate," the ship's 
company of twenty-nine Englishmen "made prisoners, the 
voyage overthrown, and both my natives lost." 4 

And here comes in the paper mentioned at the beginning of 
these remarks. It is a letter from Captain John Barlee to Le- 
vinus Moncke, one of the secretaries of the Earl of Salisbury, 
soliciting his aid in the liberation of the English prisoners 

1 See Gorges's Briefe Narration, original edition, p. ;), London, L658,or •". Masa 

Hist. Coll. vol. vi. p. 51. Gorges was familiar with the name of Tasquantum, as the 
native who hore that name was, at a later period, in his custody ; but hi- memory 
was at fault concerning him. He was one of those twenty-four captives taken 
from the neighhorhood of Plymouth by Hunt in I'd t. and carried away to Spain ; 
thence he found his way to England, to Newfoundland, and finally to Plymouth, 
where he long and faithfully served the colony. Bradford uniformly calls him 
" Squanto." See index to Ins History under that nana'; also Briefe Relation, 
London, 1622, or 2 Mass. Hist. Coll. vol. ix. pp. 7. B. 

2 See 3 Mass. Hist. Coll. vol. vi. pp. 61, -32; Purchas, vol. i. 1832. 

3 3 Mass. Hist. Coll. vol. vi. p. 64. 
* Ibid. p. 54. 


at Seville in Spain, and particularly for " the recovering of 
the two Savages, Manedo and Sasacomett, for that the adven- 
turers do hold them of great prize, and to be used to their 
great avail for many purposes," etc. 

Who Captain Barlee was, and why Gorges did not person- 
ally apply for the aid of the Government for the recovery of 
the prisoners, and what success attended this application in 
behalf of the adventurers, we have no means of knowing ; 
but Gorges informs us of the recovery of " Assacumet," one 
of the two savages who went with Challong, and whom he 
subsequently, in 1614, sent to the coast with Captain Hobson. 

State Papers, Dom. Jas : I. Vol. 28. 

Worthy k / j have in this inclosed 1 p r sented vnto you the 
names of all those that are prisoners in Spaine, the thinge that I wold 
most especially have entreated att yo\ hands (more then this paper will 
informe you) is this that you will commend to yo' care the recov r ing 
the two Salvages Manedo and Sasacomett, for that the adventurers do 
hold them of great prize, & to be vsed to ther great availe for many 
purposes, so beseeching yow to be as willing to furder y* as you were 
ready of jo r : owne accorde to looke into the buy sines (wherof I have 
no dowbte) & God will reward yo^- charitable devise & the p r soners 
shalbe ppetuaily bound to you who shall ^cure them this favour from 
my ho : good lo : of Salisbury : & for my selfe I rest ready to do you all 
office & thinke my selfe in my owne harte obliged vnto you as well for 
my pticuler freinds as for so noble & publique a service : & so I coin- 
end my respecte to you & you to Gods favour & remaine 

yo' freind as you wilbe-pleased to use. 
John Barlee 
This p r sent Wednesday in hast 
the xviij.!* of August 1607. <td 


[Endorsed] Capten Barlee 

names of prisoners 
at Sevill. 
To the Wor\ l M r Levinus 
Monke esquire, Secretary 
to my lo : of Salisbury 
att his howse or els wher. 

1 Unfortunately the enclosed list is wanting. 


Dr. Channing called attention to the " Ninth Report of the 
Royal Commission on Historical Manuscripts." It contains, 
among other things, abstracts and extracts from the manu- 
scripts now in the possession of a descendant of the 6rst 
Viscount Sackville. Many of them relate to American affairs, 
and are of considerable interest and value. These " Reports" 

have no tables of contents, and the indexes to them, while 

large, do not indicate with sufficient accuracy the letters and 
papers bearing on America. The " Blue Books,* 1 too, are 

taken by but few libraries in this country, and are very diffi- 
cult to use when obtainable. It is to be hoped, therefore, that 

either those portions of the %k Reports " which relate to Amer- 
ica will be reprinted, or that, at least, a table indicating the 
contents of the more important documents may be compiled 

and published. 

Dr. Everett desired to bring up the somewhat hackneyed 
subject of the motto of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. 
He asked if there was anything known of its origin beyond 

its having been written by Algernon Sidney in an album in 
Holland, and whether it could be traced beyond Sidney to 
any Latin poet, ancient or recent. It had occurred to him 
that it could not be classical, on account of a mistaken use of 
words in " Ense petit quietem," which are unquestionably 
intended to mean "seeks to obtain peace by the sword," but 
in a classical writer could only mean " attacks peace with the 
sword/' The following translation would give a double mean- 

ing of peto, — 

" The tyrants' foe, this hand 
Aims at calm peace in freedom with its brand," 

where the usage of the Latin poets could only give aims at a 
hostile sense. 

Dr. Everett also spoke of the spelling of the peculiar proper 
name Alablaster, which occurs in many documents of the sev- 
enteenth century, and is familiar to the readers of the "Life of 
John Winthrop." In this book and most modern histories it is 
chanced to Alabaster, to conform to the spelling of the name 
of the mineral. But the second / appears in the original works. 

— as, for instance, in Anthony a Wood's " Athens," passim, 

— and has been retained in Xuttalks "Fuller's Worthies," 
vol. iii. p. 185, in Sandford's * b Studies of the Great Rebellion," 
p. 229, and other careful works. Moreover, the mineral is not 


infrequently spelt with two f s, — as, for instance, in " Para- 
dise Lost," book iv. 1. 543, 1st and 2d editions; and Dr. 
Everett said that he had heard this in his boyhood mentioned 
as a very vulgar pronunciation of the mineral. It is so spoken 
of in Greville's " Diary." Yet there can be no doubt how the 
mineral should be spelt. Alabaster is a Greek word, used 
frequently for the mineral, but still oftener for an ointment- 
box made of it; and this sense — a small box for holding 
liquids — Dr. Everett thought was its real sense, originally, 
perhaps, an inkstand, from an Eastern word for ink. It un- 
doubtedly should have but one I. On the other hand, the 
proper name seems to be an alteration of Arblaster, that is, 
Arcubalistarius, "a cross-bow man," which still exists in Eng- 
land in the form Larbalestier, and will be remembered in the 
history of the Seminole war in the form Ambrister, which is of 
German origin, from Armbrust, the German for " cross-bow." 
It is very possible that the two words corrupted each other at 
the transition stage from Middle to Late English, Arblaster 
getting its first I from Alabaster, and the mineral its second I 
from the proper name. 

Mr. Haynes replied, that the Latin verse was inscribed by 
Sidney in an album in Denmark, some time in 1659 or 1660, 
but that there is a discrepancy in the original authorities as to 
the place where this album was kept. Thomas Hollis, in his 
edition of Sidney's works (p. 10, ed. 1772), quotes, from 
" Familiar Letters written by John late Earl of Rochester 
and other Persons of Honour and Quality," the following 
passage from a letter written to Sidney by his father, the 
Earl of Leicester: "It is said that the University of Co- 
penhagen brought their Album unto you, desiring you to 
write something therein ; and that you did scribere in albo 
these words, — 

' Maims hsec inimica tyrannis 
Ense petit placidam sub libertate quietem,' 

and put your name to it." But Lord Molesworth, in " An 
Account of Denmark as it was in 1692," published in Lon- 
don in 1694, tells the story at greater length, and states that 
the lines were written in the Album of the King's Library, 
and that they were afterwards torn out by Terlon, the French 
Ambassador (Preface, sub fin.'). 

1885.] VEBSES r.v CHIEF JU8TI0E BE WALL, 11 

As bearing upon the question of their authorship, it may be 
said that an anonymous correspondent of u Notes and Q 
ries" (3d Ber. vol. ix. p. 197, March 10, L866) states thai the 
first line is to be found in a patent granted by Camden (Cla- 
rencieux) in 1616, when Sidney was only five years old, bo that 
this one could not have been original with him. Mr. rlaynes 
was inclined to the opinion thai the other was his own com- 
position, and agreed with Dr. Everett as to its question- 
able Latinity in the sense in which it was intended to be 

Dr. Green made the following remarks: — 

At the last meeting of the Society, allusion was made to 
Chief Justice Sewall's custom of distributing books and tracts 

among* his friends. Whenever anything was primed that 
seemed to him to meet the public need, in a mora] point of 
view, he was sure to supply himself with a goodly number of 
copies, and bestow them as occasion required. The conversion 

of the Jews always lay near to his heart, and often directed 
the channels of his generosity. In his Diary, under the date 
of October 3, 1720, he speaks of giving away '-.Mr. Willard's 
Fountain open'd with the little print and verses." The incom- 
plete title here given refers to "THE Fountain Opened: <>K, 
| The Great Gospel Priviledge of having | CHRIST exhibited 
to Sinfull Men, | WHEREIN | Also is proved that there .shall 
be | a National Calling of the | JEWS | from Zech. XIII. 1. j 
By Samuel OTtllattJ, | Teacher of a Church in Boston, | Boston 
in Xeln-Cnrjlanti, | |Jrt'ntctj by 13. ©wen, and r i). illicit, | for Samuel 
Scfuall Junior. 1700." pages iv, 210, sm. octavo. 

The expression "little print and verses" used by Judge 
Sewall is somewhat obscure, but it is cleared up by an exam- 
ination of a copy of "The Fountain Opened' 1 now in the 
library of the Society. Bound in at the beginning of the 
book, opposite to the title, is a small folded sleet, of which 
the two inner pages contain the printed matter alluded to by 
the Judge. It is of a different kind of paper from the body 
of the volume, and is dated May 1_!. 1720, — twenty years 
after the publication of tin; book. Two of these verses appear 
in the Diary, in the entry of November 21, 1700, when Sewall 
writes that he composed them that evening, showing that 
they are his production. The fly-leaf of this Willard volume 



has been torn out; but from a stub still left, and bearing a few 
words in Sewall's well-known handwriting, it is evident that 
this particular copy once belonged to him, and by him was 
given to a friend. The two printed pages are as follows : — 

Upon Mr. Samuel Willard, his first 

coming into the Assembly, and Praying, 
after a long and dangerous Fit of 
Sickness; November 21. 1700. at 
3. in the Afternoon, being a Day of 
Mr. Pemberton's Text, Psal. 118. 27. 


S Joseph let his Brethren see 
Simeon both alive, and free: 
So JESUS brings forth Samuel, 
To tune our hearts to praise Him well. 

Thus He with beams of cheerful Light 
Corrects the darkness of our Night: 
His Grace assists us in this wise 
To seise and bind the Sacrifice. 

Distressing Fear caus'd us to Pray # 
God help'd us; He will help us aye. 
Let's then our Ebenezer raise, 
And honour GOD with endless Praise. 

[End of page 1.] 

N. The 106 127, & 166 Pages 

of this Book, do more especially treat 
of the Calling of the Jews. 

Revel. A ND he saith unto me, Write, 
19. 9. JT-SL Blessed are they who are 
called unto the Marriage- Supper of the 
LAMB. And he saith unto me, These 
are the true sayings of GOD. 

'Tis certain, CHRIST will speedily 
fetch home his beautiful, and belov'd, 
and long'd-for Rachel: 'Tis high time 

* October 8th, 1700. 

1855. J THE BALES! COURT OF 1692. i , 

for all Christiana to petition, and pray 
for it; lest it should be aaid to any of 
them, Wherefore are you the last to 
bring back the Queen '. 

Come I our II I M M A X [' E L, 
oonstantfy to keep House at Boston in 

Come! our JESUS! and save thy 
People from their Sins. 

Come! Lord JESUS ! 

Fifth-Day; May 12M, 1720. 

Dr. Moore referred to a letter of the apostle Eliot, recently 
brought to light by the Rev. Dr. Charles A. Briggs, and Boon to 
be published by him, which gives ;i description of New Eng- 
land in 1650. He then read a paper respecting the validity of 
the Salem court for the witch-trials in 1692, and traced from the 
beginning the contemporary opposition which led to the aban- 
donment of the court before its assigned work was completed, 
and the transfer of its business to a new tribunal authorized 
by the Legislature, which promptly checked the delusion. 
The design of the paper was to show that the whole constitu- 
tion and proceedings of the court first established hv the 
arbitrary will of the Governor were in violation of the fun- 
damental law of Massachusetts. The opinion of Hutchinson 
was quoted, showing that so well informed a man as he did 
not hesitate to say, in 1707, that " a little attention must force 
the conclusion that the whole was a scene of fraud and delu- 
sion." The writer regarded it as an attempt to break down 
the great principles of the common law of Massachusetts by 
introducing the "law and custom of England." 

Mr. Goodell spoke briefly in reply; and Dr. Everett said 
that the question of legality or illegality of Stoughton's courl is 
likely to be unsettled for some time, appeal being made to the 
very words of the charter by both parties. Bui it is not right 
to cloud this issue by impassioned attacks on the action of the 
court. Nobody wishes to maintain that its proceedings 
reasonable or humane ; but a court may be stupid and tyran- 
nical, yet perfectly legal. The constitution of the Court of 
King's Bench was just as legal when Sir Matthew Hale main- 



tained the reality of witchcraft, or when Jeffries perpetrated his 
atrocities, as when Sir John Holt dismissed charges of witch- 
craft and treated prisoners with fairness. Suppose that, when 
the representatives of the victims of 1692 had in vain appealed 
for redress, Governor Burnet or Governor Shute or Governor 
Belcher had called a special commission to hear their petitions 
and afford restitution ; we should now be treated to pane- 
gyrics on the righteous governor who nobly maintained the 
office of the King of England to render full and speedy justice 
to all his subjects. It is analogous to the celebrated letter 
quoted by Macaulay from Lord Sunderland to "Mr. Penne." 
The stanch defenders of William Penn deny that it can have 
been written to him, because it is addressed to some one who 
was engaged in a dishonorable transaction about the ransom of 
the Taunton girls; but if the letter had informed "Mr. Penne " 
that in consequence of his intercession, his Majesty had been 
graciously pleased to extend his free pardon to the poor girls, 
" Mr. Penne " would have been eagerly identified with William, 
in spite of spelling, style, and all other alleged difficulties. Sir 
William Phips either had or had not authority to constitute 
the court. But how the court, when constituted, exercised its 
jurisdiction is a second and wholly irrelevant question. 

John Eliofs Description of New England in 1650. 1 

In May, 1884, I was making researches for the present volume in 
the Hunterian Museum of the University of Glasgow, when my atten- 
tion was called by the curator, Professor John Young, M.D., to a 
number of uncatalogued books and pamphlets. Among the pamphlets 
he showed me a few manuscripts. Among these I found the letter of 
Eliot which is now for the first time given to the public. Professor Young 
kindly gave me permission to use it, and Mr. John Young, B.Sc, one of 

1 By the kindness of Professor Charles A. Briggs, D.D., of Union Theological 
Seminary, New York, we are permitted to reprint this valuable letter, which 
was discovered by him and is included in the Appendix to his work entitled 
"American Presbyterianism : Its Origin and Early History." It is contempo- 
raneous with and supplementary to Samuel Maverick's account of New England 
in ]660, which was published in the last volume of Proceedings (pp. 231-249), 
and contains information respecting ministers and magistrates which is wanting 
there. Great pains have been taken to give this letter exactly according to 
the original ; and Dr. Briggs writes : " It has been thrice compared ; and the last 
revision was made from slip proof, which was compared with the manuscript in 
Glasgow." — Eds. 


the assistant librarians, carefully copied il for me. The letter ia without 
date, signature, or address. It seems to have been copied from an <M-i- 
ginal, which has thus far escaped the attention of explorers, it' ind< 
is now in existence. A cursory examination disclosed its value, I 
its authorship. A careful examination b) the principles of the Higher 
Criticism discloses its author and date. The value of the letter is very 
great, not only for the general Burvey of New England at the time, hut 
for the fresh information it gives with reference to certain towns, 
churches, and ministers, which were wrapt in uncertainty and obscurity 
as to their origin and actual condition at the time when this letter was 

written, in the Bpring of 1 650. 

The date of the letter may be approximately fixed by the following 

evidences: (l) In speaking of Roxbury it sa_\s: "Where Master 
Dudly, now Governor liveth .Master Idiot is teacher, and Master Dan 
furth (by the good hand of the Lord upon us) is to be ordained pastor.* 1 
Governor John Winthrop died March 26, 1649, and was succeeded 

by John Endicott May 2, 1649, and lie by Thomas Dudley .May 22, 
1650. Samuel Danfurth was ordained S pt. 24, 1650. This givi 
the date within a few months. (2) In speaking of Cambridge it says: 
" Blessed Master Sheppard there pastor did lately dye, and they have 
not yet any other ordained, but Master Michel! is elected their pa-tor, 
and shortly to be ordained." Thomas Sheppard died A.Ug. 25, 1649, 
and Jonathan Mitchell was ordained Au_r. 21, 1650. This narrows 
the (late to an interval of less than three month-. (3) In speaking <>|' 
Boston, it represents that " the ministers are Master Cotton teacher, and 
Master Wilson is pastor." It knows nothing of tie- Second Church of 
Boston, which was organized Juno .">. 1650. (1) Mr. Blinman 
pastor at Gloucester. Massachusetts, when the letter was written. Mr. 
Blinman was at Gloucester in September, 1 til'.', and at New London, 
Connecticut, in November, 1G50. (5) Mr. Whitefield was at Guilford, 
Connecticut, when the letter was written. Mr. Whitefield removed to 
England in 1 650. (6) Speaking of Weathersfield, Connecticut, it 
represents that the pastor, Master Smith, had lately died. -And they 
have called Mr. Russel an hopeful branch brought up in our coll s 
Mr. Smith died in 1648, and Mr. Russel waa installed in L650. 

From these evidences it is clear that the letter could not have been 
written earlier than May 22, 1650, or later than June 5, 1650. It seems 
most reasonable to place the date in the last week of May, 1650. 

There are several traces of the author: (1) The author n 
himself as sitting in his study al Roxbury. He was associated with Mr. 
Ilooke, of New Haven, in some general work i^\' the < hurch, and they 
were to u communicate counsells." He -peaks of Mr. Cotton and Mr. 
Wilson, of Boston, as more convenient for him to counsel with. The 
author was thus an eminent minister residing at Roxbury in 1649. He 


can be no other than John Eliot, the apostle of the Indians. And it is 
probable that he was to advise with others with reference to the work 
among the Indians under the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel 
in New England, just organized in England. (2) He says that " Master 
Danfurth (by the good hand of the Lord upon us) is to be ordained 
pastor " at Koxbury. Danforth cannot be the writer. He was a young 
man whom Eliot anxiously expected to relieve him, so that he could 
devote more time to labor among the Indians. He considered it as the 
good work of the Lord's hand that Danforth was soon to be ordained 
pastor. (3) The interest of the author in the Indians is clear from the 
following extracts : " Southwest from Dedham, seven miles is Natick, 
an Indian town, by the blessing of God now beginning," and " Martins 
Vineyard the island where Mr. Mahu is pastor and preacheth to the 
Indians which live in that island." (4) Speaking of Providence, he 
says : " Which town Mr. Williams first began, but there also they affect 
to have no minister, but is also a receptacel of many varietyes of opin- 
ions, Mr. Williams spending his life in trucking with the Indians." This 
is a fine piece of irony, on the part of the apostle to the Indians, with 
reference to the heresiarch Roger Williams. 

These evidences seem to show with sufficient plainness that John 
Eliot was the author of the letter. 

There are doubtless other facts mentioned in the letter which will 
serve to make the date still more definite. These we shall leave to the 
specialists in the History of New England. We also leave to such 
scholars the historical gain from the statements made in the letter. 

According to your desire heere is a breife topographicall description 
of the Seuerall Townes in new England with the names of our magis- 
trats and Ministers : 

The Massachusetts Bay is deepe and large, about : 13 : myles from the 
Southend to the northend, bespoted with many Hands, more than : 20. 
The channell at which all shipps (vsually ) enter is allmost at the South- 
end, and at the uery enterance is a little Towne begun lately : named 
Hull, where there is yet noe minister, within this Bay are many Townes, 
At the Southend is Hino;ham, where Master Itbbard is minister, Next 
Weymouth, where master Thatcher is minister. One the westside of 
this Bay are these Townes, Brantree to the Southermost, where master 
Thomson is pastor, master Flint teacher. Then Dorchester where 
mather is Teacher, and master wilson (the sonne of master wilson of 
Boston) is pastor. The next is Roxbury, where master dudly, now 
Gouernor. liueth, Master Elot is Teacher, and master Danfurth (by the 
good hand of the lord upon us) is to be ordained Pastor, In the bot- 
tome, or northend of this Bay is Boston our cheife hauen, where most 


shippa that conic to this country, ride at anchor, the n who 

Hue there are master Bellingham and master Hibbens, the miuisu 
Master Cotton Teacher, And master Wilson is Pastor. On tin- same 
northend of the Bay, On the other Bide a water as broad as the thamea 

at London. Is charlstowne, the next hauen-towne to Boston, and \' riui r 
betwixl these Townes, is the mosl frequent anchoring of Shipp . M 
Nowell magistrate liueth there, And master Symes is Pastor, Ms 
Allen Teacher, By cbarlsriuer west from Boston and charlstowne, aboul 
. S . or . -1 . myle is Cambridge, where is seated Haruard col ledge, master 
Dunster President, Blessed master Sheppard there pastor did lately dye, 
and they haue not yet any other ordained, but master Michel I is elected 
there Pastor, and shortly to be ordained a little bj the same riuer is 
watertowne where Master knowles is Pastor and Master Sharman 
Teacher; ten myles in land to the west and norwest from them lye . 2 ■ 
Townes on a riuer which runeth North and South, Concord the most 
northerly where Master Flint magistrate liueth, and master Bulkley is 
Pastor. By streame southward lyeth Sudbury When- Mr. Browne is 
Pastor, West from Sudbury. 16. myles lyeth nashaway, in land who 
want a Minister, And Southwest in land from Roxbury lyeth Dedham, 
where Mr Allen is Pastor, South west from Dedham, 7 . myles is Natick 
a Indian Towne, by the blessing of God now begining, And upon a more 
Southene lyne . 8 . myles from Dedham is begining anew Plantation, 
called faire-meade, North-ward from charlstowne, 7 myles in land lyeth 

Woobourne, where Mr Carter is Pastor. 

Againe north-northeast from charlstowne . 3 . myles lyeth Maiden, 
who yet haue not a minister, setled. And. 1 . myles further on the same 
poynt lyeth Reading, where Mr Hoph is Pastor, — Northeast from 
Charlstowne about . 7 . myles lyeth lynn. which is upon the Sea cost 
within the Bay, there the great Iron workes are, Mr Bridges Magistrate 
liueth there, and Arr Whiting is Pastor, Mr Cobbett Teacher. N . 
North-east from them . 4 . myles is Marblehead, a good fishing place, 
Mr Walton is Minister, A myle North from them layeth Sale, a uery 
Good harbour, Mr Endicot Deputy Gouernor liueth there, Mr Norice is 
Pastor, Six myles Northward from them lyeth Wenham, Mr Piske 
Pastor, Againe . G . myles Northeast from Sale, is a litlc fishing 
Towne called Manchester where they want a Minister, And there a 
poynt runeth out eastward into the sea called Cape-ann, neere to the 
head whereof is a fishing towne called Gloster, Mr Blinmar is Pastor, 
On the Northside of that head land cometh forth the broad mouth or 
mirimack, On which riuer are Sundry townes the mar runeth East and 
West, Next the mouth of that riuer lyeth [pswich. which is . 6 . myles 
North from Wenham, Mr Symons Magistrate there liueth, Mr Na- 
thaneel Rogers is Pastor, Mr Norton Teacher, . 3 .myles west of thi m 
lveth Rowly, Where Mr Ezekiell Rogers is Pastor, from Rowley weal 


ward : 14. myles layeth Andeuer where Mr Dane is Pastor, againe . 4 . 
myles Nor West from Rowley layeth newbery where Mr Parker is 
Pastor, and Mr Noyce Teacher, thence crossing the Broad mouth of 
Mirimacke which (as I Remember may be . 3 . times as broad as the 
thams at London) there lyeth Salsbury, Mr Wooster Pastor, about . 5 . 
or . 6 . myles up the northside the great riuer lyeth Hauerill (neere . 
ouer . against Andeuer) there Mr Ward is Pastor, about 7 myles from 
Salsbery Northward lyeth Hampton, where Mr Dalton and Mr Wheele- 
right are ministers, About . 4 or . 5 . myles futher north is Exeter 
where they want a minister, and that is at the head of Pascataway riuer, 
at the mouth whereof lyeth Douer where Mr Wiggen A magestrate 

liueth and Mr Mand is Pastor. Some more places to the north are 

Inhabited, but they belong not to the Massachusetts Jurisdiction, nor 
doe I know them, Soe as to be able to name them, And these are the 
people under the Massachusetts Gouerment north and South, On the 
South, Plimouth pattent Bordereth with us, And there first towne lyeth 
Southeast : 10 : myles from Hingham, called Situate lying on the Sea, 
Mr Cancy is Pastor, And . 4 . myles Southward lyeth Marshfield, Mr 
Bulkly is Pastor, 4 or . 5 . myles Southward layeth Duxbury, Mr Par- 
tridge Pastor, about . 7 . myles Southward, lyeth Plimouth, Mr Rayner 
Pastor, And the Gouernour Mr Bradford liueth, I name none other of 
there mngistrats Because I know not well where they Dwell, nor all 
there names ; From Plimouth Southeast or more easterly putteth forth 
a uery long poynt of land into the Sea, the head whereof is called Cape- 
cod, which with cape-ann make the great Bay of New England alongst 
that neeke of land are Seuerall Townes : Eastward . 27 . myles from 
Plimouth is Sandwich, Mr Leueredge is Pastor ; Eastward 14 . myles is 
Bastable, Mr Lothrop Pastor, Eastward . 4 . myles is Yarmouth Mr 
Miller Pastor, Eastward : 1 1 : myles Nauset is, Mr Mayo Pastor. On 
the Southside of this Necke of land ouer against Bastable or Sandwich, 
lyeth Martins Yinyard the Hand where Mr Mahu is Pastor, and 
Preacheth to the Indians which Hue in that Hand all that coast South- 
ward is full of Hands, the most northerly part whereof is called the Mar- 
raganset Bay, where westward from Martins Yinyard Some leauges 
layeth Road Hand where they haue . 2 . Townes but noe Church nor 
Minister, nor doe they desire any that I heare of; Ouer against the 
north end of that Hand a pritty faire riuer emptieth it selfe in the sea 
upon which riuer about : 20 : myles is Taunton, about : 30 : miles west 
from Plymouth and about as much South from Boston, there Mr. Streete 
is Teacher, and Mr Hooke was Pastor, but is remooued to new hauen, 
more Southerly. Some leagues westward of that riuer, another such 
like riuer emptieth it selfe, neere the mouth where of lyeth Prouidence, 
which Towne Mr Williams first began, but there also they affect to haue 
no minister, but is also A receptacle of many varietyes of opinions, Mr 


Williams spending his life in trucking with the Indians, About . I. 
myles by thai riuer is a town called Rehoboth, where Mr Newman is 
Pastor, And this layeth westward, From Taunton ouerland nboul :14: 
myles A great way Southward Upon thai coast, I can no I Baj how man? 
leagues (it may be 20) openeth the mouth of Pequol riuer, which is an 
Excellent harbour, and there Mr [ohn Winthrop. with others haue a 
towne begun, but ye! want a minister, A few myh 3 Southward opeueth 
the great month of Conecticot riuer, at the mouth where of is a fort, and 
a church gathered this yeere, and Mr Fitch is Pastor the riuer runeth 
Northwest and Southeast, ueere . 1" . myles up the riuer is a towne 
begun at a place called Mattabesett, but they haue noe minister: 12: 
myles higher is weathersfeild where Master Smith there Pastor lately 
dyed, And they haue called Mr Russell an hopeful! Branch brought up 
iu our Colledge (as Sundry others fornamed haue beene) 3 myles up 
the riuer is Hartford, where Mr Hooker latly dyed, And Mr Stone is 
Pastor, Vp a riuer 8 myles is a villedge where Mr Newton is Pastor; 
6. myles up the riueer lyeth Winsor, where .Mr Wareham i- Pastor, -" . 
myles up the riuer layeth Springfeild wh e -Mr Moxou i- Pastor, And 
this towne ouerland from the Bay layeth : 80 : or : 90 : myles Southwest, 
and is the roade way to all the townes upon this riuer, and lye more 
Southward, This is all that is yet Possess* I on that riuer, — Then along 
the South coast from the mouth of Conecticot . 1* . myles layeth (iil- 
ford where Mr Whitetield is Pastor, and Mr Higgenson Teacher, 
Southward the same coast : 7 : myles lyeth Totocot, where Mr Peirson 
is Pastor, Southward . 7 . myles lyeth Newhauen, where Mr Dauern- 
port is Pastor, and Mr Ilooke Teacher, and this towne ouerland from 
the Townes on Conecticot is betwixt :30: & : 10: myles, So that the 
sea coast lyeth not due South but inclineth to tin' west, Onward the 
same Southerly coast, 8 . myles lyeth Milford where Mr Prudden is 
Pastor, further more .4. myles layeth stradford where Mr Blackman is 
Pastor, futher : 8 : myles lyeth fairefeild where Mr lones is Pastor, 
further on the same Coast . 28 : myles lyeth Stamford where Mr Bishop 
is Pastor : 3 : myles Southward is a towne begining called Greenwich, 
westward :7: myles in land from Stanford is an other Towne begining, 
Not many leagues Southward is Hudsons riuer, where the Duch line. 
All along this coast betwixt them and the maine Bea stretcheth a uery 
long Hand, So called for the length, on which are seuerall townes which 
I know not; the Southend whereof tin- Dutch challeng, this Hand, is 
about :100: myles long; in the northerly end of this Hand lyeth East- 
hamton, Mr lames is minister. The next towne Southwest :20: myles 
lyeth South hamton, Mr Fordam, Minister. Southwest : 1" : myles 
lyeth Southhold Mr Yong Pastor, about .50: myles to the South-west- 
end : is Hempsted, where Mr Moore Preacheth ; a lit!-- neerer the duch 
liueth the lady Moody an anabaptist & ueere to that in the straight 


betwixt long Hand & the maine called Hellgate, neere which Place Ms 
Hutchinson liued and was slaine by the Indians. 

— Thus worthy Sr haue you according to your request, a breife De- 
scription of New England, So well As I could sitting iu my studdy, 
proiect it (neuer hauing seene manye Partyes of it) with the names of 
most of the townes, And Ministers therein, and by this you see at what 
a distance Mr Hooke at Newhauen and I at Roxbury Hue and cannot 
communicate counsells, but I haue wrot unto him and I doubt not but 
he will chuse Mr Cotton and Mr Wilson of Boston, to whom I am 
next neightbour, and we do weekely communicate counsells, You see 
also where Mr Wareham liueth, on Conecticot, But who euer would 
send any thing to any Towne in New England, the best way is to send 
it to Boston or Charlstowne for they are hauen Townes for all New 
England and Speedy meanes of conueyance to all places is there to bee 

Dr. Ellis presented a memoir of the late Nathaniel Thayer. 

'"=■ Best 






The ancestors of the Thayer family in Massachusetts came 
here with the earliest colonists from England. We find 
Thomas Tayer, his wife Margerey, and three sons, settled In 
Old Braintree about 1G30. lie was accompanied, or .soon fol- 
lowed, by his brother Richard. They came from Thornbury, 
Gloucestershire, England : the name is found on the old 
records of the place, but is now extinct there. The grand- 
children of the first Thomas inserted the letter h in tin- name, 
which the descendants have ever since adopted. 

Nathaniel Thayer was born in Boston, July 17, 1710. He 
married here Ruth, a sister of the Rev. Dr. Andrew Eliot, 
minister of the New North Church in Boston from 1742 till his 
death in 1778. He remained in the town during its occupancy 
by the British army in our Revolutionary War. The eldest 
child of these parents was the Rev. Ebenezer Thayer, born in 
Boston, July 1G, 1734 ; graduated at Harvard College in 17 53; 
and settled as the minister of Hampton, New Hampshire, from 
17G6 to his death in 1792. His wife, Martha Cotton, was a 
daughter of the Rev. John Cotton, of Newton, and a direct de- 
scendant of the minister of the First Church in Boston. These 
were the parents of the Rev. Nathaniel Thayer, D.D., who 
graduated at Harvard College in 1789, and was settled in the 
ministry at Lancaster, Massaehusetts, in 179;'), till his death 
in 1840. He married Sarah, a daughter of the Hon. Christo- 
pher Toppan, of Hampton. They were the parents of eight 
children; the seventh of which, Nathaniel, the subject of this 
memoir, was born in Lancaster, Sept. 11, 1808. 


The other children of the family who lived to maturity — 
with whom the subject of this memoir grew up, all being his 
elders, some of whom will be mentioned again — were : Mar- 
tha, who married John Marston, Esq., United States Consul 
at Palermo, Sicily; Mary Ann ; John Eliot ; and Christopher 
Toppan, for twenty-five years minister of the First Church in 
Beverly. These are all deceased. 

The tenure of office for a minister in Dr. Thayer's time was 
for life. If age or infirmity disabled him for duty, he was 
provided with a colleague. Dr. Thayer himself had sustained 
that relation for more than two years with his predecessor, 
who died at the age of eighty, after a service of forty-eight 
years. His early years of service were in frugal days of 
simple living, before the multiplication of appliances and lux- 
uries. His salary for his whole ministry of nearly half a 
century did not amount to half that number of thousands of 
dollars. A farm and a wood-lot, with some slight patrimony, 
assured him all the conditions of comfort and competency. 
Like all his ministerial brethren, he sent one son to college, 
and would doubtless have sent them all, had they desired it. 
Like most of his brethren, likewise, he found in the mother 
of his children one of those admirable women, fit not only to 
aid, but to prompt every wifely and maternal obligation in 
domestic and parental duty. Those ministers' wives, fully as 
much as their husbands, were the property, for all excellent 
service of interest and oversight, of their parishioners. In 
dignity and graces, in culture and accomplishments, and in 
all exemplary qualities for the home and for social relations, 
Mrs. Thayer was the crown of her husband and the revered 
and beloved guide of her children. 

It was in such a home and with such guardians that the 
subject of this Memoir was trained to manhood. That he 
was a healthful and a happy boy, of rural blood and fibre, 
acquainted with farm-work and fond of roaming in the 
woods, and a genial companion of those who were growing 
up around him, will appear when a later reference is made to 
his strong attachment to his native place and its people. In 
his youth the town had many citizens and families of comfort- 
able resources, intelligence, and culture, and in professional 
service. As a matter of course there was an academy, and 
teachers of the highest qualities, among whom it is enough to 


mention such afterwards distinguished men as Jared S] 
and George B. Emersou. Mr. Thayer enjoyed peculiar ad- 
vantages in his relations to his teachers, because of their 
special intimacy at the parsonage. Bach passing year brought 
to that centre of the best influences a succession of guests 
and visitors, from whose conversation and manners there was 
much to be learned by young listeners and observers. The 
intimates of Mr. Thayer all through his life were always im- 
pressed by the signs that though the tenor and occupations of 
his business activity drew him away from the pursuits of lit- 
erature and science, he was ever an intelligent and apprecia- 
tive companion of the foremost and most accomplished masters 
in those pursuits. His munificent patronage of literary and 
scientific men made him essentially a fellow of them. 

His brother John Eliot Thayer, five years his elder, had 
preceded him in going to Boston to enter upon a business 
life. The capital of both the brothers was integrity and 
capacity. To these, largely helped indeed by Bignally favor- 
able opportunities, judiciously improved, they were indebted 
for a wonderful success, such as is gained only by the few, 
while the many fail in full or in degree. When Nathaniel 
Thayer went to Boston, his main purpose first was to Becure a 
business training. This he found, first in a clerkship, and 
then in a partnership in mercantile firms. From the first he 
was choice and careful in forming his social relations, and in 
prudential and conscientious watchfulness of character. He 
attached himself to the ministry of the Rev. Henry Ware, Jr., 
minister of the Second Church. His name appears on its 
records as sharing in its works of religion and benevolence. 
His brother John having established himself successfully as a 
banker and broker, with the prospect of a steadily extending 
business, received him into partnership in 1834, under the firm 
of John E. Thayer & Brother. The connection continued 
till the death of the elder in 185 7. The acquisitions of the 
firm and the property which accrued to the survivor were 
lanre for the date and the then existing state of the business 
world. They were small, however, compared with those which 
afterwards, in the rapid development of the material inten 
of the country, were gathered by the younger brother. 

Mr. Thayer felt profoundly, and cheerfully recognized, the 
responsibility and obligations of wealth. While he determined 


to leave to his heirs the means of imitating his own generos- 
ity, instead of so distributing his property as to lead them to 
feel that he had relieved them of such duty, he preferred to 
give in his lifetime and enjoy the sight of his good works. 
Though his early years were of frugal surroundings, and his 
first mercantile occupations were little more than remunera- 
tive, his mature life was one of vast and sunny prosperity. 
He was generous always according to his means, and his gen- 
erosity kept even proportions with his accumulations. Some of 
its channels, by no means exhaustively, may now be traced. 

Mr. Thayer was elected a Fellow of the Corporation of 
Harvard College in 1868. This was a most exceptional honor 
to be conferred on one not a graduate ; for from the earliest 
times that the College had alumni, it had found among them 
those who could wisely and intelligently administer its inter- 
ests. The most conspicuous person who had, previously to 
Mr. Thayer, shared that exceptional honor, was the eminent 
mathematician Dr. Nathaniel Bowditch. There were reasons 
that warranted the election of Mr. Thayer. He had proved 
in many ways his interest in the College, its objects, officers, 
and students, all of whom had profited by his generosity in 
a variety of gifts. And as the funds of the College were 
rapidly increasing, it was the more needful that there should 
be among the Fellows, as there always had been, one or more 
skilled in finance and the management of trusts. Till he 
resigned his place in 1875, the institution had many occasions 
for valuing his services and offerings. True to his reveren- 
tial regard for his father and his father's profession, the pet 
objects of the son's sympathies were impoverished and dis- 
abled ministers. It was well understood by his intimates that 
if either of them knew a young man of promise otherwise 
unable to enter or complete his course in college, the means 
would be abundantly furnished. All through the remainder 
of his life this was a favorite direction of his benevolence, and 
the gifts were not stinted. Many young men were supported 
by him through their whole college course. He expected his 
sons, when in college, to follow his example in all considerate 

The most practically efficient of some of Mr. Thayer's de- 
vices for serving a class of students was that known as 
44 Thayer Commons," something of which sort was made neces- 


sary when, before the establishment of the capacious dii 
room in the Memorial Hall, the College, having aband 
its former provision, had left the Btudents to the mercies of 
outside boarding-houses. The following graphic Bketch of 
Mr. Thayer's device is furnished me by the Rev, Dr. A. P. 
Peabody, a friend greatly revered and loved by Mr. Thayer, 
and one of those who shared confidentially in the partition of 
his generosity : — 

(' IMBRIDGl , Api il 6, 1 
My dear Dr. Ellis, —The origin of the boarding club al Cam- 
bridge was on this wise. I was spending a week al Lancaster, and in 
driving with Mr. Thayer one day, I told him of the hardships which I 
had discovered in some eases to he endured by Btudents who ut id irtook 
to board themselves. He at once told me that if I could make any 
arrangement for cheap board at cost, hi would furnish the fund. There 
was a building, originally a railway-station, but then occupied in part by 
me for evening religious meetings,and in part by the ** queen-goody " of 
the College. The Corporation gave the buildingup to me. I made the 
queen-goody cook of the establishment, procured the requisite kitchen 
equipment and furniture, tables, scats, dishes, etc., costing in tip- whole 
more than a thousand dollars. We thus were able by crowding to 
accommodate some fifty or sixty students, while as many were excluded 
as could be admitted. The plan then was started of building in the 
rear of the rooms thus occupied, a dining-hall. For that a subscription 
paper was started, and a few hundred (less than a thousand) dollars sub- 
scribed. Mr. Thayer assumed the cost of building, which, with the requi- 
site furnishing and a large increase of kitchen plenishing, amounted to 
seven or eight thousand dollars. His expenditure in the whole must 
have been not less than seven thousand, and it was all that I asked \ : >v, 
and would have been twice or thrice as much, had I asked for it. As 
for the subscription, it was not started because he wanted that it Bbould 
be, but because Ingersoll Bowditch was interested in the plan, wanted 
to do something for it, £0t up the paper himself, and was the only sub- 
scriber to it whom I can recall, probably the only one who gave more 
than a pittance. 

Ever truly yours, 

A. P. Peabody. 

This "Thayer Commons" was, at its institution, and for the 
term of its continuance, one of the most useful and highly 
appreciated of all the general provisions made for the welfare 
and comfort of a large number of the student- of the College. 
It combined felicitously the principles of self-support and a 


generous subsidy for necessary deficiencies. Even its limita- 
tions were among its advantages. That twice as many ap- 
plied for admission as could be received into it assured to it a 
privileged character. The patronage and oversight which it 
enjoyed made its generous management a certainty. 

Through the kindness of President Eliot of Harvard Col- 
lege, the writer has been furnished with a copy, from the 
records of the Corporation, of the documents relating to that 
munificent donation to the College which bears the name of 
u Thayer Hall." The following items show the initiation and 
the completion of his design : — 

" July 31, 1869. Voted, That the President and Messrs. Thayer and 
Lowell be a committee to consider the expediency of erecting a new- 
dormitory, and procure plans and estimates if they see fit. 

"Sept. 25, 1869. The committee on the expediency of erecting a 
new dormitory presented a report recommending the immediate erec- 
tion of such a building. Whereupon it was Voted, To proceed forthwith 
to the erection of a new dormitory, according to the plans of Messrs. 
Ryder & Harris, and under their superintendence. 

" Voted, That the sum of the tenders of contract upon the said build- 
ing, and of the commissions chargeable upon the same, be limited to 

" Voted, That the committee appointed July 31, 1869, be empowered 
to fix the site of the new building, and carry the above votes into 

Boston, Jan. 10, 1870. 
To the President and Fellows of Harvard College : 

Gentlemen, — As stated in the report of the Committee upon a 
new Dormitory, dated Sept. 25, 1869, I agreed to pay the first fifty 
thousand dollars which might be called for. I now agree to pay the 
entire cost of the building, as the money may be wanted. 

My object in doing this is not simply to meet a great want of the 
College at this time, but also as a testimony of respect to the mem- 
ory of my much-loved and honored father, Nathaniel Thayer, D.D., 
who was a graduate of, and for some time an instructor in, the Col- 
lege ; and also to that of my brother John Eliot Thayer, who showed 
in various ways his interest in the College, and especially in estab- 
lishing the scholarships bearing his name. 

With much respect, yours truly, 

N. Thayer. 
Whereupon it was — 

Voted, That the munificent offer of Mr. Thayer be gratefully ac- 
cepted, and that the President make suitable acknowledgment thereof. 



Voted, Thai the new dormitory be Darned Thayer Hall. 

Voted, That the Building Committee be directed to place in th< 
tibule, or other suitable position, a table! with an inscription i 
of the memorial design contemplated by Mr. Thayer. 1 

Professor Asa Gray has furnished the writer with Borne of 
the particulars connected with another of Mr. N. Thayer's ben- 
efactions to the University, — namely, his provision of a fire- 
proof Herbarium, with furnishings and library, in connection 
with the Botanic Gardens. This was one among the many 
objects and direct ions of Mr. Thayer's generosity, in which, 
while starting with a will and expectation of co-operating with 
others in instituting or advancing some special design, he 
found himself led on, by circumstances of his own prompting, 
to do the whole, and even then to be ready to meet the inci- 
dental consequences in the developmen! of methods and ne- 
cessities. The solid and well-protected brick structure for 
the Herbarium cost about $12,000. It needed an elaborate 
system of eases and drawers; then an addition to its library; 
then the Garden itself drew on him for its restoration, in 
the amount of 85,000. Only his own private papers would 
show the whole cost of his offering to the collection and 
preservation of Flora. 

Under the name of the "Thayer Expedition," rightly so 
called, because it was prompted, and so far as private liberal- 
ity was engaged, was wholly sustained, at the charge of the 
subject of this Memoir, appreciative notice must here be taken 
of a most successful enterprise of world-wide interesl to scien- 
tists and naturalists. The expedition combined in equal por- 
tions the lofty and chivalrous enthusiasm of Professor Louis 
Agassiz, and the unstinted generosity of Mr. Thayer. And it 
may be added that Mr. Thayer himself acted under the double 
inspiration of his interest in science and his admiration and 
love for the c^reat naturalist. 

1 The tablet bears this simple inscription .' — 





AND or ni< BROTH1 B, 




Mr. Agassiz had procured in 1859, with large subsequent 
help from State grants, as well as from individuals, the found- 
ing of the Museum of Comparative Zoology, in connection with 
Harvard College. 

One of the fruits of the Thayer Expedition is a volume 
bearing the following title : u A Journey in Brazil, by Pro- 
fessor and Mrs. Louis Agassiz. Boston: Ticknor & Fields. 
1868." The contents of the book are mainly from the journal 
of Mrs. Agassiz. The dedication of the volume is — 

" To Mr. Nathaniel Thayer, the Friend who made it possible to give 
this Journey the character of a Scientific Expedition, The Present 
Volume is Gratefully inscribed." 

In simple and graceful sentences the Professor relates the 
circumstances which led to the expedition. In 1865 he had felt 
it necessary to seek relief from the strain and weariness of 
work, and recuperation of health by change and motion. His 
thoughts and longings turned to the study of the Fauna of 
Brazil, particularly as its enlightened and generous Emperor 
had previously expressed his sympathy with Agassiz, and had 
sent valuable collections to the Museum at Cambridge. But 
the distance of space, the expense of time, the lack of pecu- 
niary resources, and the necessity of providing for competent 
scientific assistants and companions to aid his single-handed 
efforts, were formidable obstacles in the way. The words of 
this earnest seeker must be quoted here : — 

" While I was brooding over these thoughts I chanced to meet Mr. 
Nathaniel Thayer, whom I have ever found a generous friend to sci- 
ence. The idea of appealing to him for a scheme of this magnitude had 
not, however, occurred to me ; but he introduced the subject, and after 
expressing his interest in my proposed journey, added, ' You wish, of 
course, to give it a scientific character; take six assistants with you, and 
I will be responsible for all their expenses, personal and scientific.' It 
was so simply said, and seemed to me so great a boon, that at first I 
hardly believed I had heard him rightly. In the end I had cause to see 
in how large and liberal a sense he proffered his support to the expedi- 
tion, which, as is usual in such cases, proved longer and more costly 
than was at first anticipated. Not only did he provide most liberally 
for assistants, but until the last specimen was stored in the Museum, 
he continued to advance whatever sums were needed, always desiring 
me to inform him should any additional expenses occur on closing up 


the affairs of the expedition. It seems to me thai the good arising from 
the knowledge of Buch facts justifies me in Bpeaking here of the ■ 
eroua deeds, accomplished so unostentatiously thai they might other- 
wise pass unnoticed." (Preface.) 

Mr. Thayer found his full return In every circumstance and 
event, every appreciative and helping agency which came in 
to advance the enterprise, and in its rich and auspicious re- 
sults. His pleasure began in realizing, as he parted with Pro- 
fessor Agassiz, the radiant and beaming delighl of the ■ 
naturalist, as he started to seek the improvemenl of Ids grand 
opportunity and the fruition of his high expectations. His 
trained scientific assistants were an artist, a conchologist, two 
geologists, an ornithologist, and a preparator. There were 
also six or more volunteers, with scientific tastes and other 
accomplishments, all of them catching the ardenl enthusiasm 
of their leader. Among these was Stephen Van Rensselaer, 
the eldest son of Mr. Thayer, whose career of promise and 
hopefulness closed in early manhood in 1871. 

The enormous collections of the expedition began to he re- 
ceived in Cambridge in 1866; and though the extensive spaces 
of the Museum for receiving and displaying them have been 
lengthening and broadening ever since, they are not yet all 
open and classified. The Professor made his first reporl 
before his return in 1867. 

In the Report of the Trustees of the Museum in January. 
1866, it is — 

" Ordered, That the grateful acknowledgments of this Board be of- 
fered by the President to Nathaniel Thayer. Esq., for his munifi- 
cent, kind, and well-considered arrangements, enabling Professor Louis 

Agassiz, in the way he most de-ire-, and, in the mosl efficient manner, 
to serve the interests of the Museum, and the cause of Bcience, during 
his present ahseuce in South America." 

Mr. Thayer's munificent generosity for the objects which so 
engaged the toil and zeal of Agassiz me! with much appre- 
ciative notice in Europe. The " Gesellschaft fur Erdkunde," 
a Geographical Society in Berlin,— one of the oldest, most 
honorable, of the European learned societies, and, like them 
all, exclusive. — an association gathering Buch members as 
Humboldt, Carl Ritter, Lepsius, Dr. Livingstone, ami the 
like, — elected Professor Agassizand Mr. Thayer to Honorary 


Membership. The diploma of the latter was accompanied by 
a letter to him as " a high-minded friend of science." 

It would not be consistent with a regard for the modesty and 
dignity which were so prominent in him to make an exposition 
or summary of his good and generous deeds. The list of our 
curiously classified institutions for every form of charity, be- 
nevolence, literary, scientific, and artistic culture, and all prac- 
tical good objects and ends, is well known to be a very long one, 
and the solicitors for them are by no means only annual in 
their calls. It would be difficult to find a single one of them 
that was initiated without a gift of thousands from Mr. 
Thayer, or aided by repeated contributions lavish and heartily 
bestowed on the instant call. The Massachusetts General 
Hospital and the Children's Hospital in Boston were large 
sharers in his generosity. The newspapers might have kept 
his name in type as answering to all appeals at home and 
from abroad. Indeed, the announcement of a liberal gift from 
him appeared in the papers which noted his decease. The 
private pensioners on his bounty, continued on his memoranda 
for years, were as sure of an annual return as if they had 
claims on an annuity. The genial and kindly tone and smile 
added a grace to his favors. 

Another direction in which Mr. Thayer exercised a large 
liberality deserves a special mention. On a change in the 
ministry of the Second Church, then standing on its old site 
in North Boston, he connected himself, as bis brother John had 
done, with the First Church, on its then site in Chauncey Place. 
The edifice there was fast becoming wholly unsuited to its 
purpose by the removal of its old households, the thinning of 
the congregation, and the conversion of the neighborhood into 
a crowded mart for business. It was necessary for the sur- 
vival and prosperous renewal of the Society that it should pre- 
pare for a great change of place, and for the erection of a fifth 
edifice in succession to its first wilderness temple, rude and 
homely in material and structure. So long as the rich and 
tasteful and solid edifice of the First Church at the corner of 
Berkeley and Marlborough Streets shall stand, it will be a 
monument of the zealous perseverance and of the munifi- 
cence of Mr. Thayer. His contributions exceeded the sum 
of $75,000, nearly a quarter of the whole cost, though much 
wealth is represented in the Society. He erected in the 


church ;i fine memorial window to his partner brother, and an 
appropriate memorial of bimself is about to be placed within 
the walls. 

To every object connected with the welfare and religious 
and humane works of his church, Mr. Thayer, though wholly 
lacking in all Limitations and motives of sectarian zeal, was 
promptly responsive. He was at times a committee of one, 
and an efficient one. Strongly attached to the simplicity 
and method of the Liberalized Congregational form of worship 
under which he had been trained, — that of hi- father and his 
home, — though he in no way opposed or objected to the 
adoption of a form of service by a book in the First Church, 
lie was hardly in sympathy with it. 

In his full health and vigor, .Mr. Thayer enjoyed the refined 
pleasures, the hospitalities, and social clubs of his city 
His business interests led him to frequenl and extensive jour- 
neys over the country, and he made the usual European 

Mr. Thayer will always he most pleasantly remembered in 
his associations with Lancaster by those who were privili 
to be his guests there. He was never weaned from the home 
of his youth, and it became more attractive and satisfying 
to him in his later years. The widow of Dr. Thayer spent 
the remainder of her life — which closed June 22, 1857, in 
the same year as that of her son, John Eliot — in the old 
parsonage. Mr. Thayer's mode of life here, as well as in 
the city, was characterized by an elegant ami graceful .sim- 
plicity. There was every provision and appliance for comfort 
and true enjoyment, with no trace of ostentation or parade. 
no elaborateness of equipage or Liveries, — no overdoing in 
anything. It always seemed to his guests that their host, 
in many things, was regarding them rather than him 
and could on his own part dispense with much that was 
around him were it not that they might enjoy themselves i" 
the fullest. 

The guests of Mr. Thayer in his country home could not 
fail to note the relations of intimacy and acquaintance in 
which he stood with the people of the town, and with all it- 
local interests, civil, social, domest ic, and religious. U eemed 
sometimes as if lie recognized and was acting under a sort of 
large and general responsibility entailed upon him by his 


father. Of all the residents of his own age, and in good part 
of their children, he knew the names, employments, and con- 
dition, and was on a footing of most cordial familiarity with 

He loved patriotism, and he would commemorate patriots 
in a way to promote that and other virtues. So his choice 
for his native town was for a free public library, with well- 
laden shelves, a reading-room, and all needful appliances. In 
this should be reared a pure white marble tablet, bearing in 
letters of gold the names of the honored dead, so that every 
youth coming for a book should have the memorial with its 
lesson always before him. " See what you can do about it" 
was his w r ord to his townsmen. The town treasury contrib- 
uted five thousand dollars to the object. Private subscrip- 
tions added six thousand more. The balance, being about 
two thirds of the whole cost, was defrayed by Mr. Thayer, 
who also funded a generous sum for its support. So too in 
the restoration, slating, and adornment of the substantial 
brick meeting-house built during his father's ministry, he 
added to his contribution to the work an endowment of ten 
thousand dollars for the parish. And in providing a new 
chapel his word was repeated, " See what you can do about 
it ; " adding, " While you are about it you had better have 
it done in the best manner." The balance lay with himself. 
He pursued the same course in the restoration, enlargement, 
and beautifying of the old burial-grounds, in one of which 
rest the remains of his parents. In his private beneficences, 
in a large variety of subjects and directions, he kept his own 
secrets. His stock farm for many uses of distribution repre- 
sented what his bank of deposit did in the city. It was by 
these methods of a wise and generous co-operating liberality 
that the most cordial and mutually respectful relations existed 
between Mr. Thayer and his townsmen. A very impressive 
manifestation of their tender regard for him was shown when, 
on the day of his funeral from his city church, — a day of 
storm, of snow and rain and sleet, and of discomforts in travel, 
— the porch and aisles were filled by unsummoned groups of 
those mourning friends. 

The last three years of Mr. Thayer's life, though free of 
any severity of pain and suffering, were attended by an en- 
feeblement of bodily vigor which occasionally impaired the 


full exercise of his mental powers. He was gentle and 
patient under the needful suspense of his business activity 
and in the Be elusion of his home. His release came on the 
seventh day of March, L883, at the age of seventy-four. 

Mr. Thayer married, June 10, L846, Cornelia, daughter of 
General Stephen Van Rensselaer, of Albany, New York. 
She, with two married daughters, and two married and two 
unmarried sons, survive him. He was interred in his lot in 
Mount Auburn Cemetery. 

In 1881 the members of the old Congregational Parish in 
Lancaster erected a brick chapel of the same style "t* archi- 
tecture as the meeting-house, to which it is attached. It bears 
the name of the Thayer Memorial Chapel, in grateful remem- 
brance of Dr. Thayer and his wife, with portraits of them, 
and a brass memorial tablet. Since the decease of Mr. Na- 
thaniel Thayer the parishioners have set up in it a memorial 
tablet to him of Caen stone. 



The Annual Meeting was held on Thursday, the 9th instant, 
at twelve o'clock, M. ; the Hon. Robert C. Winthrop in the 

The Recording Secretary's report of the previous meeting 
was read and accepted. 

Among the donations to the Library for the past month, the 
Librarian mentioned the gift of twenty-eight volumes from 
the children of the late Admiral Preble ; and two volumes 
of the " Narrative and Critical History of America," from 
Messrs. J. R. Osgood & Co., the publishers. It was voted 
that grateful acknowledgments be made for these acceptable 

The Corresponding Secretary announced that the Hon. 
J. L. M. Curry and Mr. Amos Perry had accepted their elec- 
tion as Corresponding Members. 

The President then said : — > 

"We have come once more, Gentlemen, to our Annual Meet- 
ing, — the ninety-fourth since the Society was founded. But, 
agreeably to our usage, we will proceed with the ordinary 
business of a monthly meeting, and leave the Annual Reports 
and the election of officers to come last. 

Before calling, however, for communications from others, 
I may mention several historical works which have reached 
me since our last meeting, and which are likely to attract 
some well-deserved attention. 

First, there is a new volume of Dr. Brinton's " Library of 
Aboriginal American Literature." It is the fifth volume of 
the series, and is entitled " The Lenape and their Legends; " 
with the complete text and symbols of the " Walam Olum, 
or Red Score of the Lenape," and with a new translation, 
and an inquiry into its authenticity. Dr. Brinton is a Pro- 
fessor of Ethnology and Archaeology at the Academy of 
Natural Sciences in Philadelphia, and he has recently deliv- 
ered a course of our Lowell Lectures. His new volume 


contains much of interesting and instructive matter about 
the Algonquin languages and tribes. 

A second work, of much greater general interest, is the 
" History of the Huguenot Emigration to America/ 1 in two 
volumes, by the Rev. Charles W. Baird, DA)., of New Fork. 

Dr. Charles Baird is a brother of Dr. Henry Baird, whose 

name is on our Corresponding Roll, and who has written an 
able and elaborate account of the Huguenots in Prance. The 
present work is full of interesting details of not a few of our 

American families whose ancestors came over on the Revoca- 
tion of the Edict of Nantes, and settled in S,.nth Carolina, 
New York, Massachusetts, and elsewhere. The' settlement at 
Oxford, in Massachusetts, is noticed quite at Length; and there 
is a print of the monument in memory of the settlers there, 
which was dedicated as lately as October last. 

A third and still more notable work is "The Narrative 
and Critical History of America," of which two noble volumes, 
the third and fourth, have appeared within a week or two 
past. I dare not attempt to speak of volumes so varied in 
contents and so rich in illustration. The third volume is 
especially remarkable, and contains papers of the highest 
value, and many of them of particular interest to New Eng- 
landers, from pens which give authority to all they write. 
Our own Society is represented most honorably in its chapters, 
and, above all, in the general direction of the work, as well as 
in important contributions to it, by our accomplished Corre- 
sponding Secretary, Mr. Winsor, whose " Memorial History 
of Boston " and now this "Narrative and Critical History of 
America" entitle him to the gratitude of all laborers in the 
historical field. 

Meantime we must not forget the fruits of labor still nearer 
home. Our Secretary and the Publishing Committee furnish 
us to-day with a new volume of Proceeding.-, bringing down 
our record to the last meeting but one, and furnishing fresh 
evidence of the devotion of our faithful Secretary, to whom 
and the Publishing Committee our thanks are most justly 

I must not omit to call your attention to an interesting 
Heliotype, handsomely framed, for which we are indebted to 
the Mayor of Charleston, S. C, who accompanied it with the 
following letter: — 


Charleston, S. C, March 26, 1885. 
To the Officers and Members of the 

Massachusetts Historical Society: — 

I have sent you by express a heliotype of the Great Seal of the 
Lords Proprietors of Carolina, and the fac-simile of their signatures, 

In my recent study of the Colonial period in connection with the 
Centennial of the City of Charleston, I found, after much search, these 
original autographs, and an impression of the seal, in the Public Record 
Office, London ; and they were of such interest to me that I have had 
a limited number of copies prepared, and would be pleased to have one 
preserved by the Historical Societies of the "Old Thirteen" States. 

In this spirit I deposit a copy with you, in the hope that my thought 
may prove acceptable ; and with my best wishes for your Society, I 
have the honor to remain 

Your very obedient servant, 

Wm. A. Courtenay. 

The thanks of the Society were unanimously voted to the 
Hon. Mr. Courtenay for his acceptable gift. 

The President presented for the Cabinet one of the medals 
which had been struck to commemorate the dedication of the 
Washington Monument, and then said that he would delay 
no longer in calling for communications from the Second 

Mr. R. C. Winthrop, Jr., made some remarks explanatory 
of what he had said at the February meeting concerning the 
refusal of Katharine Winthrop to marry Chief Justice Sewall. 

Mr. Hassam read portions from certain documents, lately 
discovered in England by Mr. Henry F. Waters, which throw 
light upon the parentage of John Harvard. Among them was 
an extract from the will of his mother, who married again, 
which was dated July 2, 1635, and had hitherto escaped the 
notice of all antiquaries. 

The business of the Annual Meeting was then taken up, 
and the following reports were presented : — - 

Report of the Council. 

The absence from home of Mr. Adams, Chairman of the 
Executive Committee of the Council, makes it the duty of the 
undersigned to present to the Society the Annual Report. The 


condition of the Society i> Buch as to be a matter of general 
congratulation. A Large amount of literary work has been 
done by the members, and eight thousand dollars of the mort- 
gage debt has been paid off, leaving only ten thousand dollars 
still due. Nor have the changes in our list of members been 
so numerous as they have been in some former years. We 
have lost three of our number by death: the Hon. Stephen 
Salisbury, President of the American Antiquarian Society, 
Admiral Treble, and Mr. John ( ). Phillips. Two have resigned ; 
and one of these, Mr. Ellis Ames, who for more than thirty 
years had been such a familiar figure at the Society's meetings, 
died within a few days after he had terminated his connection 
with us. From our roll of Corresponding Members we have 
also lost the venerable Dr. Blagden, who tor forty years was 
a Resident Member, and the Rev. William Barry, likewise a 
former Resident Member, and who, since his removal from 
Massachusetts, has done good service in the cause of historical 
research, as Secretary of the Chicago Historical Society. Three 
Resident Members have been elected during the year, — 
William G. Russell, Edward J. Lowell, and Edward Channing, 
— and there are now two vacancies. The Hon..). L. M.Curry, 
of Richmond, Virginia, and Mr. Amos Pern-, of Providence, 
Rhode Island, have been elected Corresponding Members. 

A new volume of Collections, being the ninth volume of the 
Fifth Series, and containing a selection from the Trumbull 
Papers, has been issued by a committee, of which Mr. Deane 
was chairman ; and a volume of Proceedings, being the first 
volume of a new series, will be distributed among the mem- 
bers at this meeting. An Index of the first twenty volumes 
of the Proceedings, the need of which has long been felt, is 
preparing, and will doubtless be printed during the ensuing 

The completion of the National Monument to Washington, 
so long building at the Capital, is especially interesting to us, 
from the fact that our President, who delivered the oration at 
the laying of the corner-stone, July 4, is 18. was, by invitation 
of Congress, the orator at the dedication of this giant structure, 
nearly thirty-seven years afterward, on the 22d of February, 
1885, — a most interesting and probably unprecedented occur- 
rence, which we and the entire Commonwealth may regard 
with just satisfaction and pride. The alarming illness from 


which Mr. Winthrop has but just recovered, and which de- 
prived the Society of his presence and assistance during many 
months, prevented his delivering the oration in person ; and it 
was read from his manuscript, by Mr. Long, one of the repre- 
sentatives in Congress from Massachusetts. 

Another very interesting anniversary to all American lovers 
of learning and literature took place in England, last June, in 
the Tercentennial Celebration of the founding of Emmanuel 
College, Cambridge, — the mother, through Harvard, of all 
American colleges, — and at which two of our members, Mr. 
Lowell, the United States Minister to Great Britain, and Mr. 
Norton, as a delegate from Harvard University, were present, 
and took part in the proceedings. 

The most important contribution to American history during 
the year has been Mr. Parkman's two volumes on Montcalm 
and Wolfe, the most valuable and interesting which has yet 
been published of his brilliant historical sketches on " France 
and England in North America." Besides this, our venerable 
associate Mr. Sibley has completed the third volume of the 
"Biographical Sketches of the Graduates of Harvard Univer- 
sity," and it is now passing through the press. Dr. Holmes has 
published a most appreciative Life of Emerson for the series of 
" American Men of Letters;" Dr. Green has printed a series 
of seven tracts on the History of Groton ; Mr. Lodge has 
edited the first volume of a new edition of the Works of 
Alexander Hamilton ; Mr. Morse has added a Life of John 
Adams to the series of " Lives of American Statesmen," of 
which he is editor ; the third and fourth volumes of the 
" Narrative and Critical History of America," edited by Mr. 
Winsor, are announced ; and Mr. Scudder has published a 
popular History of the United States. Mr. Whitmore and 
Mr. Appleton, as Record Commissioners of the City of Boston, 
have issued a new report containing the Records of the Bos- 
ton Selectmen from 1701 to 1715; and a Commission appointed 
by the Governor under a resolve of the Legislature, three of 
whom — Dr. Green, Mr. Winsor, and Mr. Upham — were 
members of this Society, has made a very interesting report 
upon the condition of the Records, Files, Papers, and Docu- 
ments in the Secretary's Department. Besides these labors in 
our special field, Dr. Peabody has published a volume of Bac- 
calaureate Sermons and translations of Cicero de Senectute 


and de Amicitia; and Professor Park, a volume of Sermons. 
Nor ought we to omit among the labors of the year the two 

courses of lectures before the Lowell Institute, by Mr. Ropes 
and General Walker; or the lectures on the u Old North End," 

delivered in Boston by Mr. IN titer. 

The past year, however, will he most memorable t<> the 
Society, because it closes the official labors of the distinguished 
gentleman who for thirty years has presided over its meetings 
and guided its proceedings. This is not the time -may that 
time be still far distant ! — to speak adequately of his eminent 
services in this honorable position; but it would be affectation 
in the Council to omit all reference to what is remembered with 
deep regret by everybody present to-day, — that this will be 
the last time that he will occupy, as President, the chair which 
he has filled with such ability, dignity, courtesy, and patience. 
The thirty years which have elapsed since his first election 
form a most momentous period in the history of our country 
and of the world ; crowded with more great events than any 
age since that French Revolution in the midst of which the 
Society was organized. The remarkable growth in the pros- 
perity and usefulness of the Society since that memorable 
annual meeting in 1855 when Mr. Winthrop succeeded to the 
place so long filled by the venerable historian and antiquary 
Mr. Savage, maybe seen by examining the volume of Proceed- 
ings which begins with it, and was the first one ever printed 
by us, and comparing our resources and condition to-day with 
what they were then; and it is the universal testimony, in 
public and private, of those who have held office during this 
time, and have the means of knowing, that this growth is in a 
great degree due to the devoted attention of the President to 
the administration of the Society's affairs, and to his untiring 
efforts in every way to further its interests. While feeling most 
deeply the loss which his retirement inflicts upon us. we can 
be thankful to the gracious Providence which has spared him, 
through the dangers of the past winter, to watch that pros- 
perity of which he has been to so great an extent the creator, 
to receive constant proofs of our gratitude, and to still aid us 
by his advice and suggestions. 

C. II. Hill, /or the Council. 


Report of the Librarian. 

During the year there have been added to the Library : — 

Books . 906 

Pamphlets 5,777 

Unbound volumes of newspapers 20 

Bound volumes of newspapers ...... 6 

Broadsides . 26 

Maps 25 

Volumes of manuscripts ........ 47 

Manuscripts ............ 113 

In all .............. 6,920 

Of the books added, 664 have been given, 194 bought, and 
48 obtained by exchange. Of the pamphlets added, 3,457 
have been given, 250 bought, and 2,070 have been procured 
by exchange. 

From the income of the Savage Fund, there have been 
bought 193 volumes and 250 pamphlets ; and 79 volumes 
have been bound at the charge of the same fund. 

From the income of the fund left by the late William Win- 
throp for binding, 221 volumes have been bound. 

Several important accessions have been made during the 
year, which deserve a special notice. An interesting collection 
of music books, consisting of 162 volumes, has been received 
as a bequest of our late associate member, Williams Latham, 
Esq. And within a few weeks George H. R. Preble, Esq., 
has sent to the Library, in accordance with the wishes of his 
late lamented father, our former valued associate, Rear- 
Admiral George Henry Preble, of the United States Navy, a 
collection of his writings, all handsomely bound and enriched 
with many engravings and other illustrations. They contain 
a large number of manuscript additions and corrections, besides 
valuable autograph letters concerning the various subjects 
mentioned in the books. A suitable book-plate has been 
prepared for this unique collection. 

Mr. Francis Parkman has given 35 bound and 3 unbound 
volumes of historical manuscripts relating to the French in 

Mr. Amos A. Lawrence has continued his gifts of works 
connected with the Civil War, having added 21 volumes and 


547 pamphlets. There are now in the Rebellion department 
1,389 volumes, 3,452 pamphlets, 729 broadsides, and 71 maps. 

The Library now contains, it is estimated, about 80,000 
volumes, including the files of bound newspapers, the bound 
manuscripts, and tin' Dowse collection. The number of 
pamphlets is about 70, 000. 

During the year there have been taken out s "> volumes, 15 
pamphlets, and 1 map, and all have been returned ; though 
with the statement of this fact, it should In.- said that the 
Library is used more lor reference than lor circulation. 
Respectfully submitted, 

Samuel A. Green, Librarian, 

Boston, April 0, 1885. 

Report of the Cabinet-keeper. 

During the past year there have been twenty donations to 
the Cabinet, consisting of engravings, heliotypes, photographs, 
and miscellaneous articles, most of which have been already 
reported. They are as follows: — 

A daguerreotype of Governor Charles Robinson, of Kansas, ami one 
of John Brown, taken in 1856. Given by Amos A. Lawrence. 

A photograph of Obadiah Fenner. 

Two photographic views of the building, Nbs. 50 and 52 State Street, 
before it was taken down. Given by the Massachusetts Hospital Life 
Insurance Company. 

A photograph of the view of the first lighthouse built in Do-ton 
Harbor. Given by Edward W. West. 

A photograph of the bust of John Bright. Given by the Hon. 
Robert C. Winthrop. 

A view of the Bingham School, Orange County, North Carolina. 
Given by Henry W. Foote. 

A battle-field memorial, Lexington, — a sketch. Given by Edward ( \. 

A lithograph of the Instruction of the Town of Maiden to their 
Representatives in 177G. Given by Mrs. Mary Pratt Cook. 

Two heliotype facsimiles of manuscripts relating to Dan, el and W. 
Dyer. Given by Edward Channing. 

A view of the old Fairbanks House, Dedham. 

A lithograph of the Great Seal of the Lords Proprietors of Carolina. 
Given by the Hon. William A. Courtenay. 

An India proof of the vignette engraved for the Bonds of General 
Walker's Republic of Nicaragua, L855. Given by A. V. S. Anthony. 


The medal struck by Congress for Captain James Biddle, for the 
capture of the " Penguin" by the United States ship "Hornet," 1815. 
Given by the late George H. Preble. 

A China plate given to George Washington by one of the French Gen- 
erals of the Revolutionary War. Given by bequest of Ebenezer Thayer. 

Two samplers made by the sister and niece of Governor Hutchinson, 
and brought from Italy by Mrs. Isabelle James, Cambridge. Given by 
Mrs. Lucius Alexander, Florence, Italy. 

Silver medal struck at the dedication of the Washington Monument, 
Feb. 22, 1885. Presented by the Hon. R. C. Winthrop. 

The Catalogue of paintings, engravings, busts, and miscel- 
laneous articles belonging to the Cabinet will, it is hoped, be 
ready at the next meeting. 

Respectfully submitted, 

F. E. Oliver, Cabinet-keeper. 

Report of the Treasurer. 

In compliance with the requirements of the By-laws, Chap- 
ter VII., Article 1, the Treasurer respectfully submits his 
Annual Report, made up to March 31, 1885. 

The special funds held by him are nine in number, and are 
as follows : — 

I. The Appleton Fund, which was created Nov. 18, 1854, 
by the gift to the Society, from the executors of the will of the 
late Samuel Appleton, of stocks of the appraised value of ten 
thousand dollars. These stocks were subsequently sold for 
$12,203, at which sum the fund now stands. Interest, at the 
rate of six per cent per annum, is computed on that amount, 
and is chargeable on the real estate. The income is applicable 
to "the procuring, preserving, preparation, and publication of 
historical papers." The unexpended balance of income now 
on hand, and the income for the ensuing year will be sufficient 
for the publication of the volume of Pickering Papers now in 

II. The Massachusetts Historical Trust-Fund, which 
now stands, with the accumulated income, at $10,000. This 
fund originated in a gift of two thousand dollars from the late 
Hon. David Sears, presented Oct. 15, 1855, and accepted by 
the Society Nov. 8, 1855. On Dec. 26, 1866, it was increased 
by a gift of five hundred dollars from Mr. Sears, and another 
of the same amount from our late associate, Mr. Nathaniel 

1885.] REPORT OF tin: TREASURER. 7.; 

Thayer. The income must be appropriated m accordance with 

the directions in Mr. Scare's declaration of trust in the printed 
Proceedings for November, \^->~>. Interest, at the rate of six 
per cent per annum, is chargeable on the real estate of the 
Society. The cost of publishing the first volume of the Trum- 
bull Papers has been charged to the income of this fund ; and 
there is a small balance on hand which is available toward the 
publication of a second volume. 

III. The Dowse Fund, which was given to the Society 
by the executors of the will of the late Thomas Dowse, April 
9, 1857, for the "safe keeping" of the Dowse Library. It 

amounts to 810,000, and is a charge on the real estate. 

IV. The Peabody Find, which was presented by the late 

George Peabody, in a letter dated Jan. 1, 1867, and now 
amounts to 822,123. It is invested in the seven per cent bonds 
of the Boston and Albany Railroad Co., and a deposit in the 
Suffolk Savings Bank ; and the income is only available for 
the publication and illustration of the Society's Proceedings and 
Memoirs, and for the preservation of the Society's Historical 

V. The Savage Fund, which was a bequest from the late 
Hon. James Savage, received in June, 1873, and now stands 
on the books at the sum of -s'),295. It is invested in the bonds 
of the Philadelphia, Wilmington, and Baltimore Railroad Co., 
and in the stock of the Boston Gas-Light Co. The income is 
to be used for the increase of the Society's Library. 

VI. The Erastus B. Bigelovv FUND, which was given in 
February, 1881, by Mrs. Helen Bigelow Merriman, in recog- 
nition of her father's interest in the work of the Society. 
The original sum was one thousand dollars; but the interest up 
to this date having been added to the principal, it now stands 
at 81,272.50. There is no restriction as to the use to be made 
of this fund. 

VII. The William Wintiirop Fund, which amounts to 
the sum of 83,000, and was received Oct. 13, 1882, under the 
will of the late William Winthrop, for many years a Cor- 
responding Member of the Society. The income is to be 
applied "to the binding for better preservation of the valuable 
manuscripts and books appertaining to the Society." 

VIII. The Richard Frotiiim.ham Fund, which repre- 
sents a gift to the Society, on the 2od of March, I s 88, from 



the widow of our late Treasurer, of a certificate of twenty 
shares in the Union Stock Yard and Transit Co., of Chicago, 
and of the stereotype plates of Mr. Frothingham's " Siege of 
Boston," "Life of Joseph Warren," and "Rise of the Repub- 
lic." The fund stands on the Treasurer's books at $3,000. 
There are no restrictions on the uses to which the income 
may be applied. In accordance with a vote of the Society 
passed March 12, 1885, the cost of publishing a Catalogue of the 
Society's Cabinet will be charged to the income of this fund. 

IX. The General Fund, which now amounts to $5,200, 
and represents a legacy of two thousand dollars from the late 
Henry Harris, received in July, 1867, a legacy of one thousand 
dollars from the late George Bemis, received in March, 1879, 
a legacy of one thousand dollars from the late Williams La- 
tham, received in May, 1884, a bequest of five shares in the 
Cincinnati Gas-Light and Coke Co., from our late Recording 
Secretary, George Dexter, received in June, 1884, four com- 
mutation fees of one hundred and fifty dollars each, and a 
gift of one hundred dollars from our late distinguished asso- 
ciate, Ralph Waldo Emerson. It is invested in a bond of the 
Quincy and Palmyra Railroad Co., for one thousand dollars, 
and five shares of stock in the Cincinnati Gas-Light and Coke 
Co., of the par value of five hundred dollars. Thirty-seven 
hundred dollars have been paid from it toward the reduction 
of the mortgage debt ; and this sum is an incumbrance on the 
real estate of the Society. 

The following abstracts and the trial balance show the 
present condition of the several accounts : — 


1884. DEB1TS ' 

March 31. To balance on hand $906.10 

March 31. To receipts as follows : — 

General Account 11,243 44 

Legacy of Williams Latham 1,000.00 

Hannibal and St. Joseph E. R. Co. bond 1,000.00 

Commutation Fee 150.00 

Income of Peabody Fund 1,470.00 

Income of Savage Fund , . . 350.00 

Income of Richard Frothingham Fund 193.20 

Interest, Sinking Fund 26.67 

March 31. To balance brought down §1,331 29 

1885.] REPORT OF Tin: IBEA8UBBB. 75 

1886. CB1DIT8, 

March 31. By payment! as follows: — 

Reduction of mortgage debt 

[ncome of Peabody Fund I 

[ncome of Savage Fund 145.08 

[ncome of William Winthrop Fund 

[ncome of Massachusetts Historical Trust-Fund . . 1,132.01 

[ncome of Richard Frothingham Fund 

Genera] Account ::. I"- G I 

By balance on hand 1,381 29 


1885. DBBIT8 ' 

March 31. To sundry payments : — 

J. H. Tuttle, salary $1,200.00 

Interest on mortgage 987.50 

Copying Sewali's Letter Book 

Printing, stationery, binding, and postage .... 120.98 

Fuel and light 187.69 

Care of tire, etc 

Miscellaneous expenses and repairs 443.18 

H. F. Waters, for researches in England 100.00 

Income of Appleton Fund 732.18 

Income of Massachusetts Historical Trust-Fund . . 600.00 

Income of Dowse Fund 600.00 

Income of E. B. Bigelow Fund 72.03 

Income of William Winthrop Fund 1- 

Sinking Fund L\< .00 

Building account 3,828.88 

To balance to new account 5,178.41 


1884. CREDITS. 

March 31. By balance on hand $4,751.10 

March 31. By sundry receipts : — 

Rent of Building 

Income of General Fund 267 K) 

Interest 100.59 

Income of Dowse Fund 

Admission Fee9 125.00 

Assessments E 

Sales of publications, etc 


March 31. By balance brought down $5,178.41 


Income of Appleton Fund. 


March 31. By balance brought forward $1,004.82 

March 31. By one year's interest on $12,203 principal ...... 732.18 


March 31. By amount brought down $1,737.00 

Income of William Winthrop Fund. 


March 31. To amount paid for binding $307.55 

March 31. To balance brought down $12.15 


March 31. By balance brought forward $115.40 


March 31. By interest on $3,000 principal . 180.00 

„ balance carried forward 12.15 


Income of Massachusetts Historical Trust-Fund. 


March 31. To amount paid on account of Trumbull Papers .... $1,132.91 
„ balance carried forward 133.09 




March 31. By amount brought forward , . . . . $666.00 

Sept. 1. „ one year's interest on $10,000 principal 600.00 


March 31. By balance brought down $133.09 

Income of Richard Frothingham Fund. 


March 31. To amount paid on account of Catalogue of Cabinet . . $355.40 

March 31. To balance brought down $12.20 

1886.] BEPOBT OF Tin: TREASURER. 77 



March 31. By amount brought forward $10 


March 31. By dividends received l in tn» 

„ copyright received 

„ balance carried forward 

Income of Dowse Fund. 


DEBl l 9. 

March 31. To amount placed to credit of General Account .... SP.00.00 



March 31. By one year's interest on *10,000 principal 

Income of Peabody Fund. 


March 31. To amount paid for printing, binding, preservation of 

historical portraits, etc c l 

„ balance carried forward 118.95 

$1.177. -'.4 


March 31. By balance brought forward $7.64 

March 31. By one year's interest on railroad bonds 1,470.00 

11,477 54 

March 31. By balance brought down $118.06 

Income of Savage Fund. 


March 31. To amount paid for books $446X)8 

March 31. To balance brought down $84.40 



March 31. By balance brought forward $10.68 


March 31. By dividends on gas stock 

„ interest on railroad bonds 

„ balance carried forward 



Sinking Fund. 


Jan. 17. To amount applied to reduction of mortgage $2,026.67 


Sept. 80. By amount transferred from the General Account .... $2,000.00 

Jan. 17. By interest received , 26.67 




Cash $1,331.29 

Real Estate 103,280.19 

Investments 52,618.00 

Income of Savage Fund 84.40 

Income of William Winthrop Fund 12.15 

Income of Richard Frothingham Fund 12.20 



Notes Payable $10,000.00 

Building Account 68,077.19 

Appleton Fund 12,203.00 

Dowse Fund 10,000.00 

Massachusetts Historical Trust-Fund 10,000.00 

Peabody Fund 22,123.00 

Savage Fund 5,295.00 

Erastus B. Bigelow Fund 1,272.59 

William Winthrop Fund 3,000.00 

Richard Frothingham Fund 3,000.00 

General Fund 5,200.00 

Income of Massachusetts Historical Trust-Fund 133.09 

Income of Appleton Fund 1,737.00 

Income of Peabody Fund 118.95 

General Account 5,178.41 


The real estate is subject to the following incumbrances, — 
the balance of the mortgage note ($10,000), the principal of 
the Appleton Fund ($12,203), of the Massachusetts Histori- 
cal Trust-Fund ($10,000), of the Dowse Fund ($10,000), of 


the Erastus r>. Bigelow Fund (811,272.59), and of the W\ 

Winthrop Fund ($3, >) and a part of the principal of 

General Fund ($3,700), making in the aggregate, I >0,1 7 
against 855,953.56 Last war. 

CHARLES C. Smith, 

Treaturi r. 

Boston-, March 31, 1885. 

Report of the Auditing Committee. 

The undersigned, a Committee appointed to examine the 
accounts of the Treasurer of the Massachusetts Historical 
Society, as made up to March 31, 1885, have attended to their 
duty, and report that they find them correctly kept and 
properly vouched ; that the securities held by the Treasurer 
for the several funds correspond with the statement in his 
Annual Report; that the balance of cash on hand is satisfac- 
torily accounted for; and that the Trial Balance is accurately 
taken from the Ledger. 

George B. Chase. / ,, 
Augustus 1. Perkins, 


Boston, April 7, 1885. 

Mr. Saltonstall read the report of the Nominating Com- 
mittee, which was as follows : — 

The Committee appointed to nominate a list of officers of 

the Society for the coming year, beg leave to submit the 
following report : — 

/' • 


Via -. 



Recordi S • tary. 
EDWARD J. YOUNG Cambbidob, 

Corresponding Secretary. 
JUSTIN" WINSOR Cambbidob. 







Executive Committee of the Council. 

WILLIAM W. GREENOUGH ; . . . Boston. 





The Committee did not consider the name of the gentleman 
who has so long held the position of President of the Society, 
in connection with that office, as it was understood that Mr. 
Winthrop's decision to retire was final. Had the Committee 
not been fully satisfied on this point, it is unnecessary to say 
that his name only would have been thought of. Sixth in the 
line of honored men who have occupied that office, he has for 
more than forty-five years, or nearly one half the period of its 
existence, been an active member, and for thirty years its 
President. Instead of the small and indifferent attendance 
which formerly marked the meetings of the Society, its mem- 
bership being only sixty, it now, under its new charter, consists 
of one hundred, and the average attendance is treble what it 
was. New life has been infused into it ; and never has Mr. 
Winthrop occupied the chair without contributing to its pro- 
ceedings interesting and valuable material from the rich stores 
of his memory, from his varied correspondence with distin- 
guished scholars at home or abroad, or from abundant treasures 
gathered during his visits to Europe. His letters during these 
visits have frequently proved fertile in subjects of value and 
deep interest, much of which enriches the volumes of the 
Society's Proceedings. In his absence the Societ}^ has always 
felt the loss of his cheering presence, and has greeted him 
warmly on his return ; but never until his recovery from his 
recent dangerous illness was the welcome given him so ex- 
pressive of the esteem and affection in which he is held by its 

During the thirty years of Mr. Winthrop's Presidency the 
Society's publications have trebled in bulk and in value. It 
has become sole owner of this building, has raised it two stories 


and made it fire-proof, and in one \< ar more it- expects to pay 
off the remainder of the debt (over 960,000) incurred in its 
purchase and improvement. 

To his thoughtful suggestion is directly owing George Pea- 
body's generous gift of twenty thousand dollars. The I' 
Library and fund lor its equipment arc also a most memorable 
feature in the Society's history during his Presidency. To his 
devoted effort and untiring zeal more than to any other, or to 
all causes combined, is owing the growth of the Society in 
usefulness and in reputation. During the thirty years of his 
Presidency it may truly he said that .Mr. Winthrop bas ever 
carried the Society with him both at home and aid*. ad ; and it 
is needless to add that nowhere has it failed to be adequately 

Your Committee, therefore, does not consider that, it would 
be fitting or proper that so long and distinguished a term of 
service, to which so much is owed, should come to an end 
unmarked. Various means of commemorating ii have been 
thought of. But among these, none has so much commended 
itself to the judgment of your Committee as a suggestion from 
some of the more active members, that a full-length portrait of 
Mr. Winthrop should be obtained, — the gift of individuals, but 
to which all members of the Society would be at liberty to 
contribute, — and should be placed in the rooms of the Society 
with a suitable inscription. 

No formal action is called for to bring this about. It is un- 
derstood that in accordance with the suggestion now made, a 
committee of members will be formed, who will take the mat- 
ter in charge. This course will doubtless be most agreeable to 
Mr. Winthrop, as being the voluntary and spontaneous act of 
those composing the Society over which lie has for so many 
years presided. It will best mark, too, the esteem in which 
the donors hold him, and the personal affection which they 
will always feel towards him. 

All of which is respectfully submitted, 

Chables F. Adams, Jb., ) 

Leverktt Saltonstall, [ Commit 
John Lowell, ) 

The officers named above were then elected for the ensuing 



The thanks of the Society were voted to Messrs. Hill and 
Adams, the retiring members of the Council, for their services. 

Dr. Ellis, on taking the chair, then said : — 

I must gratefully recognize my high appreciation of the 
honor of being placed in the chair of this Society, the oldest of 
the now numerous associations of the , class in our country, — 
lacking but six years to complete a century. The honor is 
twofold: first, in the place assigned me ; and second, in being 
the successor in it of one who has for thirty years filled the 
chair with such grace and dignity, such wealth of attainments 
and accomplishments. Happily, we are not to feel that we 
have parted with him ; remembering the venerable years with 
which his predecessor continued with us after his retirement 
from our Presidency. 

There are living now only ten of his associates of this 
Society who welcomed Mr. Winthrop to this chair. But I 
speak for you all, especially for those longest in membership, 
when I say of him, present or absent, that our respect for his 
character, our estimate of his talents and gifts, our admiration 
of his full and rich culture, his stores of knowledge, his elo- 
quence of utterance, and of his exquisite courtesy in his 
office, have drawn to him our profoundest esteem, and, I may 
add, our personal affection. 

After the manner of speech of our fathers, — speech which 
carried with it reverent faith, — we might well say that Mr. 
Winthrop has been a Providential President for us. His 
name and lineage are largely suggestive of the intent of this 
Society, — to trace the springs and course of the history of 
Massachusetts. Of equal value with our charter, is deposited 
in our Cabinet the autograph Journal of John Winthrop, the 
founder of this city and commonwealth. Begun in Old Eng- 
land, continued on the high seas, and closed in a wilderness 
scene within a stone's cast from where we are now gathered, 
that precious record of twenty years of exile tells us what 
we would most wish to know, and are told nowhere else, of 
our beginnings. Honor and veneration from the first and on- 
ward attach to that name, now fitly borne by a town, a church, 
a schoolhouse, a street, and a public square near us, and com- 
memorated by the oldest portrait in our Senate-chamber, and 

1885.] REMARKS BY DR. EL1J8. 

by statues in the highway, the Chapel of oar garden Cemetery 

and at the Capitol of the nation. 

I had been in membership of this Society many pears before 
Mr. Winthrop's accession to the Presidency, and can well re- 
call the forms — I shrink from saying how many — of those, 
honored among ns, who have vanished one by one. Rather 
would I sum together the auspicious and the fruitful inci- 
dents and events which during the last thirty years have bo 
invigorated and enriched the life and activity of this Society. 
Soon after Mr. Winthrop acceded to the chair, a change in 
our charter extended the limit of our membership from Bixty 
to one hundred, and another change empowered us to hold 
an increased amount of property. This building, also, thor- 
oughly reconstructed for convenience and Becurity, has nearly 
come under our sole ownership, with a valuable rental I'm- a 
part of it from the county. The acquisition of this rich and 
unique Dowse Library, with its furnishings and its fund, was 
gratefully welcomed by us, as well it might he. Our largest 
pecuniary endowment has come to us from George Peabody; 
and that we owe, hardly indirectly, to Mr. Winthrop, t<> 
and for whom, after good advice and counsel in the direction 
of his vast munificence, Mr. Peabody paid this personal trib- 
ute, under the guise of a donation tons. Had not Mr. Win- 
throp been our President, Mr. Peabody had not been our 
benefactor. Ao-ain, there came to the light, almost from 
oblivion, in Connecticut, a quarter of a century ago, a large 
mass of papers of the Winthrop family, for nearly >i\ genera- 
tions, and of nearly two hundred years' accretion, beginning 
with those of our first Governor's grandfather in England. 
Many of these papers are of the highest value, and mosl of 
them have a curious interest. Beside Winthrop Papers ear- 
lier scattered through all our Collections, this treasure-trove 
has already since furnished, without by any means being ex- 
hausted, the contents of four of our solid volumes. The pub- 
lication of the Proceedings of our monthly meetings was first 
prompted by Mr. Winthrop, involving much labor for our 
faithful workers. The twenty-first volume in that serh 
distributed among us to-day. Seventeen volumes n( our Col- 
lections, and one of a course of lectures before the Lowell 
Institute, have been added to our Publications. Many other 
generous funds, a large increase of the treasures on our - 1 


and in our Cabinet, and a general renewal, refreshing and 
vitalizing, of all the interests and operations of the Society, 
have signalized the period of Mr. Winthrop's Presidency. 
And what works or words wiser and more valuable than his 
own have been done and spoken here ! We have all profited 
by the gatherings from his frequent visits to Europe ; his social 
relations with eminent statesmen and scholars, of whom he 
has made instructive and eloquent memorials to us ; and his 
felicitous tributes, discriminating and discerning, to many of 
the distinguished good and wise and serviceable, who have 
passed from our own fellowship. Nor can we leave unmen- 
tioned the beautiful and graceful hospitality of his which we 
have shared in town and country. 

I have held, and may have ventured to express, the convic- 
tion that in the near or distant future the term of Mr. Win- 
throp's Presidency may be referred to as a golden period in 
the records of this Society, for its full harmony, its healthful 
prosperity, and for the good work accomplished. Hencefor- 
ward, more and more, it should be a prime object for those in 
its limited membership, to reinforce it by inviting to it men, 
young or mature, with acquisitions and trained intelligence, 
with congenial tastes, and, whatever the profession or task- 
work which engages them, with a degree of leisure to be 
spent in these rooms and with these materials. 

Mr. Winthrop then rose, and after the applause which 
greeted him had subsided, spoke with much feeling as fol- 
lows : — 

You have quite overcome me, Mr. President and Gentle- 
men, by the tributes which have just been paid me. I can 
find no words for any adequate acknowledgment of them. It 
could not be without emotion that I came here this morning 
to take the chair for the last time, after a service of thirty 
years as your President. But I dare not trust myself to 
attempt an expression of the feelings which the occasion has 
awakened. I can only offer my sincere thanks to the Execu- 
tive Committee, and the Nominating Committee, and to your- 
self, Mr. President, for the kind and complimentary terms in 
which you have spoken of me, and of which I shall ever cher- 
ish a most grateful remembrance. 


I look back, over nearly forty-sii years, to the time when I 
first became a member of this Society, and find nol one left 
of those with whom I was then so proud to be associated, 
Among them were the fathers or the grandfathers of not a 

few of tliose whom I am happy to recognize around me at 

this moment, — John Quincy Adams and Josiafa Quincy, Lev- 
erett Saltonstall and Samuel Hoar, Edward Everetl and 

Nathan Hale, Judge White and Dr. Alexander Young, 
not forgetting my own honored father, who was then our 

Even of tliose who were members when I entered upon the 
Presidency thirty years ago, only ten, as you have said, or 
twelve at the most, are still among the living. I look in vain 
for that remarkable group of historians and men of letters by 
whom I have been so often surrounded in former years, — 
Prescott and Sparks and Everett and Ticknor and Motley 
and Longfellow and Hillard and Emerson. .Many of OUT 
most efficient workers of those days are gone too, — George 
Livermore and Chandler Robbins and Dr. Shurtleff and 
Richard Frothingham, — to whom I have owed not a little 
of the satisfaction and success of my administration, and to 
whose memory I gladly pay this passing homage. 

But I will not dwell longer on the past. We have Holmes 
and Parkman here with us, — and Dr. Peabody and Charles 
Francis Adams, Jr., and Cabot Lodge — to name no others, 
while with Dr. Ellis and Dr. Deane and Mr. Smith and Mr. 
Winsor and Dr. Green in immediate charge of our Proceed- 
ings, and with a devoted Secretary to record them, our Society 
can lose nothing of its character or its usefulness. It will close 
its first century, and enter on its second century, as you have 
reminded us, six years hence, with no diminished claims. I 
am assured, to the confidence and grateful recognition of 
all who take an interest in Historical pursuits; while it can 
never lose its prestige as the oldest Historical Society in our 

Let me only say, in conclusion, that I rejoice that, in taking 
leave of the Presidency, I am by no means taking leave of the 
Society. Not only will my name retain its place, as Long as a 
kind Providence shall still spare my life, at the head of your 
roll, as the senior member in the order of election, but I hope 
to be no rare or infrequent attendant at your meetings, and 


occasionally to avail myself of the privilege of the Third Sec- 
tion in making a communication for our Proceedings. I can 
say no more. 

Before resuming his seat Mr. Winthrop extended a cordial 
invitation to the members of the Society to lunch with him at 
his residence, No. 90 Marlborough Street, at two o'clock. 

1885.] .JOHN HABVABD'fi will. 87 


The regular meeting was held on Thursday, the 14th in- 
stant, at three p. m. ; the President, Dr. George E. Ellis, 
being in the chair. 

The minutes of the last meeting were read by the Record- 
ing Secretary. 

The list of donors to the Library was Bubmitted by the 

A Catalogue of the paintings, engravings, busts, and miscella- 
neous articles belonging to the Cabinet of the Society, which 
has been recently published under direction of the Cabinet- 
keeper, Dr. Oliver, was laid on the table for the members. 

The Hon. Lincoln F. Brigham, of Salem, Chief Justice of 
the Superior Court, was elected a Resident Member of the 

The Recording Secretary and Messrs. Clement Hugh Hill 
and Alexander McKenzie were appointed a Committee on 
publishing the Proceedings. 

The President raised the question whether the declaratory 
act of Parliament affirming a right to bind the colonics by 
legislation in all cases whatsoever, was passed before the Stamp 
Act was repealed. The question, he said, was an important 
one, — whether the ministry repealed the act, as if confessing 
a mistake, thus leaving matters where they were before: or 
whether, before repealing it, they chose by this act to retain 
a full and absolute control of the colonies. 

Mr. Hill thought that the declaratory act was passed first ; 
and among other writers he referred to Macaulay's article on 
Lord Chatham, as showing that this was the fact. 

Mr. DEANE called attention to a remark of Mr. Savage, in 
Winthrop, vol. ii. p. 88, that John kk Harvard's will was proba- 
bly nuncupative, as it is nowhere recorded ;" and said he 
thought the remark was inadvertently made, although re- 
peated in the second edition of Winthrop, sinee nuncupative 
wills were matters of record as well as written ones, — a fact 


that Mr. Savage could not have been ignorant of. 1 But legal 
provision was not made for recording wills in Massachusetts 
till September, 1639, a year after Harvard's death. 2 His will, 
written or nuncupative, though not recorded, was probably 
placed on file, and, like many other early wills, is lost. Quite 
likely an attested copy was sent to England, where Harvard 
is supposed to have left property ; and it may yet be found 

Further remarks on this subject were made by Mr. G. S. 
Hale, Dr. Paige, Judge Chamberlain, and Mr. Appleton. 

Mr. Putnam presented to the Society, from Dr. Thomas 
E. Pickett, of Maysville, Kentucky, an electrotype facsimile of 
the Great Seal of the Confederate States of America, dated 
Feb. 12, 1862, the original of which was made in London in 
1864 for James M. Mason, the representative of the Southern 
Confederacy in England, and was designed as a symbol of 

Mr. Washburn presented a memoir of the late Hon. 
Stephen Salisbury, which he had been appointed to prepare. 

1 See vol. i. of Recorded Wills in Suffolk Registry. 

2 See Col. Records, vol. i. pp. 275, 276. 







The conditions and circumstances which attended Mr. Salis- 
bury's birth, his life and his death, were unique. It is impos- 
sible to think of him without recalling some of them. Their 
contemplation gives rise to startling contrasts between the 
character which actually was, and that which was likely to be, 
developed by and under them. He was born in a small and 
beautiful interior town, containing hardly more than two 
thousand inhabitants, on a great domain now not improperly 
termed ancestral, in the midst of a community small in popula- 
tion, yet marked by high standards of social, literary, and pro- 
fessional attainment. His life extended through a period of 
more than eighty-six years. He died on the same tract of land 
on which he w r as born, and within a few rods of the exact spot, 
never having lived on any other than this, which he had inher- 
ited as sole heir. This large estate, by a rare coincidence, he 
transmitted to his successor as sole heir, though in a common- 
wealth where the system of primogeniture is unknown. lie 
died in a city of nearly seventy thousand inhabitants. He had 
thus seen its population increase thirty-fold, the pastures of his 
boyhood become the site of a multifarious and prosperous indus- 
try to the establishment and development of which his intel- 
ligent co-operation had largely contributed, and which, in its 
turn, had largely repaid his interest and support, increasing the 
value of the various sections of his estate "some thirty, some 
sixty, and some an hundred " fold. He was cradled in wealth, 
though not in luxury ; he lived in wealth, but not in lavish- 
ness or display ; he died in the midst of, and as the possessor 



of wealth greater at the time of his death than at any earlier 
day, yet in the same simplicity in which he had always lived. 
Born to a position of influence and social prominence, he main- 
tained that position steadily to the end. No social or political 
jealousies assailed him or disturbed his peace. He was never 
engaged in active business, and its rivalries and fierce com- 
petitions never reached him. More than perhaps any other 
citizen of Massachusetts, he resembled in his position and 
opportunities an English nobleman, in the great hereditary 
interests he controlled, and as the unquestioned head of the 
social and cultivated life of the community. He maintained 
his great influence chiefly because his life was so different 
from what might have been anticipated, and was at each suc- 
cessive period a fresh and gratifying surprise. In youth, in 
manhood and in age, he was always doing more and better 
things than expectation, or even hope, could possibly have 
looked for. Hence the story of his life, related simply and 
without panegyric or rhetorical adornment, is at once a eulogy 
and an encouragement, — a eulogy of himself, and an encour- 
agement to all who start in the race of life handicapped, not by 
the ills of poverty, but by the burdens and dangers of wealth, 
so often paralyzing to effort and depressing to honorable and 
unselfish ambition. If it be true, as alleged by Dr. Johnson, 

^ " Slow rises worth by poverty depressed," 

not less true is it that, in the great majority of instances, slow 
is the development of intellectual life and power weighted down 
by the burden of large inherited possessions. 

Stephen Salisbury was born in Worcester, in the old Salis- 
bury mansion on Lincoln Square, on the 8th of March, 1798. 
He was the only son of Stephen Salisbury, who was the son of 
Nicholas Salisbury, and who came to Worcester from Boston 
in 1767. The elder Stephen Salisbury was a merchant of that 
old school which combined the business of importer and dis- 
tributor. The business was carried on in a one-story building 
on the Salisbury estate, but its operations extended widely 
through the county and State. The elder Salisbury died in 
1829, at the age of eighty-two. 

The subject of this memoir received his earlier education in 
the public schools of the town of Worcester, and afterwards 
went to the Leicester Academy, then a somewhat famous 


school of preparation, to be fitted Tor college. EJe entered 
Harvard in 1813, and was graduated in tbeclassof L817. The 
present writer bad the honor to meet the Burvivors of that 
class many years after their graduation, and to carry to them 
the greetings of the class of L853, then celebrating its twen- 
tieth anniversary by a dinner over winch he had the fortune 
to preside. Late in the evening it was learned that the class 
of 1817 was dining with Mr. Salisbury under the same roof. 
The class of 1868 deputed its presiding officer to bear its 
greetings to its seniors by thirty-six years. The .scene was a 
memorable one, and never to be forgotten. Air. Salisbury occu- 
pied the chair. On one side of him was seated George Dan- 
croft, and on the other Caleb Gushing, — names illustrious in 
literature and jurisprudence, — and around the board sat Presi- 
dent Woods, George B. Emerson, and other surviving class- 
mates, not unworthy associates of men so eminent as these. 
To the brief address of the president of the younger class, Mr. 
Salisbury made a reply, crowding into the space of a few min- 
utes many reminiscences of college days, with expressions of 
loyalty to Alma Mater and to the cause of sound Learning in 
general. He closed with a line of Virgil, which he said he 
would adopt as the motto of his class, but which, may well be 
quoted here as the motto and key-note of his own long life : — 

" Mobilitate viget, viresque acquirit eundo." 

For his classmates, as classmates, he had that cordial regard 
which was characteristic of the kindly men of that early day, 
when classes were small and the members personally and even 
intimately known to one another. lie not unfrequently enter- 
tained them at his hospitable board, and in his will left to 
several of them substantial tokens of his remembrance and 
affection. He was always loyal to the University, though, as 
a representative of the older methods of education, he depre- 
cated the modern system of elective studies, never hesitating 
to avow his conviction that for those whose selections must 
necessarily be made without the aid and guidance of experi- 
ence of their own, it was far better that the earlier courses of 
study be prescribed by the experience of others. He was a 
member of the Board of Overseers from 1871 to 1883. A 
great lover of the ancient languages, and familiar with their 
literature, he made, in 1858, a donation to the Library, " to be 


expended in the purchase of books in the Greek and Latin 
languages, and in books in other languages illustrating Greek 
and Latin books." In 1875 the Corporation conferred on him 
the honorary degree of Doctor of Laws. 

It is the object of this memoir, not so much to state the bare 
facts of Mr. Salisbury's life in chronological order, as to show 
by the statement of them how much he accomplished in the 
various departments of usefulness in which his sympathies 
were enlisted, and to the advancement of which his hand was 
so diligently set. Thus, in the present connection, his con- 
tributions to the cause of education and sound learning may 
be considered. It will be seen, by the contemplation of them, 
that the story of his life does not tend to prove or illustrate 
the correctness of the position of certain modern critics, that 
classical education necessarily alienates its votaries from active 
interest in the practical training of men in other depart- 
ments of knowledge, or that other theory, that Harvard Uni- 
versity teaches her sons, directly or by implication, to limit the 
range of their sympathies to those with whom elegance in 
letters is the chief object of ambition. 

He was a member of the first Board of Directors of the 
Worcester Free Public Library, one of the most beneficent of 
the institutions of that city, the object of which was to bring 
home to the humblest of her citizens the opportunities of cul- 
tivation which had been formerly reserved for people of wealth 
or easy circumstances. He was a patient and laborious mem- 
ber of this Board for twelve years, and for eight years its 
president ; and he only left it when the Library was an accom- 
plished and permanent success. 

Although not the literal founder of the Worcester County 
Free Institute of Industrial Science, he was the first, and till the 
day of his death the only, president of the Board of Trustees, 
and its largest pecuniary benefactor. This is not an institu- 
tion for the study of the classics, but for instruction in science 
and its application to the useful arts. His interest in its Success 
never failed nor flagged ; and that success, signal as it has 
been, was probably due more to his intelligent and constant 
support than to any other one cause. He was present at and 
presided over every annual Commencement, from the year 
1871 up to and including the year 1884. He was thus, for so 
many years, liberally devoting his time, his means, and his 


influence to the promotion of those studies which savor nol oi 
the cloister, the library, the forum, but of the workshop, the 
Laboratory, the factory, and the railroad. 

lie was elected a member of this Society in 1^> S , and was 
a frequent and interested attendant on its meetings. Bui his 
principal interest iii this general department of learning was 
with the American Antiquarian Society, of which he was for 
forty-four years a member, and for thirty years the President. 
His contributions to its funds were large and frequent, and 
to its Proceedings many and valuable. It was what he did 
for that distinguished institution which chieflj gave him his 
reputation among scholars and men of letters and Learning 
throughout the country, and, to some extent at least, beyond 
the sea. And while he did much for the Society in the way 
of material aid, in contributions to its Proceedings and in 
abundant and elegant hospitality toward its members, it is 
only just to add that the Society's cordial appreciation and 
support were a large recompense to him, the value of which he 
was always ready and glad to recognize. 

For fifteen years he was the Treasurer, and for eight ecu 
years a Trustee, of the Peabody Museum of American Archae- 
ology at Cambridge, for many years a Trustee of the Leicester 
Academy, and he occupied the relation of adviser or contrib- 
utor to many other educational institutions. And in behalf of 
that other kind of education, the importance of which is so 
fully recognized in the abstract, but to which in modern times 
less practical attention is paid than in earlier days, — religious 
and Biblical education, — his service was a permanent and 
valuable one. He was for many years one of the Vice-Presi- 
dents of the Massachusetts Bible Society, the largest contrib- 
utor to its funds, and also Treasurer of the Worcester County 
Bible Society. Of many other associations of a public or 
quasi-public character — as, for example, the Horticultural and 
Agricultural Societies — he was a frequent benefactor and a 
constant friend. 

It is now proper to consider the relations of one so far 
removed from his earliest youth from the necessities of labor, 
and who was never known to receive pecuniary compensation 
for any service rendered, to what is known as " busin 
lie 4 held strictly to the doctrine that every man of wealth 
should be the manager of his own affairs, and actively con- 


ducted the details of the care of his large estate. Yet he 
found time, in the midst of all that care, to render as much 
service to several financial institutions as is usually given by 
those to whom such service is a chief means of support. 

After leaving college, he studied law with the late Samuel 
McGregor Burnside, a practitioner of eminence, and was ad- 
mitted to the Worcester Bar, of which, at the time of his 
death, he was the senior member. It is doubtful if he at any 
time intended to enter on the practice of the profession, but 
he believed that the study of the law afforded the best train- 
ing for one whose life was probably to be passed in the care of 
important interests or in the leading positions of public or 
private life. For fifty-one years he was a director in the Wor- 
cester Bank, and for thirty-nine years was its president, suc- 
ceeding in that important trust the Hon. Daniel Waldo in 
1845. In the directors' room of that institution he was to be 
found in daily attendance, rendering the same services that 
might properly have been expected from a conscientious sala- 
ried official. For twenty-five years he was the President of 
the Worcester County Institution for Savings, one of the 
largest trusts in the Commonwealth, in which position also 
he was the successor of Mr. Waldo. For nearly forty years 
he was a director in the Worcester and Nashua Railroad Com- 
pany, and for a time its president. 

Mr. Salisbury never had a taste for public office. He did 
not decline to serve, for short periods, in positions of importance, 
legislative or municipal ; but even in the days of the old Whig 
primacy and dignity in this Commonwealth, such places had 
little charm for him : in this later day of more promiscuous 
political association and less agreeable personal contacts, they 
would probably have been intolerable to him. He treated 
every man, whatever his occupation or education, with due 
respect and considerate kindness; but his standards^ personal 
character were very high, and he could never have brought 
himself into complicity in political barterings, or exchanges of 
influence for mutual advantage. He was a Selectman of the 
town of Worcester, an Alderman of the city, for two years a 
Representative in the Legislature, for two years a Senator, 
and at two national elections a Presidential Elector. 

He was thrice married. To his first wife, Rebekah Scott, 
daughter of Aaron and Phila Dean, of Charlestown, New 

1885.] MEMOIR OF THE HON. STEPHEN s.\ LI8BT7B v. 95 

Hampshire, lie was married on the 7th of November, ]^-v.\. 
Of her was born his only son. Stephen Salisbury, a member of 

tin's Society. She died July 24, L843. Hi-> second wife was 
Nancy Hoard, widow of Captain George Lincoln, who was 
a son of Governor Levi Lincoln, and was killed in the Mexican 
War. She died Sept. 4, L852. His third and last wile was 
Mary Grosvenor, widow of the Hon. Edward D. Bangs. She 
died Sept. _•"), 1864; and for the last t wenty years of his life, he 
occupied, with his son, the present mansion-house, which was 
built by him in 1837, and stands, as has been said, hut a feu- 
rods from the original Salisbury Mansion in which be was 

In the consideration which it is now proposed to give to 
Mr. Salisbury's intellectual quality and attainments, it will not 
be claimed for him that he was, in the full sense of that term, 
an exact scholar. That characterization should be reserved 
for men who devote themselves almost exclusively to scholarly 
pursuits, and who are found principally in the ranks of profes- 
sional teachers, or students and writers in the special depart- 
ments of human knowledge. But he maintained that high 
grade of general scholarship which belongs to and marks the 
cultivated and accomplished gentleman. I lis contributions 
made at various times to the Proceedings of the Antiquarian 
Society well illustrate this, as also do the daily habits of his lite 
in this regard, with which his near personal friends were 
familiar. A brief reference to some of those contributions will 
not be out of place in this memoir. It may be said, however, 
in general, that he wrote in a clear and simple style, with 
occasionally a quaint turn of thought or phrase, savoring a 
little of the form and manner of the ancient school. He was 
a lover of, and familiar with, the English Classics of the earlier 
part of the eighteenth century, and that familiarity revealed 
itself not uiifrequently in the style of his composition. lie 
had little imagination, and did not rely even on what he had 
in the preparation of historical papers, or in the presentation 
of historical facts ; an honest way of dealing, which genuine 
students of history appreciate wherever they find it. In 
almost every volume, indeed in almost every number, of the 
Proceedings since his accession to the presidency, will be 
found some memorial of deceased members, some comments 
on the needs of the Society, the condition of its library, the 


results of its studies and researches, which are fairly repre- 
sentative of the mental characteristics of their author. Two 
or three of them are entitled to especial mention, as being not 
only valuable contributions to the literature of Archaeology, 
but as illustrating the tone and quality of his mind, and the 
scope and variety of his intellectual tastes. 

" An Essay on the Time of making the Statues of Christ 
and Moses," written by Mr. Salisbury, was read by him before 
the Council, Sept. 30, 1861, and, by request of the Council, 
read before the Society at the Annual Meeting, Oct. 21, 1861. 
It is a critical and graceful analysis of historical probabilities, 
marked by a rare appreciation of the artistic quality and great- 
ness of Michael Angelo. Especially is it marked by that re- 
ligious and reverent tone which was so modestly conspicuous 
in the conduct of the author's life, and may be observed, 
with more or less of distinctness, in all he said or wrote, par- 
ticularly in the Report of the Council in 1863, on " The Op- 
position of Science, falsely so called, to Revealed Religion." 
In this last essay is a clear indication at once of the dignified 
earnestness of his religious convictions and the liberality with 
which he welcomed all aids to the interpretation and true 
understanding of those portentous disclosures of the Divine 
will and purposes which affect and control the destiny of 
man in this world and in the eternal world to come. 

" Troy and Homer : Remarks on the Discoveries of Dr. 
Heinrich Schliemann in the Troad," a Report of the Council 
to the American Antiquarian Society in 1875, is a masterly 
discussion, on which alone a claim for its author to literary 
and classical distinction might well be based. It illustrates 
the characteristics of Mr. Salisbury's scholarship, his warm 
devotion to what may be called the old school of classical 
study, and his impression of the soundness bf some modern 
views as to the merits of the Greek language. The following 
extract shows something of his feeling and also his power of 
expression on themes like these : — 

" The offer of Dr. Schliemann to give to his contemporaries a lively 
sense of the reality of the heroes and incidents described by Homer has 
not excited the interest and enthusiasm which would have greeted it a 
hundred years ago. The great Epics no longer retain the first place, 
though their dethronement has left it vacant. The overturn, that men 
call progress, has crushed to earth for a time the greatest benefactors of 


our own race, and their noblest works. It would be instructive to recall 
the names of this noble army of martyrs. Herodotus, the father of 
history, was not long since Bcorned as the Esther of lies ; and he stood for 
a while in mute merit on the shelf, until respect and authority have been 
restored to him. And at this moment the most perfect dramatist of all 
time is assaulted, to rob him of his sock and his buskin, to give them to 
oue who never deserved them and could never wear them. Homer has 
Buffered the common fate. It i- s in vain that he is always genial and 
attractive, elevating in sentiment, and in moral purity superior to the 

customs of his age. He scatters broadcast gems of truth that >parklc 
with new light as human intelligence is increased. 

' Age cannot wither him, nor custom .-tale 
Hi* infinite variety.' 

Philosophers and historians who have for the longest time been honored 
with the confidence and admiration of mankind, appeal to Homer as 

their oracle. And if modern statesmen would acquaint themselves with 
the policy and the divine right of kings, they may go hack to the ancient 
compendium which Alexander declared to he, in his opinion. ' a perfect 
portable treasure of military virtue and knowledge.' Though civil free- 
dom was then unknown, Homer has expressed the value of personal 
liberty in words that cannot be forgotten : — 

'Jove fixed it certain, that whatever day 
Makes man a slave, takes half his worth away.' 

Odyssey (Tope), xvii. 822. 

There are other causes of this change than the caprice of fashion, the 
* giddy and unfirm ' fancies of men, to which literature, not less than 
love, is subjected. The Greek language has been one of the foundations 
of the intellectual power of past time. But now the learned and un- 
learned have conspired to deprive it of its pre-eminence, and to restrict 
or discontinue its use in colleges and schools of the highest grade. The 
first effect of this is already perceived, and Greek literature lias faded 
from the knowledge of English readers. So far as the privileges of 
scholarship are concerned, this movement is of little importance. 
Scholars will only be more conspicuous, if they enjoy a culture in 
which the active community have no share. When the teaching of 
Greek is continued in our schools, the Homeric poems are not, as 
formerly, studied and committed to memory more than any other hooks 
in the language. They have given way to works of a later period, that 
are fitted to teach the language in its systematic and perfect form; and 
these influences, adverse to these poems, are strengthened by the criti- 
cism that suggests the probability that an indefinite number of Homers 
have made up unfitted parts which for thousands of years have been 
admired as well-framed structures, and that the pictures which they pre- 



sent are not historical or even poetical representations of human passions 
and experience, but mere allegorical myths. And to all these are added 
charges of contradiction, inconsistency, and general want of skill, with 
many specifications." 

These charges and specifications are then taken up in order, 
and discussed with an earnestness and vigor which must chal- 
lenge the admiration of the reader, whatever his impression as 
to the correctness of the conclusions reached by the author. 

His devotion to the truth in history, and denial of any room 
for imagination in her annals, is well illustrated by a memo- 
rable contribution to the archives of the American Antiquarian 
Society at its Annual Meeting, Oct. 21, 1873, entitled " A 
Memorial of Governor John Endecott." A single extract may 
properly find place here : — 

" When History takes her place among the Muses, and wields the 
witchery of imagination and passion, she gains a power over the opin- 
ions and memory of men that she cannot have with the dry annals of 
truth. It is a glorious privilege * when it moves in charity and turns on 
the poles of truth.' But the license of a poet gives him no right 

' To point a moral or adorn a tale ' 

by the traditions of party strife, which are not supported by better 
authorities. Governor Endecott has now, in the minds of some people 
of the best education, not the character that Governor Winthrop and 
Morton and Hubbard and other contemporaries have awarded to him, 
but the cold and cruel image in which our two most admired poets have 
represented him. In the New England tragedy entitled ( John Ende- 
cott,' Mr. Longfellow has made so prominent the gloomy characteristics 
imputed to the Governor in Sewall's History, that few will remember 
that the poet also says : — 

'He is a man, both loving and severe; 
A tender heart ; a will inflexible. 
None ever loved him more than I have loved him. 
He is an upright man and a just man 
In all things save his treatment of the Quakers.' 

And these friendly words are turned to gall by this response, put into 
the mouth of the Governor's son : — 

1 Yet have I found him cruel and unjust 
Even as a father.' 

After search and inquiry, I can discover no evidence that the disposition 
of Governor Endecott towards his children was different from the affec- 
tion which he manifested for his friends. 


"The wrongs of the Quakers is a theme acceptable to Mr. Whil 
not only od account of bis brotherhood io tin- Beet, but more bo I" 
he has a brother's love for all who Buffer and are strong, In his 
and pathetic poem entitled 'Cassandra Southwick,' bis By m path j for 
the oppressed Beems to have led him to forget that justice is due ev< d to 
the agents of oppression. I lis account of an attempt t" Bell Cassandra 
Southwick, to be carried out of the country into Blavery, as \\ ;t^ then 
practised, is thus introduced: — 

1 Ami on his horse, with Rawson, his cruel clerk, at hand, 
Rode dark and haughty Endecott, the ruler of the land. 

And poisoning with his evil words the ruler's ready t-ar, 

The priest leaned o'er his saddle with laugh and bcoA and j- er.' 

We have Been that there were many occasions when the interest "I* the 
Colony and a Bense of duty would compel Governor Endecott to !»<• 
grave and stern. But he would not have retained, a- he did through 
his long lito, the respect and confidence of his people if he had been a 
dark demon, with clergymen for counsellors, who were mocking fiends. 
The priesl alluded to by the poet must have boon cither John Norton 
or John Wilson. There is a general assent to the testimony of Hubbard, 
that Norton was • a man of great worth and learning, one that had the 
tongue of the learned, to speak a word in season to the weary soul.' 
Ami Nathaniel Morton, a contemporary, says : 'John Wilson was char- 
itable when there were any signs or hopes of good, and yet, withal. \. ry 
zealous against know r n and manifest evils. Very low that ever went 
out of this world were so generally beloved and reverenced as this 
good man.' " 

The foregoing extracts are made a part of this memoir, that 
through them the subject may he allowed in some degree i<> do- 
scribe himself, and to reveal to the reader some of the leading 
characteristics of his intellectual and moral nature. Through 
them we see Mr. Salisbury as a man of decided accomplish- 
ments, a lover of classical literature, a believer in classical 
studies, a writer of pure and impressive English, a sincere and 
honest reader of history, an earnest champion and defender of 
historic truth. Independence of thought and truthfulness in 
character and conduct were his lending characteristics. His 
manners were those usually ascribed to the "old school." His 
greeting to all was kindly, and in tin' best sense lie may be 
said to have been no "respecter of persons." He was, in age 
and personal appearance, a notable figure in a community of 
which he may be said to have been, for the latter years of his 


life, the leading citizen. His influence never waned, and was 
always on the side of all good enterprises. He believed the 
highest duty of man to be the overcoming of evil and the pro- 
motion of good. To all movements for this end he offered his 
hearty and effective co-operation. His religion was cheerful 
and inspiring. He believed in life, and that death was but 
the birth into a larger and fuller life. It came to him, as a re- 
lief from some measure of suffering, but especially from the 
weariness of physical decline, on the 24th of August, 1884. 



The meeting of the Society was held on Thursday, the 11th 
instant ; Dr. Ellis, the President, in the chair. 

TIn> Recording Secretary read his notes of the last meeting. 

The Librarian reported the accessions to the Library, in- 
cluding a gift from the family of the late Mr. George Ticknor 
consisting of more than one hundred volumes of bound pam- 
phlets and nearly two hundred separate unbound pamphlets. 

The Corresponding Secretary announced thai Chief Just 
Brigham had accepted his election as a Resident Member. 

Mr. Edward Bangs, of Boston, was chosen a Resident Mem- 
fa it of the Society. 

Mi Coll presented for the Cabinet certain articles which 
had Uvn given to the Society by the late Robert Treat Paine, 
who had prepared the accompanying communication : — 

For the Historical Society of Massachusetts, a few old relics, which it 
is hoped will be acceptable to the Society, from Robert Treat /' 

May, 1885, Brooldine, Mass. 1 

1, The old repeating-watch purchased by my grandfather in 1757, 
when on a visit to England, and which, as I have been many times 
told, he always wore, and did wear on duly 4, 1776. I resided with 
him at his house in Boston (corner of Milk and Federal Stii 
which was imported from England in 1694, and taken down in I : 
and many times he showed and struck the watch. It was giv< o to me 
by my aunts, Mrs. Clap]) and Mrs. Greele, about fifty years ac , 

2. A piece of the Rock of Plymouth, broken off bj 

men by violence in 1831, who became bo frightened at the excitement 

1 Robert Trent Paine was born in Boston on Oct 12. 1808, and irai the 
third bearing his name. His father was a graduate at Harvard College in 17 12, 
and his grandfather, who graduated in 171''. wm one "f the 
ration of Independence. Mr. Paine belonged to th< 

a member of the Suffolk Bar. and for three yean irai one I anon 

Council of Boston. lie devoted himself particularly to Mtronoml tal rtudies. 
For many years ho was a member of the committee on the Observatory of II. ir- 
vard College, and on different occasions he ma le ext< n '• I journeyi to k 
noted eclipses. He died at his home in Brookline, June 8, 1> S ">. — 00 ti. 
after this memorandum was dated, — in bil eighty-second year. — !.. 


caused by the disruption, they hastened to give the pieces to others, 
and this piece to me in 1831, on my return from Cape Cod, where I 
had been to observe the annular eclipse of Feb. 12, 1831. 

3. A medal (supposed to be the first of the kind in the United States), 
given to Robert Treat Paine, Jr. (H. U. 1792), in January, 1794, for 
a poetical ode at the opening of the first theatre in Boston. Belonging 
to me since my father's death in November, 1811, at the age of nearly 

Robert Treat Paine (H. U. 1822) 

June 2, 1885. (written with great difficulty). 

Dr. Channing inquired if the word " meeting-house " was 
ever used in England before the year 1649, or in this country 
before 1633. He then spoke of the records of the Atherton 
Company as throwing light upon passages in the Trumbull 
Papers, which have recently been published by the Society. 

Dr. Green made the following remarks : — 

It is stated, in Nathaniel Ames's Almanack for 1731, that 
the appearance commonly known as the Northern Lights was 
first seen in New England during the year 1719. This state- 
ment is borne out by several early writers usually considered 
accurate and trustworthy. It is made with such circumstan- 
tial details that it carries a strong deal of probability and 
easily misleads the reader. The writer of the Almanack 
says : — 

" Strange and wonderful have been the prodigious Effects of Nature 
of late Years, in the production of terrible Thunder & Lightning, 
violent Storms, tremendous Earthquakes, great Eclipses of the Lumi- 
naries, notable Configurations of the Planets, and strange Phcenomena 
in the Heavens : The Aurora Borealis (or Northern Twilight) is very 
unusual, and never seen in New-England (as I can learn) 'till about 11 
Years ago : Tho' undoubtedly this Phenomenon proceeds from the con- 
catenation of Causes. For hot and moist Vapours, exhaled from the 
Earth, and Kindled in the Air by Agitation, according to their motion 
may cause strange Appearances. I do not say that this is the true 
Cause of these Northern Lights ; but that they are caused some such 
way must be granted : Nor must they be disregarded or look'd upon as 
ominous of neither Good nor 111, because they are but the products of 
Nature ; for the great GOD of Nature forewarns a sinful World of ap- 
proaching Calamities, not only by Prophets, Apostles and Teachers, but 
also by the Elements and extraordinary Signs in the Heavens, Earth 
and Water." 


Tin 1 same account of this appearance is substantial) 
id "A Letter to a Certain Gentleman," &c, published at B 
ton in L719, and reprinted in tic- Becond volume, first n 

of the Society's Collections (pages 17 -J" >. 'i'lc- writer, w\ 
name is not given, speaks of it as "a wonderful Met 
though from the description it was certainly a display of 

Northern Lights, and he gives tic dale R8 |) C. 11, L719. 

This account is also confirmed by the Rev, Dr. Benjamin 
Trumbull in his Century sermon, delivered at North Haven, 
Connecticut, on dan. 1, 1801, who says in a note that — 

"The aurora borealis, or northern light is a new appearance, in the 

heavens, to this country, peculiar to the eighteenth century. It had 
been seen in Great Britain, especially in the north of Scotland, for 
many centuries past, hut even in that country it bad n<>t appeared for 
eighty or an hundred years, until March 6, 1716. Its first appearance 
in Nrw England was on the 17th of December, 1719. "' 

Dr. Abiel Holmes, in " The Annals of America," follows Dr. 
Trumbull, and gives the same date. It is interesting to note 
that "The Boston News-Letter" of Dec. 21, 1719, does not 
mention the fact, nor does " The Boston Gazette," of which 
the first issue appeared also on that day. These were the 
only newspapers printed in the Colonies at that period ; and 
they contained but little more than items taken from the Eng- 
lish journals, which perhaps is the reason that no reference is 
made to the novelty. 

The late Dr. Edward A. Holyoke, the centenarian phy- 
sician of Salem, writes : — 

"The first Aurora Borealis T ever saw, tin' Northern or rather 
Northeastern Sky appeared suffused by a dark blood-red coloured 
vapour, without any variety of different coloured rays. I have never 
since seen the like. This was about the year 1734. Northern Lights 
were then a novelty, and excited great wonder and terror among the 

This extract is taken from the Memoir of Dr. Holyoke, 
prepared in compliance with a vote of tic Essex South Dis- 
trict Medical Society, and published at Boston in the year 
1829 (pages 77, 78). 

It will he noticed that Dr. Trumhull gives March 6, 1716,88 
the first appearance of the Aurora Borealis in England. This 


corresponds nearly with a note given in " The Poetical Works 
of William Collins " (London, 1827), printed in explanation of 
the following lines from his Ode on the popular superstitions 
of the Highlands of Scotland : — 

11 As Boreas threw his young Aurora forth, 

In the first year of the first George's reign, 
And battles rag'd in welkin of the North, 

They mourn'd in air, fell, fell Rebellion slain! " 

The note says : — 

" By young Aurora, Collins undoubtedly meant the first appearance 
of the northern lights, which happened about the year 1715 ; at least it 
is most highly probable, from this peculiar circumstance, that no ancient 
writer whatever has taken any notice of them, nor even any one mod- 
ern, previous to the above period" (page 114). 

These several references seem to show that during the early 
part of the last century the Northern Lights were generally 
unknown in New England, a fact due perhaps to their rare 
occurrence. Probably also the continuity of tradition in re- 
gard to them was broken, owing to the want of newspapers 
and the lack of general letter- writing among the people. 

Governor Winthrop in his History of New England, under 
the date of Jan. 18, 1643, makes the fcUowing entry, which 
undoubtedly refers to the phenomenon under consideration : — 

"About midnight, three men, coming in a boat to Boston, saw two 
lights arise out of the water near the north point of the town cove, in 
form like a man, and went at a small distance to the town, and so to 
the south point, and there vanished away. They saw them about a 
quarter of an hour, being between the town and the governour's garden. 
The like was seen by many, a week after, arising about Castle Island 
and in one fifth of an hour came to John Gallop's point. . . . The 
18th of this month two lights were seen near Boston, (as is before men- 
tioned,) and a week after the like was seen again. A light like the 
moon arose about the N. E. point in Boston, and met the former at 
Nottles Island, and there they closed in one, and then parted, and closed 
and parted divers times, and so went over the hill in the island and 
vanished. Sometimes they shot out flames and sometime sparkles. 
This was about eight of the clock in the evening, and was seen by 
many. About the same time a voice was heard upon the water be- 
tween Boston and Dorchester, calling out in a most dreadful manner, 
boy, boy, come away, come away : and it suddenly shifted from one 

1885.] tin: NORTHERN LIGHTS 105 

place to another a great distance, about twenty times. It was heard by 
divers godly persons. Abonl I I days after, the same voice in th< 
dreadful manner was heard by others on the other side of the town to- 
wards Nettles Island" (vol. ii. pp. 184, 185). 

Chief Justice Sewall in his Diary writes under the date of 
De '. 22, 1692, that — 

" Major General [Winthrop] tells me, thai last night about 7 aclock, 
he saw 5 or 7 Balls of Fire that mov'd and mingled each with other, so 
that he could not tell them ; made a great Light, but streamed not." 

Tlic last expression would seem to imply that he was 
familiar with appearances in the heavens which did Btream. 

This must also refer to the same phenomenon. 

In •• The New-England Weekly Journal," Oct. 7, 1728, ap- 
pears the following : — 

"On Wednesday Night last [Oct. 2] between 7 & eight a Clock, there 
was a bright appearance of the Aurora Borealis, which continued for 
BOme time and then dwindled away; the next Morning between I & 5 
it appear'd again much brighter, when large Btreaks of Light extending 
themselves a vast way towards the Zenith, which on the approach of 
Day-light by degrees disappeared." 

In the same newspaper of Nov. 10, 1720, it is recorded 

that — 

"On Wednesday Night last [Nov. 5] we had here a very bright 
appearance of the Aurora Borealis, or Northern Tu ilight, and we hear 
that the same was so remarkable at Rhode-Island that it was Burpi 
to the Inhabitants there." 

These two extracts make no allusion to the novelty of the 
Aurora : but perhaps after a few years this had worn i 

In the Memoirs of the American Academy of Aits and Sci- 
ences (vol. ix. p. 101 ), is an elaborate chapter " < m the Secular 
Periodicity of the Aurora Borealis," by Professor Joseph 
Loverincr f Harvard College, in which the writer shows that 
its display in former times was much less frequent than it is 
at present. 

Mr. YOUNG presented from Miss Caroline Simpkins, of 
Boston, a little pamphlet containing an appeal in behalf of a 

Cent Society, which was formed in Boston on May 26, Lfi -. the 



object of which was to procure Bibles, and which, it is believed, 
was the germ out of which the Massachusetts Bible Society, 
which was founded in 1809, grew. 

A new serial, containing the Proceedings from March to 
May inclusive, was laid on the table by the Secretary. 

It was voted that the meetings of the Society be suspended 
until October, the President and Secretary having power to 
call a special meeting, if necessary. 

Dr. Claeke read portions of a memoir of the late Ralph 
Waldo Emerson. 








In preparing the memoir of our late distinguished associate, 
T shall not find it necessary to enter into the details of his 
life, or to speak particularly of his literary works, methods, or 
judgments. All this has been fully and ably done in previous 
biographies. Among these I may especially refer to the very 
thorough work of the Rev. George Willis Cooke and the later 
admirable biography by our associate Dr. Holmes. Mr. Cooke's 
work is full of interest and value; and that of Dr. Holmes 
will, I think, be always regarded as one of the best biog- 
raphies in the language. We may also refer to a collection of 
lectures upon Air. Emerson delivered at the Summer School 
of Philosophy in Concord by different speakers. Mr. Mon- 
cure D. Conway has published a volume called " Emerson at 
Home and Abroad/' which may be described as bright, sym- 
pathetic, inaccurate, entertaining, and unreliable. It gives 
no hint of the source of Emerson's power, the nature of his 
convictions, or the character of his literary work. It empha- 
sizes his negations, and passes too lightly over his affirmations, 
and thus obscures the very quality which was the chief source 
of his power. 

Mr. Emerson was born in Boston on the 25th of May, 1803. 
His father, who died when he was eight years old, was minis- 
ter of the First Church in this city. The Rev. William Emer- 
son was an excellent preacher and writer, one of the editors 
of the "Monthly Anthology," and associated in thought and 
work with Buck minster, Kirkland, Channing, Thacher, and 
Norton. A member of this Society, he was interested in his- 


torical and literary matters ; and his son was brought up in 
an atmosphere of pure thought. Ralph Waldo Emerson 
graduated at Harvard in his eighteenth year, and in 1829 was 
settled as preacher over the Second Church in Boston. I went 
with Margaret Fuller to hear him preach, one Sunday after- 
noon, in the old church at the North End. I recollect that 
we were both impressed by the calm, sweet, and pure strain 
of thought which pervaded the discourse. He resigned his 
position in 1832, visited Europe in 1833, and on his return to 
America went to live in Concord. Shortly after, he began to 
lecture ; and the rest of his life was passed in lecturing and 
writing. But there ran in his veins the blood of seven gen- 
erations of New England clergymen, and he remained essen- 
tially a preacher to the end of his clays. Whatever form his 
discourse might take, it was always animated by spiritual truth 
and moral purpose. Whether he gave lectures on English Lit- 
erature, or wrote a Battle Hymn, or printed articles in the 
" Dial," or made an Anti-slavery Speech, or delivered a Phi 
Beta Kappa Oration, or sang a song to the Humble-bee, he 
was a teacher of religion and righteousness. Unable to be- 
long to any sect, or permanently to subscribe to any system 
of opinion, he was yet in sympathy with the affirmations of 
every faith. He believed firmly in the three essential truths 
of religion, — God, Duty, and Immortality. But he believed 
these truths, not from outward testimony or argument, but 
from the higher testimony of the soul itself. He was the great 
Intuitionist of our day, resting all his convictions on the pri- 
mal deliverances of the consciousness. He had no meta- 
physics with which to bind these insights into a system, no 
arguments with which to silence an. opponent. Hence the 
fragmentary character of his utterance, and the want of prog- 
ress in his thought. In every new paragraph he seemed to 
be setting out afresh, and the sentences in each of these para- 
graphs would confirm the belief of those who hold that no two 
atoms ever come in contact. But this very absence of con- 
tinued purpose disarmed opposition. Who could oppose him 
when there was nothing to oppose? As he proceeded, they 
who disapproved of his first statement would find themselves 
agreeing with the second ; they who were confused by one 
sentence and thought it obscure or paradoxical, would be 
filled with delight at what followed, which might illuminate 


the whole range of experience and clear up doubts which bad 

long* harassed them. 

Perhaps in this mental characteristic the two friends Carlyle 

and Emerson came Dearer than in any other. In each, in- 
sight, apprehension, aperp^ exceeded method, comprehension, 

and logical force. Bach frequently found himself on the two 
opposite sides of the same question. A good telescope has 
two qualities, — defining power and space-penetrating po 
Carlyle and Emerson excelled in both qualities; bul Emerson 
had a more subtile discrimination, and Carlyle took in a wider 
field. Neither could found a school of thought, but each was 
an inspiration to Ins time. Each was a prophet; hut Carlyle 
"was a prophet like John the Baptist, a Voice crying in the 
Wilderness. Emerson was a prophet of light and love, over- 
coming evil with good, dispelling darkness with light, and 
always comforting our souls by announcing that the Kingdom 
of Heaven was at hand. 

It is the duty of one who writes a memoir for the Historical 
Society to endeavor to fix the historical position of his subject. 
This at best can be only an endeavor; but I think we Bhall all 
now admit that Emerson's place in history is distincl and per- 
manent. He is an original mind, not repeating in finer forms 
the staples of common opinion, but moving the world from some 
point outside of the world. Fed by the traditions of the past, 
and a debtor to every inspired soul who had preceded him, 
he also received the inspiration intended for himself from the 
beginning. He opened his mind to the new light which his 
time required and which God was ready to impart. Thus all 
he said was vital, not with novelty, but with originality. That 
pure limpid stream from a new Helicon came for the refresh- 
ing of the nations. Men of the most opposite positions and 
training, Tyndal and Huxley, Dean Stanley and Martineau, 
heard him speaking in their own tongue. His word passed 
easily over the common boundaries of thought. State lines, 
mountains, and ocean were no impediment. And to-day 
his word runneth very quickly ; for it is not his word, but 
the word to which he has listened. 

"The passive Master lent his hand 
To the vast soul that o'er him planned; 

For out of thought's interior Bphere 
These wonders rose to upper air."' 


Let me try to describe the mental and spiritual condition of 
New England when Emerson appeared. Calvinism, with its 
rigorous dogmatism, was slowly dying, and had been succeeded, 
by a calm and somewhat formal rationalism. Locke was still 
the master in the realm of thought, Addison and Blair in lit- 
erary expression ; in poetry the school of Pope was engaged in 
conflict with that of Byron and his contemporaries. Words- 
worth had led the way to a deeper view of Nature, but 
Wordsworth could scarcely be called a popular writer. In 
theology a certain literalism prevailed, and the doctrines of 
Christianity were inferred from counting and weighing texts 
on either side. Not the higher reason, with its intuition of 
eternal ideas, but the analytic understanding, with its logical 
methods, was considered to be the ruler in the world of 
thought. There was more of culture than of original thought, 
more of trained excellence of character than of moral enthu- 
siasm. Religion had become very much of an external in- 
stitution. Christianity was believed to consist in holding 
rational or orthodox opinions, going regularly to church, and 
listening every Sunday to a certain number of prayers, hymns, 
and sermons. These sermons, with some striking exceptions, 
were rather tame and mechanical. In Boston, it is true, Buck- 
minster had appeared, — that soul of flame, which soon wore 
to decay its weak body. The consummate orator, Edward Ev- 
erett, had followed him in the Brattle Square pulpit. Above 
all, Channing had looked with a new spiritual insight into the 
truths of religion and morality. But still the mechanical treat- 
ment prevailed in many and perhaps a majority of the churches 
of New England, and was considered on the whole to be the 
wisest and safest method. There was an unwritten creed of 
morals, literature, and social thought, to which all were ex- 
pected to conform. There was little originality, and much 
repetition. On all subjects there were certain formulas which 
it was considered proper to repeat. " Thou art a blessed fel- 
low," says one of Shakspeare's characters, " to think as other 
people think. Not a man's thought in the world keeps the 
roadway better than thine." The thought of New England 
kept the roadway. Of course, at all times, a large part of the 
belief of the community is necessarily derived from memory, 
custom, and imitation. But in those days, if I remember them 
aright, it was regarded as a kind of duty to think as every one 


else thought, a sort of delinquency or weakness to differ from 
the majority. 

If the movements of mind arc now much more independent 

and spontaneous; if to-day traditions have lost their despotic 
power ; if e\ en some of those who nominally hold an orthodoi 
creed are able to treat it as an excellent formula, respectable 
for its past uses and having an historic value, but by do means 
strictly binding us now, — this is largely owing to the manly 
position taken by Emerson. And yet, lei il be observed, this 
influence was not exercised by attacking old opinions, nor by 
argument, denial, and criticism. Theodore Parker did all this : 
but his influence on thought has been far less than that of 
Emerson. Parker was a hero who snuffed the battle afar off, 
and flung himself, sword in hand, into the thick of the conflict. 
But, much as we love and reverence his honesty, his immense 
activity, his devotion to truth and right, we must admit to- 
day, standing by these two friendlj -raves, that the power of 
Emerson to soften the rigidity of time-hardened belief was 
much the greater. It is the old fable of the storm and >un. 
The violent attacks of the tempest only made the traveller 
cling more closely to his cloak; the genial heat of tie' sun 
compelled him to throw it aside. In Mr. Emerson's writings 
there is scarcely any argument ; he attacks no man's belief, 
he simply states his own. His method is positive and con- 
structive. He opens the windows and lets in more light He 
is no man's opponent, the enemy of no one. He Btates what 
he sees, and that which he does not see he passes by. He was 
often attacked, hut never replied. His answer was to go tor- 
ward, and say something else. lie did not care for what In,' 
called the "bugbear consistency." If to-day he said what 
seemed like Pantheism, and to-morrow he Baw some truth 
which seemed to reveal a divine personality, a Bupreme will, 
he uttered the last, as he had declared the first, always faithful 
to the light within. He left it to the spirit of truth to rec- 
oncile such apparent contradictions. lie was like his own 
humble-bee : — 

" Seeing only what is fair. 
Sipping only what is sweet, 
Thou dost mock at fate and care, 
Leave the chaff and take the wheat." 


He describes his humble-bee as always on the search for 
fair and honey-producing flowers, — 

" Violets and bilberry bells, 
Maple sap and daffodels, 
Columbine with horn of honey, 
Scented fern and agrimony. 

All beside was unknown waste ; 
All was picture as he passed." 

By this method of positive statement he not only saved the 
time usually wasted in argument, attack, reply, rejoinder, but 
he gave us the substance of truth instead of its form. Logic 
and metaphysic reveal no truths, — they merely arrange in 
order what the higher faculties of the mind have made known. 
Hence the speedy oblivion which descends on polemics of all 
sorts. The great theological debaters, — where are they ? 
The books of Horsley and Magee are buried in the same 
grave with those of Belsham and Priestley, their old oppo- 
nents. The bitter attacks on Christianity by Voltaire and 
Paine are inurned in the same dark and forgotten vault with 
the equally bitter defences of Christianity by its numerous 
champions. Argument may often be necessary ; but no truth 
is slain by argument, no error can be kept alive by it. 
Emerson is an eminent example of a man who replied to no 
attacks, but went on his way, and saw at last opposition 
hushed and hostility at an end. He devoted his powers to 
giving to his hearers or readers his best insights, knowing that 
these alone feed the soul. Thus men came to him to be fed. 
Those who felt themselves better for his instruction followed 
him. He collected around him an ever-increasing band of 
disciples, until in England, France, Germany, in all lands 
where men read and think, he is looked up to as a master. 
Many of his disciples were persons of rare gifts and powers, 
like Margaret Fuller, Theodore Parker, George Ripley, Haw- 
thorne ; many others were unknown to fame, yet deeply sen- 
sible of the blessings they had received from this prophet and 
seer of the nineteenth century. This then was his office. 
He was a man who saw. He had the vision and the faculty 
divine. He sat near the fountain-head, and tasted the waters 
of Helicon at their source. 


His first little book, a duodecimo of less than a hundred 
pages, called "Nature," published in 1836, already indicates 
these qualities. It begins thus, with statements which were 
then paradoxes, but are now commonplaces: — 





"Ourage is retrospective. It builds the sepulchres of the father 
It writes biographies, histories, criticisms. The foregoing generatioi 
beheld God and Nature face to fare; we, through their eyes. Wo 
Bhould oot we also enjoy our original relation to the universe? Wh 
Bhould net we have a poetry ami philosophy of insight, and not of tnt 
dition, and a religion by revelation to us, and not the history of theirs? 
. . . The Mm Bhines to-day also. . . • Undoubtedly we have do ques- 
tions to ask which are unanswerable." 

This was his first doctrine, — that of self-reliance. lie 
taught that God had given to every man the power to Bee 

with his own eyes, think with his ^wn mind, believe what 
seemed to him true, plant himself on his instincts, and, as la; 
says, "call a pop-gun a pop-gun, though the ami. ait and 
honorable of the earth declare it to be the (rack of (1011111.'' 
This was manly and wholesome doctrine. It might, no doubt, 
be abused, and lead some persons to think they were men of 
original genius when they were only eccentric. It may have 
led others to attack all institutions and tradition-, as though, 
if a thing* were old, it was necessarily false. But Emerson 
himself was the best antidote to such extravagance. To a 
youth who brought to him a manuscript confuting Plato, he 
replied, "When you attack the king, you ought to be sure to 
kill him." But his protest against the prevailing conven- 
tionalism was healthy, and his call on all "to be themselves" 
was inspiring. 

The same doctrine is taught in the introductory remarks of 
the editors of the "Dial." They say they " have obeyed with 
joy the strong current of thought which had led many sincere 
persons to reprobate that rigor of conventions which is turn- 
ing us to stone, which renounces hope, and only look's back- 
ward, which suspects improvement, and holds nothing BO 
much in horror as the dreams of youth." This work, the 
"Dial," made a great impression, out of all proportion to its 
small circulation. By the elders it was cordially declared to 
be unintelligible mysticism ; and so, no doubt, much of it was. 
Those inside, its own friends, often made as much fun of it as 



those outside. Yet it opened the door for many new and 
noble thoughts, and was a wild bugle-note, — a reveille* calling 
on all generous hearts to look toward the coming day. 

Here is an extract from one of Emerson's letters from Eu- 
rope, as early as March, 1833. It is dated at Naples. 

" And what if it be Naples ! It is only the same world of cake and 
ale, of man and truth and folly. I will not be imposed upon by a 
name. It is so easy to be overawed by names, that it is hard to keep 
one's judgment upright, and be pleased only after your own way. 
Baia and Pausillippo sound so big that we are ready to surrender at dis- 
cretion, and not stickle for our private opinion against what seems the 
human race. But here 's for the plain old Adam, the simple genuine 
self against the whole world." 

Again he says : " Nothing so fatal to genius as genius. Mr. 
Taylor, author of 'Van Artevelcle,' is a man of great intel- 
lect, but by study of Shakspeare is forced to reproduce 

Thus the first great lesson taught by Mr. Emerson was 
Self-Reliance ; and the second was like it, though apparently 
opposed to it, — God-Reliance. Not really opposed to it, for 
it meant this : God is also near to your mind and heart, as 
he was to the mind and heart of the prophets and inspired 
men of the past. God is ready to inspire you also, if you 
will trust in him. In the little book called "Nature," he 
says, — 

" The highest is present to the soul of man, — the dread universal es- 
sence, which is not wisdom, or love, or power, or beauty, but all in one; 
and each entirely is that for which all things exist and by which they 
are. Believe that throughout Nature spirit is present, — that it is one, — 
that it does not act upon us from without, but through ourselves. . . . 
As a plant on the earth, so man rests on the bosom of God, nourished 
by unfailing fountains, and drawing at his need inexhaustible power." 

And so, in his poem called " The Problem," he teaches that 
all religions are from God, — that all the prophets, sibyls, and 
lofty souls who have sung psalms, written Scripture, and 
built the temples and cathedrals of men, were inspired by a 
spirit above their own. He puts aside the shallow explana- 
tion that any of the great religions ever came from priest- 


"Out from the heart of Mature rolled 
The burdens of the Bible old, 
The litanies of nal ions came, 
Like the volcano's tongue of flame, 
Up from the burning core below, 
The rant idea of io\ e and woe. 

The word unto the prophel spoken 
Was writ on tables yel unbroken ; 
The word by Beers or sibyls, told 
In groves of oak or fanes of gold, 
Si ill floats upon the morning wind ; 
Still whispers to the willing mind. 
One accent of the Holy Ghosl 
The heedless world hath never lost." 

In all that Emerson says of Nature, he is equally devout. 
He sees God in it all. It is to him full of a divine charm. 

11 In the woods," he says, "is perpetual youth. Within these 
plantations of God a decorum and sanctity reign, and we re- 
turn to reason and faith." "The currents of the Universal 
Being circulate through me. I am part or particle of God." 
For saying such things as these he was accused of Pantheism. 
And he was a Pantheist, — yet I think only as Paul was a 
Pantheist when he said, "In Him we live and move, and 
have our being," "From whom, and through whom, and to 
whom, are all things," " The fulness of him who iilleth all 
in all." Emerson was, in his view of Nature, at one with 
Wordsworth, who said, — 

u The clouds wore touched, 
And in their silent faces he could read 
Unutterable love. .... 

Sensation, soul, and form 
All melted into him; they swallowed up 
His animal being, — in them did he live. 

And by them did he live, — they were his life. 

In such high hour 
Of visitation from the living God, 

Thought was not; in enjoyment it expired." 

Emerson has thus been, to our day, the prophet of God in 
the soul, in nature, in life. He has stood for spirit against 
matter. Darwin, his great peer, the serene master in the 


school of science, was like him in this, — - that he also said what 
he saw, and no more. He also taught what God showed to 
him in the outward world of sense, as Emerson taught what 
God showed in the inward world of spirit. Amid the stormy 
disputes of their time, each of these men went his own way, 
— his eye single, and his whole body full of light. The work 
of Darwin was the easier ; for he floated with the current of 
the time, which sets at present so strongly toward the study 
of things seen and temporal. But the work of Emerson was 
more noble ; for he stands for things unseen and eternal, — for 
a larger religion, a higher faith, a nobler worship. This strong 
and tender soul has done its work, and gone on its way. Bat 
he will always fill a niche of the Universal Church, as a New 
England prophet. He had the purity of the New England air 
in his moral nature, a touch of the shrewd lankee wit in his 
speech, and the long inheritance of ancestral faith incarnate 
and consolidated in blood and brain. To this were added 
qualities which were derived from some far-off realm of hu- 
man life, — an Oriental cast of thought, a touch of mediaeval 
mysticism, and a vocabulary derived from books unknown to 
our New England literature. No commonplaces of language 
are to be found in his writings ; and though he read the older 
writers, he does not imitate them. He also, like his humble- 
bee, has brought contributions from remotest fields, and en- 
riched our language with a new and picturesque speech, all 
his own. 

One word concerning Mr. Emerson's relation to Christ and 
to Christianity. The distinction which be made between Jesus 
and other teachers was, no doubt, one of degree and not one 
of kind. He put no gulf of supernatural powers, origin, or 
office between Christ and the Ethnic Prophets. But his rever- 
ence for Jesus was profound and tender. Nor did he object to 
the word Christian or to the Christian Church. In recent 
years, at least, he not unfrequently attended the services of 
the church in his town ; and I have met him at Christian con- 
ventions, a benign and revered presence. 

In the cemetery at Bonn, on the Rhine, is the tomb of 
Niebuhr the historian, — a man of a somewhat like type, as I 
judge, to our Emerson. At least some texts on his monument 
would be admirably appropriate for any stone which may be 
placed over the remains of the American Prophet and Poet 


in the Bweei valley of tombs in Concord. One is from Sirach, 

xlvii. 14-17 : — 

"How wise wast thou in thy youth, and filled with understanding! 
Thy bouI covered the earth, and filled it with dark parabl 
Thy oame went Ear unto the islauds, and tor th\ • 
The countries marvelled al thee, forth) songs, and proverbs, and 
bles, and interpretations ! 

Ami equally appropriate would be the Horatian line, 
on Niebuhr's monument: — 

•• Quia desiderio sit pudor aut modus tarn can capil 
Mr. Emerson died at his home in Concord, April 27, l" v ~ 



The Society resumed its meetings, which had been omitted 
during the summer, on Thursday, the 9th instant ; and in the 
absence of Dr. Ellis, who had recently met with a personal 
bereavement, Mr. Deane, Vice-President, took the chair. He 
congratulated the Society that during the long vacation no 
name had been dropped from the Resident or the Honorary and 
Corresponding roll. He expressed regret at the absence of 
the President, and read a note which he had received from 
him referring to the loss of his beloved brother. 

The record of the last meeting was read by the Secretary. 

The gifts to the Library were reported by the Librarian ; 
and they included additional volumes from the family of the 
late George Ticknor. 

Mr. Saltonstall, in behalf of the Committee formed to 
procure a portrait of Mr. Winthrop, then said : — 

I take great pleasure in calling the attention of the Society 
to the portrait of our ex-President, Mr. Winthrop, which is 
before them. 

Your Committee corresponded at once with Mr. Huntington, 
the artist who had twice painted so successfully portraits of 
Mr. Winthrop, — that now in his dining-room, and the noble 
fall-length portrait in the Capitol. 

The artist most willingly undertook for the third time the 
work of painting the portrait of the eminent gentleman, and 
preferred to paint another original rather than to duplicate 
either of the others. He had, I believe, but one sitting, and 
produced the admirable portrait which is before you. It is a 
spirited and true presentment of one who is very dear to this 
Society, and to whom it is and always will be grateful for his 
long and valuable services as its President. 

The Committee, if you remember, was instructed to procure 
a full-length portrait ; but at Mr. Winthrop's earnest request 
it was painted in the usual size, — he being unwilling to have 
it in form differing from those of his father and the other 


ex- Presidents. I trust the members will agree with me aa to 
the merit of the portrait. 

The Committee is under great obligation to Mr. Cobb for 
his zealous attention to the work of procuring it. 

The portrait was received with great gratification; and 
Judge Devens expressed the opinion of all present thai the 
Committee had discharged their duty most satisfactorily, and 
that the thanks of the Society Bhould be given to them. 

Mr. Deake read the following paper, whah had been 
written by Dr. Ellis : — 

It is fitting that our Proceedings Bhould bear record of the 

successful results achieved by patient research in clearing up 
an obscure subject which has been frequently referred t<> in 
the meetings and publications of this Society, — namely, the 

time and place of birth, and the lineage of the revered man 
known as kl the first founder of Harvard College." The Presi- 
dent of the College was privileged to make public announce- 
ment of the facts at the Commencement this year. Members 
of this Society who have united with other contributors in 
securing the services of Mr. Henry F. Waters in historical and 
genealogical research in England, in matters of interest in our 
early New England annals and concerning our early colonists, 
had already felt themselves abundantly rewarded by the- rich 
discoveries which he had previously made, as noted in our 
Proceedings. The method, which he was the firsl to adopt, of 
a thorough, page-by-page examination of the folios of wills, 
in the chaos of imperfectly indexed volumes, has been fruitful 
and rich in its revelations. His latest discovery may well 
crown his faithful and intelligently directed labors. The 
mystery which had heretofore enshrouded the personality of 
John Harvard had become baffling and provocative of the 
imagination. It is somewhat remarkable that our bards, who 
sometimes sport with history for the sake of sentimentalizing 
poetry, had not made him the theme of some romantic fancy. 
If any of us had idealized the mystery about him, taking the 
ignotum pro magnifico, we must reeoncile ourselves to the 
revelation which has assigned to him a parentage and kinship 
with the sterling class of our old English stock, the guilds 
and mechanics and tradespeople, whose rank was lowly, and 
whose frugal means were the savings of honest, useful toil. 


Mr. Waters has transcribed for us the wills of John Harvard's 
father and mother, of two step-fathers, of brother, uncle, aunt, 
and father-in-law. Harvard was baptized — a ceremony soon 
following birth — in London, on Nov. 29, 1607, and so was in 
his thirty-first year when he died here. His property, the 
half of which he left to the College, had come to him from 
the decease of these relatives, including the inheritance of 
his mother from her second and third husbands, by whom she 
had no children. 

There yet remains as desirable, what Mr. Waters' further 
researches may disclose, the evidence and documents relating 
to the settlement of Harvard's estate in England, and to the 
transfer of property for his legacy to the College. 

In immediate connection with this subject, recognition 
should also appear in our Proceedings of the commemoration, 
on June 18 and 19, 1884, of the three hundredth anniversary 
of the founding of Emmanuel College, Cambridge, England. 
That was Harvard's Alma Mater; his degree of Master of 
Arts dates in the first half-century of the existence of the 
College. A volume containing the exercises on that observ- 
ance has been presented to this Society by the Master and 
Fellows. The signal, if not the supreme, interest assigned to 
the founder and to the historic importance of our College in 
the exercises, the speeches, and honors of that occasion may 
be inferred from the remark in a reference to them, in the 
"Saturday Review" of June 28: "We could have wished 
to have heard a little more about Emmanuel and a little less 
about Harvard ; for we were assembled to celebrate the ter- 
centenary of the mother, not that of the child." Yet, if it 
may not seem ungracious, we would add that there are two 
points of interest which do not appear to have been noticed 
in the relations in the olden time between the old and the 
new Cambridge. Emmanuel was founded by Sir Walter Mild- 
may in 1584. There were very close relations of intimacy, 
and at least two by marriage, between the families of Mild may 
and Winthrop. Sir Walter Mild may, founder of Emmanuel, 
was the uncle of Sir Thomas Milclmay who married Alice 
the sister of our Governor's father. It was from Alice, Lady 
Mildmay, the aunt of our Governor, that he received the 
"stone pot, tipped and covered with a silver lid," a curi- 
ous relic now in the Cabinet of the Antiquarian Society in 


Worcester. Another of the Btrong ties between the two 
Cambridges is the " Cambridge Agreement," on Aug. 26, L629, 
which assured the coming hither of the Massachusetts Com- 
pany. It is not known exactly where in Cambridge the twelve 
leading and responsible men met and signed that Agreement. 
No other place there would have been more fitting or likely 
than some hall or chamber of Emmanuel, the Puritan college. 

One may refer in this connection to the speech of our ex- 

President at the banquet in St. Peter'B College, when the 
degree of Doctor of Laws was conferred upon him in L874. 1 

In answer to an invitation from the Master and Fellows of 
Emmanuel, our own College was represented at the com- 
memoration by our associate, Professor Charles Eliot Norton. 

Another of our associates, His Excellency James Russell 

Lowell, American Minister near the Court of St. James, held 
a place of honor at the exercises, in speech and banquet. He 
modestly left to the official delegate a grateful service, most 
felicitously rendered, of rehearsing the memories and relations 
of the ancient days. It may be well to note an error of oxer- 
sight in the Memorial Volume (page GO). From the facl that 
Mr. Joseph II. Choate presided at our Commencement dinner 
at which the announcement of the intended gift of a statue of 
Harvard was made, the gift is said to be from him instead 
of from its real donor, Samuel J. Bridge. Professor Norton 
in his speech, so rich and eloquent in its matter and spirit, 
is reported as assigning to Governor Winthrop thirty years' 
residence in New England, instead of nineteen. 

The two following letters from Mr. James Eddy Mauran, of 
Newport, Rhode Island, were sent by the President : — 

Boston April 9 : 1770 
Mess" Sam 1 - & W" Vernon. 

Gentlemen* — I Roe' 1 }-- money you sent & that for the order on 
M r Mumford & gave him a receipt allso wrote by him & sent it to his 
Lodging Last week that it was the Ballance of your acct as to 

Haddock their is none & Jamaica Fish I Can now gel at 5-7 6 ^ not 
under it Very scarce at this Season of y r year 

I am gentlemen yours [to] Serve 

W" Whitwe[ll] 

1 See his "Addresses and Speeches," vol. iii. p. 319. 


We hear the vessell that is Come in to Newport is full of goods if so 
whats become of your signing & Sons of Liberty &c W m W 

As to the money from the Custom house you mention I dont under- 
stand we know not any thing about it here — the most we know is that 
they Procured an Evedenc to sware he heard some body that Fatal 
Night say we hope to have the sharing of the money in their but none 
beleives it Even themselves I think. 

[Indorsed « W m Whitwell Apr* 9th 1770."] 

[Addressed " To Mes rs Samuel & William Vernon 


New Port."] 

Mess" Sam* & W" Vernon Boston April 10:177 ° 

Gentlemen — Yestrday I wrote you N Port and one princapul 
reason of writing was to Inform you I sent your Letter to London by 
Cap 1 Gardner who was hired by the Town to Carry our Packett he 
saild y e first Instant. I find we had Need Enough to send as some per- 
son was wicked Enough to write to York & get publish 4 their a most vile 
wicked & false acct of the affair of y e 5th of March which is Direct the 
reverse we have abundant Evidence of a preconcerted Scheem of y e Sol- 
direys Intention of Somthing Very Bad as they had Previously Cau- 
tiond some of their acquaintance not to be out at such a Time others 
Telling of more Blood would be spilt in Boston before the Next week 
was out than ever was Known before &c all which is Printed in a pam- 
phlet and sent home with all the Evedence but they are not suffered to 
come out here yet as the persons have not had their Tryal and its thot 
it might be a means of Predjuceing the minds of Persons &c in Due time 
I hope you 1 see & to your Surprize their abominations 
I am Gentlemen Yours to Serve 

W M Whitwell. 

Mr. A. A. Lawrence presented to the Library Mr. F. B. 
Sanborn's " Life of John Brown," accompanied by a letter 
commenting upon certain statements in it. 

Dr. Clarke remarked that John Brown did what he 
thought to be his duty, although his views of duty were 
different from ours. 

The Secretary announced from Dr. Peabody a memoir of 
the late Rear-Admiral George H. Preble, which he had been 
requested to write. 

Judge Chamberlain", being called upon, spoke as follows : 

There is an interesting episode in the history of the Old 
Province House which has escaped the notice of local antiqua- 


rians. I refer to its occupation by the Earl of Bellomont, win n 
governor, for fourteen months from the Latter pari of M. 

1»; , .» < .). The accepted opinion has been thai in L716 Colonel 
Samuel Shute "probably became the first gubernatorial 
occupant of the Mansion House;" 1 bul the facl is other- 
wise, as will duly appear after a brief recital of the history 
of the Old Mansion of Peter Sergeant, for which I am 
mainly indebted to Dr. Shurtleff. Its site was on the west- 
erly side of Washington Street, the third lot southerly from 
School Street; and according to the "Book of Possessions," 
Thomas Millard was its first owner. From him the title 
passed to Colonel Samuel Shrimpton, who sold it in 1676 to 
Peter Sergeant, for JlooO. The lot had a frontage of eighty- 
six feet on the street, and extended westerly two hundred 
and sixty-six feet, its western boundary being seventy-seven 

Peter Sergeant, who came over in 1667, was a Louden mer- 
chant of wealth, apart from what he acquired by three mar- 
riages, and was honorably distinguished in colonial history. 
In 1679 he built a Mansion House, afterwards better known 
— from 1716, when it was purchased by the province — as the 
Province House, the residence of the royal governors from 
Colonel Shute to General Gage. Governor Shute reached 
Boston, Oct. 4, 1710, and for a time was the guest of Paul 
Dudley. When he went to the Province House, docs not ap- 
pear. It was worthy of such distinction; for undoubtedly it 
was the most eligible residence in Boston. Built of brick, 
three stories high, situated in spacious grounds ornamented 
with magnificent trees, it merited the decorative handiwork 
of Deacon Sheni Drown which was placed on its cupola, — 
the identical Indian chief, with his drawn bow and arrow, 
which was presented to the Historical Society by Mrs. Emily 
W. Appleton, and its gift announced with interesting and 
valuable remarks from Dr. George E. Ellis.' J 

In this mansion Sergeant resided for twenty years before it 
acquired any distinction other than that which attached toil 
as the most sumptuous in the colony, owned and occupied by 
a gentleman renowned for his hospitality and honored by the 
consideration of his fellow-citizens. He lived in the disturbed 

1 Shurtleff's Topographical and Bistorical Description of Boston, p 

2 Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc. vol. xv. p. ITS 


times which witnessed the overthrow of the first charter, the 
usurpation of Anclros, whom he strenuously opposed, and the 
grant of the new charter, with all the heart-burnings, jeal- 
ousies, and aspirations which these events occasioned. Ser- 
geant was one of the councillors named in the charter. Of 
his domestic life we know but little. Though thrice married, 
his home was without children of his own, — a circumstance 
which may have had something to do with the opening of his 
mansion to the Earl of Bellomont, first as his guest, and later 
as a tenant. 

By the death of Governor Phipps, in London, Feb. 18, 1695, 
whither he had been summoned to give an account of his 
administration, which had caused some dissatisfaction, the way 
was prepared for rumors respecting his successor. Joseph 
Dudley, a native of the colony, was ambitious to succeed 
Phipps; but notwithstanding the influence of Lord Cutts in 
his favor, Dudley's action in the condemnation of Leisler 
worked to his prejudice, and the report of the appointment of 
the Earl of Bellomont instead was not slow in reaching the 
province. 1 Sewall records, 1695, Aug. 25 : — 

" The Flag is out almost all day at the Castle, for Pincarton comes in 
in the even, brings word that the Lord Bellamont is coming over our 
Governour in the Unity Frigat." 2 

Sept. 20. " The Lord Bellamont is made our Governour. Hardly 
will come before the Spring." 3 

But his lordship did not come even then. His affairs 
detained him in England until the fall of 1697, 4 when he em- 
barked for his government in one of his Majesty's ships, which 
was blown off the coast, and he was obliged to winter in Bar- 
badoes. The next spring, Sewall records : — 

"Third-day. Apr. 12. 1698. By a sloop from thence we hear that 
the governour arrived at Sandy-Hook Apr. 1. and was received magni- 
ficently at New-york Ap. 2. Capt N. Williams told me first of it in 
the Meeting-House, after Catechising." 5 

1 Hutchinson's Hist. Mass. vol ii. p. 86. 

2 Diary, vol. i. p. 411. 

3 Ibid. p. 413. 

4 Drake, misreading Hutchinson (vol. ii. p. 108), says " 1698/' History of 
Boston, p. 517. 

5 Diary, vol. i. p. 476. 

L885.] THE old PROVINCE S0U8E. 125 

For a year Hie Governor was detained in New York, which 
with Massachusetts and New Hampshire fell under his govern- 
ment; but he was not without intelligence from Massachusetts 
during that time. 

"Immediately upon advice of his lordship's arrival [id New York]. 
a committee was sent with congratulations from the Massachusetts; and 
during his residence at New York he was frequently consulted, and all 
matters of importance were communicated to him." ' 

Nor were the good people of Massachusetts indifferenl to 
the Governor's welfare while his coming was delayed. Sewall 
records, April ll> : — 

" His Excellencies Letter to the Lt. Governour and council is read, 

dated Ap. 1. X. York. Thanks for Praying lor Him, which Baw l>v tin- 
order tor the Past; doubts not hut far'd the better. Shall write more 

by the next, was now in pain by the (Join.' - - 

A year passed, and the hopes of the people were changed to 
the enjoyment of the reality of his lordship's presence. 

1 GOO, Apr. 13. "Orders are issued to Lt. Col. Hutchinson to prepare 
for my Lords coming as to the Regiment." 3 

With diarian fatality, Sewall is reticent where we would 
have him garrulous. He puts us off with the following mea- 
gre hints of the pageantry and feasting which accompanied the 
Governor's entry to the capital of the province, and refers us 
to his ''Journal of meeting the Gov 1 : June 7th," which does 
not appear. 

1G99, May. " Gov r dines at Roxbury, four coaches. Capt. Byfield 
give the Committee a Treat." 

June 5. "Mr. Willard preaches an excellent Election Sermon. 
Gov r dines at Monks. Major Walley chosen Capt, Capt Byfield 
Lieut. Tho. Hutchinson Ens. Govr Bellomonl [Sewall has now learned 
the true spelling of the Governor'.-, name] delivers the Badges, Baying 
that He aproved of the choice." 4 

But after these ebullitions (^ provincial joy, which vJ las! 
doubtless fatigued even a politician as desirous of making a 
favorable impression as the Earl of Bellomonl is said to have 

been, his lordship must have been grateful for the sigh 1 of a 

» Hutchinson's Hist. Mass. vol. ii. p 108. - Pi.iry, vol. i. p. 177. 

3 Ibid. p. 49-3. ' I F. p. 497. 


quiet couch. He found one in the mansion of Peter Sergeant, 
who, as a man of wealth and social distinction, could hardly 
have resisted the claims of his Excellency to the hospitality of 
his mansion ; and he was nothing loath, we may presume, to 
entertain the noble representative of royalty under his roof. 
Sewall says: — 

"Midsumer Day, 1699. Mr Secretary, Capt. Belchar, Capt. Mason 
and S, are invited, aud dine with my Lord and Lady, at Mr Ser- 
geant's." * 

Sewall seems to have made a favorable impression upon the 

"Wednesday; July, 19 The Lady Bellomont and Madam Nanfan 
visit us." 2 

Lord Bellomont married Catharine Nanfan, of Bridgemorton, 
in the county of Worcester, and had two sons, successively 
Earls of Bellomont. John Nanfan, a kinsman of the Earl of 
Bellomont, came over with the Earl, as lieutenant-governor of 
New York ; and Madam Nanfan, presumably his wife, accom- 
panied the Earl and his lady from New York. 

The Governor used the Sergeant Mansion not only for social 
purposes, but also for official occasions. 

" July 20. Deputies are sent for to Mr. Sergeant's, and in his best 
Chamber, the Governour declares his Prorogation of the Court." 3 

" Third-day, July 25 1699. My Lord Bellomont deliver'd me my 
Comision for Judge of the Superiour Court. And the Chief Justice, 
Mr Stoughton, Mr Cooke and myself were sworn in Mr Sergeants 
best chamber before the Governour & Council." 4 

Sewall at this time, as ever after his marriage, undoubt- 
edly lived on the easterly side of Washington Street, between 
Summer and Bedford Streets, and not in the house on Cotton 
Hill, as has been sometimes supposed. This Cotton Hill estate 
was occupied by Captain Tuthill. On the same day that 
Sewall received his commission as Judge, July 25, he made 
the following entry : — 

" Between 6 and 7, I have my Lady up upon Cotton Hill, and shew 
her the Town ; Madam Sergeant, Nanfan, Newton there ; and Maj r 

i Diary, vol. i. p. 498. 2 Ibid. p. 499. 

3 Ibid. p. 500. * Ibid. p. 500. 


Gen] and Mr Sergeant Mrs. Tuthilla Daughters invited my Lady as 
came down and gave a glass of good Wine. As came <l 
through the Gate I asked my Lady's Leave thai now I might call it 
Bellomont Gate. My Lady laugh'd and Baid, What a Complement he 
puts on me! With pleasancy." 1 

The scene Lady Bellomont looked upon from Cotton Mill 
no longer exists in its original beauty, as when the rivers, 
unvexed by bridges, ran to the ocean, and tin- adjacent 
heights and headlands, with the lenticular hills beyond, and 
the hundred islands in the hay, were untouched by despoiling 
hands, ami around all was the encircling Bea. Se wall's Diary 
contains these last memoranda: — 

"Seventh-day, Nov* 1. This day the Gov* treats the Council and 
sundry other Gentlemen in Mr Sergeants besl chamber." 8 

L700, duly 17. "The L d Bellomont our Gov' Beta sail for New 
york." 3 

1707, March 15. '-The Town is filled with the News of my Ld 
Bellomont's death, last Wednesday, was sei ight." ' 

From these and other entries it is evident that Lord Bello- 
mont was popular with the Massachusetts people while li . 
and that he was regretted when dead. Peter Sergeant was not 
the only one who, to his own inconvenience, was willin 
accommodate his lordship. Sewall himself, who owned a 
coach-house and stable on the Pynchon lot, where the Hor- 
ticultural Hall now stands, and not far from the Sergeant 
Mansion, gave them up to the Governor. Whether the -ate 
named Bellomont in compliance with Se wall's gallant request 
long bore that distinction, does not appear : hut he records, as 
late as Dec. 18, 1T0G, that — 

"Bastian Lops the Elm by my Lord's stable; cuts off :i cord 
of good wood. Mr. Sergeant came up Rawson's lane as we were 
doing it." 5 

But the whole of Peter Sergeant's complacency towards the 
Governor lias not been told; for his lordship, finding " Mr. 
Sergeants best chamber" quite to his mind, desired the whole 

i Diarv, vol. i. p. 500. -' Tbid. p. 504. 

a Tbid. vol. ii. p. 20. * / ; " / - 1' 

6 Ibid. p. 174. 


estate. This Sergeant not only accorded to him; but that he 
might do so, hired and moved into a house owned by William 
Gibbins, on the other side of Washington Street. When Lord 
Bellomont went to New York, and death had precluded his 
return to Boston, Sergeant gave up the Gibbins house, and 
resumed his own ; but it is uncertain whether Madam Ser- 
geant returned to the mansion, or was carried to her last 
resting-place from the Gibbins house. She died Nov. 10, 

Apparently Earl Bellomont arranged with Sergeant and 
Sewall for their respective estates with the expectation of 
paying the rents out of his own pocket, as appears from the 
following : — 

"1699 Aug. 28. Earl Bellomont writes to the Lords of Trade that 
he paid £100 a year for a house in Boston, besides a charge for a 
stable." 1 

But it is now certain that the province not only paid these 
rents, but also Sergeant's expenses for entertaining the Gov- 
ernor in his house before arrangements were made by which 
he became sole occupant. His lordship, as is seen above, 
sailed for New York July 17, 1700. About three weeks later, 
August 5, Sewall wrote to the Earl, then at Albany, as 
follows : — ■ 

U I congratulate your Excellency, and my Ladys safe arrival at 
New York, and condole your repeated affliction by the Gout. . . . The 
Comittee apointed by the Gen 1 Court, have agreed to the proposals made 
by Mr. Sergeant and myself. They allow me Fifteen pounds p anum 
for the Stable, from the first of Octob r till May next; And the Prov- 
ince is to have what Benefit can reasonably be made of it during your 
Lordships absence." 2 

Though this agreement with the General Court is for pro- 
spective rent, it will appear in the sequel that the province 
paid for the whole time during which the Mansion House of 
Mr. Sergeant and Sewall's coach-house and stable were used 
by the Governor. 

The following records require little or no comment : — 

i N. E. Hist, and Gen. Reg. vol. vi. p. 83. 
2 Sewall's Letters, vol. i. p. 240. 


General Court Records* ' 

[March 2:3, ;;;:;.] 

A Resolve of the Rouse of Representatives in the Words 
following was Sen! op, read, and Concurred with Yi/t, 

That the whole Charge arising for House Rent b i 
for the Accomodation of His Ex 03 for this Fear, be paid out 
of the Treasury of this Province at the Expiration of the 

Consented to 

Belli >m< in r 

The foregoing resolve, as will be noticed, is not a legislative 
act consented to by the Governor after it had passed both 
bodies, but a resolve of the Council, authenticated and appro\ ed 
by the Earl of Bellomont, and sent up to the House of Repre- 
sentatives for concurrent action: and it is an illustration of 
what Hutchinson says of him :'- - There was something singular 
and unparliamentary in Ins [Bellomont's] form of proceeding 
in the Council; for he considered himself as at the head of the 
board in their legislative as well as executive capacity." 

Council Records. 

Whereas the Committee appointed by the Great & den- Hire for the 
eral Court or Assembly at their session begun ^v held at 
Boston the 20 th day of May last, to treat with Peter Ser- 
geant Esq 1 for the hire of his house wherein his Exc< 11- the 
Earl of Bellomont lately dwelt, have reported tin ir agree- 
ment That the s' 1 M r Sergeant be allowed & paid after the 
rate of oue hundred pounds g annum for fourteen months and 
a halfe from his Lordp 9 entring thereon. 

Advised and consented That his honour the Lieu 1 Gov- Order for Uu 
ernour issue forth his Wan-ant unto M- Treasurer to pay I " l -"' i 
unto the said Peter Sergeant Esq r Rent for his - ! house for 
the space of fourteen months and a halfe, after the rate of one 
hundred pounds p annum amounting to the >um of one hun- 
dred and twenty pounds, sixteen shillings and eight penc 

Whereas the Committee appointed by the Great & Gen- BewtU* icci 

1 f> A 11 1 • L' • ' 1 1111 f " r ''" K irl 

eral Court or Assemhly at their session begun and held at 

Boston the 20th day of May last, to treat with Samuel Sewall . . 

1 Gen. Court Rec. vol. vii. p. 64. c Hutchinson's Hist. roL h. p. 113. 

3 Council Rec vol. iii. p. li'3. 


Esq- for the hire of his Stable and Coach House for the use 
of his Excellency Richard Earl of Bellomont, have reported 
their agreement that the s d Mr. Sewall be paid the sum of 
Fifteen pounds for one yeares Rent of the s d Stable and Coach 
house to the 1 st of October currant. 
OMer to pay Advised and consented That his Honour the Lieut* Gov- 
ernour issue forth his Warrant to M r Treasurer, to pay unto 
the said Samuel Sewall Esq- the afores d Rent or sum of 
Fifteen pounds. 1 

[30 May 1701.] 

Advised and consented. That there be paid unto Peter Ser- 
geant Esq 11 the sum of Twenty pounds for entertainment of 
his Excell cy the Earl of Bellomont & his Family, at his first 
coming into this Government before his Excell cies keeping 

And that his honour the Lieut* Gov r issue forth his War- 
rant unto M- Treasurer for payment of the same accordingly 

Advised and Consented that there be paid unto Samuel 
Sewall Esq- the sum of seven pounds, ten shillings for the 
last halfe years rent of Stables for his Excellency Earl of 
Bellomonts horses. 

And that his honour the Lieut* Gov 1- issue forth his War- 
rant unto M r Treasurer for payment of the same accordingly. 2 

[5 Nov. 1701.] 

Whereas the Committee appointed by the General-Assem- 
bly at their Session begun and held the 29th day of May 1700 
to treat with Peter Sergeant Esq r - e about the hire of his 
house in Boston wherein the Earl of Bellomont lately dwelt, 
have reported, that he be allowed and paid after the rate of 
one hundred pounds <p annum for fourteen months & a halfe 
from his Lord p9 entring thereon, and after the same rate till 
the Sessions of the General Court in May Anno 1701. the 
Windows in s d house to be mended at the Province charge. 
But in case his Lord p should not afterwards live in s d house, 
then s d Sergeant to be allowed nothing more than for the 
fourteen Months and a halfe past, but only the dead rent of 
the house he hired of William Gibbins. 

And whereas payment having been already ordered for the 
fourteen months and a halfe rent aforesaid, there remains yet 
to be paid the dead rent of the house hired of William 
Gibbins for the space of nine months, ending on the seven- 

i Council Rec. vol. iii. p. 160. 2 Ibid. vol. iii. p. 208. 


teenth day of April last past, at the rate of Twenty five 

pounds p aiinuin, and Twenty eight BhillingS and five 06006 

for mending of the Windows of ^' Sergeants House. 

Ordered, That a warrant lie made out and issued unto 'he 
Treasurer to pay unto tin- s' 1 Peter Sergeant Esq- the Bum 
of Twenty pounds, three shillings, in full for repairing the 
Windows of his own house, and the hire of the afores* House 

rented of William Gibbins. 

And, a Warrant for payment of the s' 1 sum accordingly, 
being drawn up was signed by fourteen of the Members of 
Council present at the lioard. 

After remarks by Messrs. G. S. Hale and PAIGE, tlie 
meeting was dissolved. 






The first American ancestor of the Preble family was Abra- 
ham Preble, from the county of Kent, who settled in Scituate, 
Massachusetts, in 1636. Among the distinguished members 
of the family we may name Commodore Edward Preble, Wil- 
liam Pitt Preble, United States Minister to Holland and Jus- 
tice of the Supreme Court of Maine, and Brigadier-General 
Preble, the grandfather of our late associate. 

George Henry Preble, son of Enoch and Sally (Cross) 
Preble, was born in Portland, Maine, Feb. 25, 1816. Edu- 
cated in the public schools of his native town, at the age of 
fourteen he became clerk in a bookstore, and was so employed 
in 1835, when he received an appointment as a Midshipman 
in the navy. On examination he was made a Passed Midship- 
man in 1841 ; and in 1846, without further promotion, as act- 
ing Master of the " Petrel," he rendered important service in 
the Mexican War. His commission as Lieutenant was received 
in 1848 ; he was made a Commander in 1862, and Captain in 
1867. In 1853, under Commodore Perry, he was put in com- 
mand of a steamer chartered for the protection of American 
commerce against Chinese pirates; and in this service he 
manifested such signal promptness and efficiency as to receive 
not only emphatic praise from his commanding officer, but also 
the special thanks of Rear-Admiral Stirling of the British 
Navy. In 1862, while still a Lieutenant, he commanded the 
" Katahdin," under Farragut, and took part in all the principal 
operations on the Mississippi. 

Shortly after he received his commission as Commander, oc- 
curred an event, unavoidable but disastrous, and threatening 


an abrupt close to his honorable career. In September, 1862, 
while he was id command of the "Oneida," on the blockade 
of the Mobile harbor, the rebel Bteamer "Ovieto* 1 broke the 
blockade. The u Oneida's " steam-apparatus was undergoing 
readjustment, and could uot be put in motion till the rebel 
vessel was beyond her reach. On the intelligence of this fa 
Commander Preble was summarily dismissed from the Bervice, 
without the opportunity of making his statement of the affair, 
and not without reason for suspicion that some hostile outside 
influence of which he was the innocent and unconscious vic- 
tim had been exerted with the functionaries of the Navy 
Department. This arbitrary action of the Department was 
warmly resented by his brother-officers and by large numbers 
of citizens conversant with public affairs; and the numerous 
testimonials to his long-tried and universally recognized ability 
and courage as an officer, together with fully certified state- 
ments of i he circumstances which rendered the " ( meida" unser- 
viceable in the stress of need, led to his restoration to his rank 
and position by the President in February, 1863. Seldom can 
so many and so hearty tributes have been paid to the Bterling 
merit, personal and official, of any man, as were poured in 
upon him, in great part unsought, during the few months of 
his suspension : while lie never for a moment doubted that he 
would be exonerated from all blame when the facts of the 
case could be clearly known. 

In June, 1803, Commander Preble took command of the 
"St. Louis," and remained in active duty till the close of 
the war. In 1871 he received his commission as Commodore, 
and was Commandant of the Philadelphia Navy Yard from 
1873 to 1875 (inclusive). He was commissioned as Rear- 
Admiral in 1876. His last sea-service was the command of 
the South Pacific squadron. In 1878 he was placed on the 
retired list. 

He then established himself at Brookline, Massachusetts, 
and devoted the residue of his life to historical and literary 
pursuits. Though apparently in vigorous health, he had been 
made aware of the probable existence of organic disease of 
the heart, which, without a moment's premonition, terminated 
his life on the 1st of March. 1885. 

Admiral Preble had the unqualified respect and esteem of 
all who knew him. To the virtues that adorn his profession 


he added those which made him, in all the relations of home 
and of private life, honored and beloved. In manners and in 
character he realized the ideal of that highest style of man, 
the Christian gentleman. He was fervently patriotic ; and the 
narrative of his career in the navy would be a singularly full 
record of large and varied public service, much of it requiring 
not only the courage and skill of an accomplished seaman and 
commander, but equally the finer culture of one widely con- 
versant with books and with men. In his latter years of re- 
tirement his house, with its large and well-selected library, 
and its generous and genial hospitality, was a favorite resort, 
both of those who had served with and under him, and of 
those in sympathy with the studies and researches which gave 
employment to his well-earned leisure. None can have been 
associated with him, or can have enjoyed his intimacy, with- 
out regretting his departure, and holding him in reverent and 
enduring memory. 

Admiral Preble, in 1868, published a very elaborate account 
of the " First Three Generations of the Preble Family." He 
was for many years a frequent contributor to the " New Eng- 
land Historical Register," to the " United Service," and to 
several newspapers in Portland and in Boston. For the 
"United Service" he prepared a valuable series of articles on 
the " Ships and Shipping of the World, from the Ark to the 
Great Eastern." In 1872 he published his work on the " Origin 
and Progress of the Flag of the United States of America," of 
which what purported to be a second edition, but was in great 
part a new work, appeared in 1880, under the title of " History 
of the Flag of the United States of America, and of the Na- 
val and Yacht Club Signals, Seals and Arms, and Principal 
National Songs of the United States." In 1883 he published 
a " Chronological History of the Origin and Development of 
Steam Navigation." The materials for this last work and for 
the second edition of the preceding had been accumulated 
during his many years of active service, while in their pres- 
ent form they represent also the strenuous industry of his 
retirement. They are thorough and accurate, and are pos- 
sessed of an historical value which can only grow with the 
lapse of years. 

Admiral Preble was a member of the New England Historic 
Genealogical Society; of the American Antiquarian Society; and 


of the Historical Societies of Maine, New Hampshire, Rl 
Island, New York-, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin. 

Admiral Preble was married, in 1845, to Susan Zebiah, 
daughter of .John and Thankful (Harri I . of Portland, 
who died in 1875. Of lour children of this marriage, two 
— Susie Zebiah and George Henry Rittenhouse Preble — 



The monthly meeting was held on Thursday, the 12th in- 
stant, the Rev. Dr. George E. Ellis occupying the chair. 

The record of the previous meeting having been read, and 
the donations to the Library reported, the President made 
the following address : — 

Since our last meeting we have lost from our role the oldest, 
in years, of our members, the Hon. James Murray Robbins, 
who was elected to the Society in June, 1860. He was born 
on Milton Hill, on June 30, 1796, and died in his home on 
Brush Hill, in the same town, on the 2d of November. He 
had thus entered upon his ninetieth year, having till within 
the last few months engaged in his usual occupations and 
intercourse. He was a lineal descendant of the famous Mrs. 
Ann Hutchinson. His grandmother was a cousin of the 
royal provincial governor Thomas Hutchinson. His immedi- 
ate ancestors came from Scotland to our Cambridge in 1670. 
His family, in its generations, have filled honorably many offi- 
ces of professional service. His father, Lieutenant-Governor 
Edward Hutchinson Robbins (H. C. 1775), was a lawyer; 
member of the Constitutional Convention of this State ; Rep- 
resentative in the Legislature for fourteen } 7 ears, in nine of 
them being Speaker ; for five years Lieutenant-Governor ; and 
then for eighteen, till his death in 1829, Norfolk Judge of 

Our late member began his career as a merchant, was Dep- 
uty Consul at Hamburg, then Representative and Senator for 
his native State. He early formed historical and antiquarian 
tastes, being patient of research and accurate. He explored 
Dorsetshire, England, and particularly the old town of Dor- 
chester. He furnished the first six chapters of the History of 
our own Dorchester, was the orator of the bi-centennial cele- 
bration of the town of Milton in 1862, and was one of a com- 
mittee appointed by the town in 1883 to prepare its history, 

1885.] REMARKS l:v Tin; PRESIDENT 17 

— a work now in progress,— which engaged his zeal and labor. 
He was educated at Milton Academy, largelj founded l.\ bis 
father, who, with the son, were the pr< sidents of it for seventy- 
six years. Dying childless, he was the last of his generation, 
though his family is represented among us by Lymans, Hi 
He vcres, ete. 

In the last letter to his family, written by the late Dr. 
Rufus Ellis, minister of the First Church in Boston, 

ceived heir after an ocean cablegram had communicated the 
intelligence of his sudden death iii Liverpool, on September 22, 
the night preceding his intended embarkation for home, — he 

refers to a very interesting visit which he had just mad.- to 
Dedham, in England. Ancestral ties on both .sides attracted 

him to the old town. His first maternal ancestor in thiscoun- 
try was thi' Rev. Nathaniel Rogers, first minister of [pswich, 
Massachusetts, whose son John was President of Harvard 
College. Nathaniel, a graduate of Emmanuel, Cambridge, 

was driven by persecution to New England in 1636. !!<• was 

a son of the famous Puritan divine, John Rogers, of Dedham. 
Dr. Ellis's paternal ancestor was one of the company that, com- 
ing from the English town, first settled in our own Dedham. 
Dr. Ellis's visit was on the 11th of September. He made notes 
of it which he hoped to write out on his homeward passage. 
A friend who accompanied him has furnished me BOme particu- 
lars of the excursion. An early train from London brought 
the travellers, in two hours, through the eastern country to 
Manningtree Junction, whence a drive of four miles, in a pri- 
vate conveyance, took them to Dedham, up and down a series 
of hills. Dedham lies in a valley on the river Stour, on the 
northeast of the county of Essex, bordering on Suffolk. A 
pretty village street creeping up the hill showed on its left 
side a fine old fifteenth-cent ury church, with a lofty square 
tower, — a large and imposing structure for such a small town. 
But Dedham was not always the unimportant place which it 
has now become. A gentlemanly old shopkeeper, of whom 
the visitors sought information in his back parlor, spoke 
mournfully of the falling away even within his own memory. 
In old times the manufacture of wool gave it prosperity. Al- 
most every house then had its loom, when factories were not. 
Government made great efforts to promote this industry in 



Essex ; and among them was the passage of a law that every 
one who died in the county should be buried in a woollen 
shroud. They were hospitably welcomed at the vicarage by 
the gentleman who was doing duty during the vicar's vaca- 
tion, and who politely produced the pile of church records at 
Dr. Ellis's request. As the latter sat in a chair by the pleasant 
window overlooking the churchyard, and took up the bap- 
tismal record, he exclaimed, " Why, I have come directly on 
my own name." It was that of a little Richard Ellis, son of 
Robert, — or Robet, as the name was spelt, — who was baptized 
about the year 1600. Though Dr. Ellis does not appear to 
have entertained the thought, there is a strong probability that 
the Richard Ellis on whose baptismal record his eye fell, was 
his first paternal ancestor in this country. The name appears 
among those who received the first allotments of land in our 
Dedham, in 1642 ; and from that date onward, in that town 
and the neighborhood, the family and its progeny have been 
numerous, as land-owners. Members of eight generations 
now rest in the village cemetery, the last one committed to it 
being the late Dr. Calvin Ellis of this city, by the side of his 
parents, both of whom bore the family name. Dr. Ellis found 
the old Dedham church books beautifully kept, owing, as he 
was informed, to a certain bishop of ancient times who made 
it his special care to see that within his range that duty was 
not neglected. The visitor pronounced the characters fair to 
look at ; but he thought they might almost as well have been 
written in an unknown tongue, so strange were the letters and 
the spelling. He said, " If my brother George were here he 
could read them." On entering the church he found its inte- 
rior not disappointing. On the outside the fine south porch 
was specially pointed out as much in need of repair. Dr. Ellis 
frankly expressed his surprise that some well-to-do parishion- 
ers did not do what was needful. Though he was informed 
that very few of the parishioners were so prospered, his pro- 
fessional instinct and experience led him to suggest that an 
effort by small weekly contributions would secure the desired 

Dedham has an old endowed Elizabethan grammar-school, 
whose head-master was most civil and obliging in showing 
the visitors all of interest there was to see. None of its build- 
ings dated back to the times when some of the people came 


over to this country, though the oldest of the school-rooms 
would seem to have Buffered the war and tear of centu- 
ries. Dr. Ellis's surprise was great at the amount of hi 
and hacking suffered by the desks and forms; even the floor 
bore marks of hard treatment. His astonishment evidently 
was not Bhared by the head-master, who mildly remarked 
that he supposed if similar disfigurement was not Been in 
America, it was because the boys were not Left alone in the 


The people whom they met were pleased and proud in 
doing their kindest services to the Btrangers, and were grati- 
fied at hearing Dr. Ellis say, "1 am Bure more people will 
come, now we have been." He was particular to note the 
time of the trains to and from London, for the information of 
others. A lady whom he met afterwards sent to him, iii Lon- 
don, some little historical pamphlets of the town. In return- 
ing to the great city the visitors drove to Ardleigh, to t;d:e 
the train, and found the way more attractive than that to 

Special recognition sbould be made of the gift to our Library, 
by Professor Franklin B. Dexter, of Vale College, a ( 
Bponding Member of this Society, of a valuable volume from 
his pen. It is a labor of love for his college; and though 
the author derived aid from predecessors in his own field, its 
preparation required of him much extrusive and difficult re- 
search. Its title is " Biographical Sketches of the Graduates 
of Yale College, with Annals of the College History. Octo- 
ber, 1701, — May, 1745." The names of four hundred and 
seventy-two graduates appear in these pages. The volume 
conforms to those from the pen of Librarian Sibley, of Harvard 
College ("Biographical Sketches," etc.), in giving memoirs 
of the alumni, under their classes, with their careers in life, 
a list of their publications, and references to the Bources of 
information concerning them. It differs from Mr. Sibley's 
volumes in omitting the theses of the graduates at Commence- 
ment, and in introducing under each year the historical and 
the internal " Annals of the College " during the period. It 
thus happily combines with its personal sketches a sufficient 
history of the college. A discerning reader will find in the vol- 
ume many significant suggestions of the matters and int. I 


in which Massachusetts and Harvard and Connecticut and 
Yale, respectively, were in sympathy and harmony, and in 
which divergent influences display themselves. 

Dr. Ellis said that the usual resolutions would be adopted ; 
and he announced that Mr. Roger Wolcott had been nominated 
by the Council to prepare a memoir of Mr. Robbins. 

The Hon. Robert C. Wlnthrop then said : — 

I have a little communication which may not be wholly 
without interest, and which will at least serve to fill up a 
few spare minutes this afternoon. It deals with a Massachu- 
setts Town and with a late distinguished citizen of Boston ; 
and if it has more about myself than I could wish, I am sure 
the Society will pardon me. It is an episode in the history 
of the National Monument to Washington, which has been 
recently completed and dedicated. 

About the 1st of July, 1885, 1 received, at Richfield Springs, 
N. Y., — where I was passing a few weeks for the benefit of 
my wife's health, as well as my own, — the following letter : 

Great Barrington, Mass., June 29, 1885. 
Hon. R. C. Winthrop : 

Dear Sir, — I send you by express to-day a tin box of money con- 
tributed in this town for the Washington Monument. It was over- 
looked by my predecessor in office of Town Clerk, and was only 
recently handed to me. Noticing your name on the box as one of 
the sub-committee, I take the liberty to send it to you. 
Very respectfully, 

C. J. Burget, Town Cleric. 

The box was accordingly forwarded to Boston ; and on my 
return to my summer residence at Brookline, on the 27th of 
July, I found it awaiting my examination. 

It has recalled some interesting facts which I proceed to 
mention before they are lost to my memory. 

It happened that my venerable friend the late Thomas 
Handasyd Perkins had been particularly impressed with the 
Oration which I delivered on the laying of the corner-stone of 
the National Monument to Washington, on the 4th of July, 
1848. He had known Washington personally, had spent a day 
with him at Mount Vernon, and had conceived and cherished 


the most exalted sense of his character and services and prin- 
ciples. The Oration had revived all hi* rally enthus 
in regard to Washington's pre-eminence, and it Beemed 
he could not read it or hear ii too often. H< even 1 

read aloud to him and to his familj circle, on more than 
one Sunday evening, by his Bon-in-law the late Willian II. 
Gardiner, as Mr. Gardiner himself told me; and he after- 
wards published, at his own expense, for distribution and 
a cheaper edition of it than thai published by the Monu- 
ment Association at Washington, in order to Becure it a wider 

More than four years afterwards I received from him the 
following note : — 

Boston — >;iy 111:..,,,,, , n , , '] 

Dear Sir, — When at Washington, I visited the Monument, 
foundation of which you aided in laying. It w • il. to my 

great chagrin. I determined therefore, on my return, to endeavor to 
raise enough to induce the gentlemen who have charge of the but 
to recommence the work. The Government, it is thought, v. ill m 
the work be suspended for want of funds. I want to consult you re- 
specting the matter, and if you arc in the vicinity will thank you to 
call. I have already written to Mr. Bates, 1 who 1 have no doubt will 
give his thousand dollars, and induce other Americans abroad to <lo 
something. I think a considerable Bum ''an be raised h ( 

rises. I will head the list with $1,000. William Appleton will d 
Bame, as will many others. I passed Borne days al Washington verj 
pleasantly, and >aw Mr. Fillmore, who was verj 

Your friend, 

T. II. I'm: \ -. 

This note was written by " the Colonel," as he was al* 
called, and received by me on the 23d of D L8 - He 

was then in his eighty-eighth year, and he died l< 

years later. 

I did not fail to call at once <>n my venerable friend, ai 
found him full of enthusiastic interest in the Bubjecl of his 
note. After some consultation il was agreed by us tl 
meeting of gentlemen should I" 1 held at his own 1. thout 

delay, to devise a plan for carrying out the purposes which he 

1 Joshua Bates, the eminent banker, the founder of the B n 



had so much at heart. Meantime he begged me to draft an 
appeal to the people of Massachusetts for contributions to 
the Monument, to be signed by the gentlemen who should 
assemble at his call. I accordingly prepared the following 
paper : — 

To the People of Massachusetts : 

The undersigned take the liberty to appeal to you in behalf of an 
object which cannot fail to be deeply interesting to every true American 

On the 4th day of July, 1848, the corner-stone of a Monument to 
George Washington was laid, with imposing ceremonies, in the city 
which bears his name. It was designed to be a national monument to 
the acknowledged Father of his Country. It was projected under the 
auspices of an Association of which John Marshall and James Madison 
had been successively presidents. A considerable sum of money had 
already been raised, and it was confidently believed that when the 
structure was once fairly commenced, and before the sum in hand should 
have been expended, there would be a sufficient interest excited in the 
object to insure an ample contribution for its completion. 

More than four years have now elapsed, and the Monument has 
reached a height of a hundred and twenty-six feet from the ground. 
Four hundred feet remain to be built up in order to complete the 
original design, and the resources of the Association are wellnigh 
exhausted. Occasional contributions continue to come in from various 
parts of the country, but not to an amount or with a regularity to give 
assurance that the work can be prosecuted afresh at the opening of the 
ensuing season. 

The idea will not be entertained for an instant that in this day of 
our national prosperity and pride a Monument to Washington can be 
suffered to remain unfinished for want of funds. An intelligent and 
grateful people will never permit this well-merited tribute to one 
whose memory will ever stand first in all their hearts to be left per- 
manently incomplete. 

But in order that the means for finishing it may be seasonably pro- 
cured there is need of some concerted and systematic action. There 
must be a commencement somewhere of an earnest effort to acquaint 
the whole community with the character and condition of the work, 
and to give direction to the interest which such an object cannot fail to 
create ; and there must be an example, in some quarter of the country, 
of a general and generous contribution among all classes, ages, and 
sexes of the people. 

Where can such an effort be so appropriately made, where can such 
an example be so fitly exhibited, as in Massachusetts ? It was here that 


wash [NGTON M« »n : I'M i.n P. 

l 1.; 

the greal Revolution of Independence began. It was here thai t! i 
resistance to oppression was roanifi ted. [| wa here that the 
blood was Bhed. It was here, upon our own Massachu 
Wa&hinoton firsl drew bissword in defence of American liberty. It 
was here thai his firsl triumph was achieved, in expelling the enemy 
from Boston, and in restoring our metropolis to a conditii i 
freedom, which has never since been interrupted. And oowhen 
the benefits and blessings of the Federal Con titution, over • 
mation Washington presided, and which afterwards be 
nobly administered, been more signally enjoyed and illustrated than in 
our own ancient and beloved Commonwealth. 

Let Massachusetts lead the way, then, in the completion of this 
National Monument to Washington. Lei every man, woman, and 
child within ber limits Beize the opportunity of testifying their grati- 
tude for his unequalled services, their reverence for bis pure and 

character, their adherence to bis lofty principles and patriotic 
policy, and their affection for a memory which will be hallowed in all 

3 and in all land-. 

It cannot be doubted that other Stat is will be incited by our exam- 
ple to do their share, also, in a work which was designed to be accom- 
plished by the united efforts of the whole American people. 

The meeting was held and organized, with Thomas II. Pi r- 
kins as Chairman, his grandson, T. II. Perkins, Jr., a 
tary, and Ignatius Sargent as Treasurer. 

The appeal was dated " Boston, Feb. 1, 1853," and was 
sent forth to the people of Massachusetts with the following 

signatures : 

Thomas II. Perkins, 
Abbott Lawrence. 
Robert C. Winthrop, 
Richard Fro thin gham, Jr., 
Samuel Walker, 
Benjamin Seaver, 
William Appleton, 
S. I). Bradford, 
Isaac P. Davis, 
Charles W. Upham, 
John E. Thayer, 
Jonathan Preston, 
John T. I Ieard, 

Nathan Appleton, 
( ; orge s . Boutwell, 
Edward Everett, 
John II. Clifford, 
Elisha I [untington, 
C. II. Warren, 
G BlisSj 

Nathan Hale, 

Joseph ( rrinnell, 
Francis Peahody, ( hickering, 
Ignatius Sargent, 

T. II. Perkins Jr., fi 

Of these twenty-six signers only three, I believe, are Still 


Before the meeting adjourned a sub-committee was appointed 
to carry out the plans of Colonel Perkins ; and by this com- 
mittee a great number of subscription books were prepared, 
with the appeal to the people as an introduction, which were 
sent to official persons and leading individuals in all the cities 
and towns of Massachusetts. 

Tin boxes were also prepared and distributed for receiving 
the contributions of the people. This is one of them. Upon 
these tin boxes the following short appeal was pasted, in large 
type : — 






Let every son and daughter of Massachusetts cast in their mite for 
its completion. Let those who cannot afford dollars give dimes, or 
even half-dimes. Let no one refuse to contribute something to the com- 
memoration of the Father of His Country. 

Thomas H. Perkins, 

Abbott Lawrence, 

Robert C. Winthrop, \ Sub-Committee. 

Richard Frothingham, Jr., 

Samuel Walker, J 

^|r Boxes are prepared for every town. Which shall be filled first ? 

The good old Colonel, in his eighty-eighth year, devoted no 
little time and labor to the preparation of these tin boxes. I 
wrote the inscription, or label, for them at his request ; but he 
had it printed, and pasted it on many, if not on all, of them with 
his own hand. He made it his work for many months to pre- 
pare and distribute them, sometimes carrying them in person 
to hotels and halls and offices where they could be fastened to 
the walls and attract public attention. I know not which of 
them was " filled first," — if any of them were ever filled. But 
this Great Barrington box comes back to me last, after the 
Monument has been completed, at the end of thirty-seven years 

1885.] WASHING n >\ M0N1 MEN r. 1 

after the corner-stone was laid, to recall circumstances which 
I had almost forgotten, li has not 3 1 but the 

rattling of the contents gives proi .1 man} 

if not dimes and quarters. I dare not hope that it cont 
many gold pieces ; but I Bhall pass if over to the Treasun 
tin- Monument Association just as it has come to me, with 
historv of the transaction. 

A considerable sum was remitted to the om time 

to time, as the result of Colonel I A mum 

of at leasl five thousand dollars was, I i 1 li< . . 
on the books of the Association at one time, and I think that 
not less than twice that amount was contributed on the ai 
which he originated. But he died in his ninetieth year, only 
a little more than a year after he took the matter seriously in 
hand, and others entered into his labors. 1 

In replying to a complimentary toast, at a dinner of the 
Massachusetts Charitable Mechanic Association, in October, 
L854, 1 took occasion to allude to this labor of love of my 
venerable friend, who had died a lew months before, in 
following terms : — 

•• You have alluded, in tin Bentiment which called in-' up, to the hum- 
ble service which I rendered some years ago, as the organ of th< 
resentatives of the Union, at tin- laying of the corn* f the 

National Monument to Washington. I cannot but remember that 
latest efforts, in this quarter of the country, to raise funds for the com- 
pletion of that monument were made hy one whose long and honorable 
life has been brought n> a close within tin- past twelve months. I can- 
not forget the earnest and affecti nate interest with which that 1 
hearted old American gentleman devoted tin- last days, and I bad 
almost Baid the last hours, of his life to arrangii _ r the details and the 
machinery for an appeal to the people of Massachusetts in behalf of 
that still unfinished structure. II-' had Been Washington in hi- boy- 
hood, and had frit the inspiration of hi- majestic presence; be had 
known him in his manhood, and had -pent a day with him, by particu- 
lar invitation, at Mount Vernon, — a day never n> i 
man's life ; his whole heart Beemed to h,- imbued with tin- warmest 
admiration and affection for his character and services; and it 
a- if he could not go down to hi- grave in peace until he had done 
something to aid in perpetuating the memory of bis vi 
valor. I need not say that I allude to the late Hon. Thomas lie 

1 Born Dec. 16, 1764; died Jan. 11, 1861 


Perkins. He, too, was a Boston boy, and one of the noblest specimens 
of humanity to which our city has ever given birth ; leading the way 
for half a century in every generous enterprise, and setting one of 
the earliest examples of those munificent charities which have given 
our city a name and a praise throughout the earth. He was one of 
your own honorary members, Mr. President, and I have felt that I 
could do nothing more appropriate to this occasion, — the first public 
festive occasion in Faneuil Hall which has occurred since his death, — 
and nothing more agreeable to the feelings of this Association, or to my 
own, than to propose to you, as I now do, ' The Memory of Thomas 
Handasyd Perkins.' " 

Such is the story which the Great Barrington box has re- 
called to me. 

I cannot conclude without a suggestion which I shall com- 
municate for the consideration of those who have the Monu- 
ment in charge, and who are about to affix tablets on the 
inside walls, commemorative of the progress and completion 
of the great work. 

In the subscription books prepared by Colonel Perkins for 
circulation throughout Massachusetts, one of which I reserved 
for myself at the time, and which I have here, there was in- 
serted a printed copy of the rules which had then been adopted 
by the Board of Managers of the Monument Association. One 
of those rules is as follows : — 

" Four marble panels are to be inserted in the Monument. One 
panel is for the names of those who contribute $1,000; one for the 
names of those who contribute $500 ; a third for the names of those 
who contribute $200 ; and the fourth for the names of those who con- 
tribute $100. 

Now, it may not be practicable to comply with this rule at 
this late day, even if it were expedient to do so. Private con- 
tributions failed to accomplish the work, and it would hardly 
be possible to ascertain, after so many years, by whom contri- 
butions of these various amounts were made. But the history 
which I have narrated, and the records of the Association, 
establish the fact that Thomas Handasyd Perkins contributed 
$1,000 in 1852, besides being instrumental in securing large 
contributions from others. Is it not clue to his memory that 
his name should have a place on one of the tablets to be affixed 
to the inside walls of the Monument? 


I have brought with me the Greal Barrington box, 
Btrangely returned after a full third of a century, and I bud- 
niit it for inspection, still unopened, as .1 curious relic of a 
generation, and of the loving care and zeal of < talonel Perkins. 
Possibly there may be other boxes of the same Bori in other 
places, which the mention of this one and the good example 
of the town clerk of Greal Barrington may lead to being 
discovered and senl to their destination. I am sorn to 
however, thai I have an indistincl recollection of having b< 
long ago that Borne of them had hem stolen and rifled. 

Dr. Green presented the following letters from John Mars- 
ton Goodwin, Esq., which relate to an affair mentioned Bome 
years ago in the Proceedings : — 

Sharpsville, Mercer Co., Pa., Aug. 14, 1 --•'.. 
Librarian of Mass. Hist. Soc, Boston, Mass. 

Sir, — On page L63 of the Proceedings of the Massachusetts His- 
torical Society for December, 1869, you will find an account <>f the 
reading of a letter addressed to the Society by Captain Nathaniel 
Goodwin (then temporarily residing at Framingham, Massachu 
explaining the reason of the desertion of the house and Bhop <>f 
William Beadle, at Wethersfield, Connecticut, mentioned in the journal 

of Samuel Davis, published in the Proceedings as per foot-n ; 

page 163. Said Beadle married Lydia Lothrop (daughter of Ansel! 
Lothrop and Mary Thompson, his wife), and, according to Captain 
1 ■ iwin. had four children by her, " all of whom, with hit mur~ 

derd ; then cut his own throat" "Hence arose the reluctance" of the 
people of Wethersfield to occupy the house and shop in question. 

By order of Roger Newberry, Esq., Judge of the Court Probate for 
tli.' District of Hartford, in the State of Connecticut, in N ■•■ Ei gland, 
dated March 13, L783, attested by Jonathan Bull, ( lerk, [saac Lothrop 
was appointed administrator of the estate of William /•'•■ 

I have recently come into possession of Bome of the papers of Mr. 
Lothrop, relative to the settlement of the Beadle estate by him as ad- 
ministrator; and on examining them find a bill, rendered by Ashbel 
Riley, of Wethersfield, for services and sundry disbursements for ac- 
count of said estate, the first item in which is (horret - : 
•• Dec. 1782, To Josiah Deming's bill for 5 1 £2. L5. "."' Ai - 
other item is: "To Andrew Combs, for Digiog Graves, £0. 15. 0." 
Another, suggestive of the existence of popular excitem* nt at the 
time: "To Sam. Curtice, with his gard, £2. 1. • •."' The feci that there 
were only >• 5 coffings " gives rise to the query, Were there, indeed,, 


children ? If all the dead were buried at one time, and there were four 
children, the number of coffins should have been, presumably, six. 
Were all buried together, or was the murderer and suicide buried 
" where four roads meet, with a stake thro' his heart " ? The inscrip- 
tion on the memorial-stone is perhaps still legible, in which case one 
may learn from it something of the facts in the case. The " Table for 
ye grave — 6 foot by 3 — cost £4. 10. ; " and the " Inscribing 427 
Letters on ye same — £1. 15. 7." 

I have also a memorandum addressed by W. Beadle to P. Vander- 
voort, of Hartford, Connecticut, dated Nov. 18, 1782 (close to the time 
of the horrible deed whereby six persons met violent deaths), and in 
these words : — 

Wethersfield, Nov. 18, 1782. 
Mr. Vandervoort. 

Sir, — I have sold 34lb your sugar and used just the same Quantity myself 

6ib more used myself May God keep you and Yours, 

3ib more, W. Beadle. 

The papers are in perfect preservation ; not torn nor stained, and 
the ink but very little faded from its original blackness. 

Yours, etc., 

John Marston Goodwin. 

P. S. I have, among other papers (happily not associated with deeds 
like that of the desperate man of whom we have been writing), a Jour- 
nal kept by a native of Massachusetts, who was in " the King's ser- 
vice," on board the flagship of Admiral Rodney's fleet in the " West 
Indies " seas, from Oct. 25, 1761, to Sept. 26, 1763. The entries con- 
cerning the operations of the fleet are quite full, particularly at and 
about the time of the capture of Fort Royal, Martinique. The book is 
in excellent preservation, and every word in it is legible. It contains a 
list of the fleet, with code of signals used for certain purposes. The 
writer of the Journal went to England from " The Havannah " in one 
of the line-of-battle-ships captured by the English from the Spaniards 
at the taking of Havana. 

J. M. G. 

In re Beadle, of Wethersjleld , Connecticut. 

Sharpsville, Mercer Co., Pa., Sept. 23, 1885. 
Samuel A. Green, Esq., Librarian Mass. Hist. Soc, Boston. 

Dear Sir, — Since my letter to you of August 28, I have been in 
correspondence with Mr. Albert Galpin, Town Clerk of Wethersfield, 
Connecticut, seeking to learn something of the local traditions in the 
Beadle matter. I append a copy of the inscription on the Beadle tablet, 
quoted by Mr. Galpin from the " Connecticut Historical Collections," 

Hsr>.] PHB BEAD] i.r. 

sndaome memoranda by Mr. Galpio him-. -if. V • i 

-.Mt yon :i copy of the itema from tin- lull of \ B I 

Lotbrop, admioistrator of th( r n Uiam Beadh which 

itema ia: u To J : ih Dealing's bill for S ooffli i:. i 

dle'a victim* were ,/iw in Dumber | '.\ ife 

"i" N. (i Iwin, Mi-. 11m. Soe. Proc, Deoeo M j 

query \\;i-. What <li'l thej do with B Did the] 

at tin- place "where four roada meet, wil heart"? 

or how? Mr. GaJpirj writ.-.-, : "The peo| place were ao in- 

dignant that they f.>"k Beadle'a bod) through :i wii 
placed if "ii a Bled, unthoui ci coffin, aud with I:. .-1 it 

to tli.- riverside and buried it between high i low 
8 the administrator ha. I to pay for onlj fie i • hill 


The inscription, as given by Mr. Galpin, contains I 
figures. Tli.' hill (copy Bent you) calla for u 127 lett 

The "inacription," a- given by Mr. Galpin, read 
children, whereas there were but four. The firs! two i 
thu-, u Ansell, Lothrop" — are to be (properly) read . i i / thropi 
one name. The nam.' of Mr-. Beadle'a father was .1 • i Lothrop, 
he ft" Plymouth, Massachusetts. 

The inscription reada thus: — 

'• Here lis interred Mrs. Lydis Beadle, aged 82 years, Ansell, Lothrop, Kliza- 
beth, Lydia, and Mary Beadle, her children, The 

fears, Who on the morning of the 11th of Dec A. D. 1782, fell b; 
of William Beadle, an infuriated man, who closed the borribl of la* 

wife and children with his own destruction. 

•• Pale round tluir grassy tombs I > l< a e 1 « ilh 
Flit the thin form- of sorrows an I of 1 
Soft sighs responsive swell t<» plaintii 

And indignations half un.-hr.ith their swords." 

Yours truly, 


Dr. Green also called the attention of tl S a letter 

dated Feb. 27, 1795, and printed in the M Memoirs of the I 
Writings, and Correspondence of Sir William Jones i ; I I 
Teignmouth." Philadelphia, 1805 (pp. jl ' ; }1 ^ > '" 

written by James Sullivan, at that time the Presidei 

Massachusetts Historical Society, informing Sir William i I 

election as a Corresponding Member. He had 1 • 

the January meeting in 1795, although he died in Bengal <>n 

April 27, 1794, nine months previously. Thi 


in strong contrast the great improvements of the present time 
over those of the last century in the way of international com- 
munication throughout the world. It would be practically 
impossible now for a man of such eminence in the domains 
of literature and science to be taken away in any part of the 
world without the fact being known at once wherever news- 
papers are published. 

Dr. Everett presented a pamphlet containing his address 
on the late Dr. Rufus Ellis ; and a " History of the United 
States for Schools/' by Alexander Johnston, Professor in 
Princeton College, which he highly commended. 

The Hon. Robert C. Winthrop then quoted a remark of 
Daniel Webster, that he never went on a journey without 
taking in his trunk Mrs. Emma Willard's " History of the 
United States," the marginal notes of which he considered 
very valuable. 

Dr. Channing referred to a manuscript in the Society's 
possession labelled " Proceedings about the Lands at Narra- 
gansett, etc., April 2, 1672," given by Mr. Winthrop on 
March 14, 1871. It contains attested copies of all the 
important documents relating to the Atherton Company. 
Among them are two bearing elate Oct. 13, 1660, which are 
printed below. Neither of these papers in itself is of much 
interest ; but as forming important links in the history of one 
of the early colonial land speculations, they are of considerable 

Whereas there is a writeing upon y e other leafe of this paper giuen 
by Suckquansh Ninegrat & Scuttup in behalfe of themselves & their 
associates wherein they have made over all these Lands to Maj r Hum- 
phry Atherton & his Associates for y e paym* of six hundred fathom of 
peage w th y e charges to y e Comisso r s Also an ingagem' not to sell any 
land to any person or persons except Maj r Atherton & his associates as 
more amply appears by y e s d writeing : now if this Land do any wayes 
come in to y e hands of y e s d Maj r his Associates or assignes or their 
heires or assignes wee promise to y e s d Maj r & agree amongst o r selves 
not w th standing in regard y e Indians put a great deale of trust in y e s d 
Maj' & Expect kindness from him y* wee will not w th standing use the 
Indians w th all Curtesy & not take y e Land from them for five or six 
yeares & when wee shall have Accation to plant it y* not w*! 1 standing 
wee will suffer them to plant in y e Country & enjoy their priviledges 
of Royalties & from time to time allow them Competancy of planting 


grouml for them & their ,• , -I tliii 1 . U 

In witness whereof wee have . 

I 1 1 Mi'iiuv Aim i; i OH for 1 DD It A 

Edward Hi i< bi wsoh for inn. • Job* 

Rich lrd Smith .\\m> i;,, h 

Thomas Stantow for himself & son Jam Smith 

Ri< bard Smith Jon 1 I on u w u li n 

William Hi dsom John Bro* n 

.1 v W ■ 

I: lorded in the 2fi 
Booke Hartford S( p' 7 1 1 
m attest J< 'lis Axles \ 
true ( oppy of the original] 
attest I -" Nath" i odding ron assis 1 

II mm i oro 13 ' I - m. I 

Worshipfuli S" — o' ho* Govern ng unto y* I 

tion of y" Gener 11 Court yo* desh ;:i;_ r y" wampom to be | 

y" Darragan8ets to this Colony it Beemed good to j court ail 
consideration about y* propositions to come to this determination •••• I 
was ordered in y* name of y" court to certifie unto yo 
other therein concerned y 1 according unto I order this < 

Expects, y* y* sum of wampom imposed by y* h irity 

given for y" paym* thereof by y" nari . _ shall 1"- cordingly 

pfbrmed unto <> r worshipful] Gover* here at I >t as also 

fathara for y" Charges of y" mesengers up on y" payment when 

Narragansets is ti> be surrendered ^v not oth< i 
i> likevi ise Expected y 1 y paymemi i le in Currant ^v well sti 

wampom not else but respects presented from 

y<> r loving friei I 

To y* worshipful] Maf Humpry G< ' ' ; t in 

atherton at Dochest* these w ,h i une A by their order §ub- 

trnst p'sent I V Dak 1 * ( 

a Trne I 

as at i ( ODDWG ; 

The collection also contains a list of the I Hum- 

phrey Atherton in this transaction. I 
with that in the Records of the company,— th< 
■• 1 oea Records," — which are in the custod : . 

all of Boston 


Island Secretary of State, and is here given as being more 
accurate than the list printed in the " Trumbull Papers." 

The names of such as are associates and have Interest with Major 
Humpry Atherton in this writeing and have as full Interest in it as the 
said Major paying their proportions of what shall be paid to the Comis- 
sioners In Witness whereof the major hath put to his hand under this 
this writeing this 13 th October 1660 

M r John Winthrop Gover r of Connecticott 

M r Simon Bradstreet 

Maj r Gener 11 Daniel Denison of Ipswick 

Maj r Josias Winslow of Marshiield 

Cap* Thomas Willett of Rehoboth 

Cap* Rich d Lord of hartford in Connecticott 

Cap* George Denison of Southertown 

Cap* Edward Hutchinson 

Leif* William Hudson 

M r Amos Richenson 

Elisha Hutchinson 

M r Richard Smith sen r 

M r Richard Smith Jun r }>- all of Narragansett 

James Smith 

M r Thorn 9 Stanton sen r 

M r Thorn 8 Stanton Jun r 

M r Increase Atherton of Dorchester 

M r John Alcocke of Roxbury 

M r John Browne sen 1- of secucke 

Humpry Atherton 

Recorded in y e 28 page of y e old court booke of Hartford 
Sep* y e 7 1664 as attest John Allen Secretary 

a true coppy of y e originall The within are a true coppys 

compared by mee of y e originalls attest Nath Ll 

Nath ll Coddington assis* Coddington assis* 

Mr. Deane said that if he had been aware of the existence 
in the Society's archives of the manuscript referred to by Mr. 
Channing, he should probably have made use of some portions 
of it when preparing the recent volume of " Trumbull Papers " 
for the press. It was entitled " Proceedings about the Lands 
at Narragansett, etc.," and was presented by the late President, 
Mr. Winthrop, as appears by an indorsement on it, " March 14, 
1871." It was not communicated at a meeting of the Society, 

> of Southertowne 


and for that reason found no place in the Proceedings. The 
paper is a transcript of several documents relating to the 
transactions of the Atherton Company for Beveral years, and 
was probably drawn up or compiled early in the beginning of 
the last century. Mr. Dcanc thought it was desirable to print 
any portions of these documents not known t<> bav< been al- 
ready printed elsewhere, as indicated by Mr. Channing. Tin: 
Narragansett papers known as the " Pones Records,* 1 which 
have been sealed from public inspection for SO many years in 
the Secretary's office in Rhode Island, contain, it is believed, 
but few papers of value not already published. (See Coll. 
R. I. Hist. Soc. vol. iii. In trod. p. xiv.) 



The Society held its regular meeting on the 10th instant, 
the Rev. Dr. Ellis, the President, in the chair. 

The Secretary's report of the previous meeting was read. 

The Librarian's list of gifts to the Library was submitted ; 
and among them were about a hundred volumes which had 
been received from the President. 

Dr. Ellis then said : — 

The death at Cambridge yesterday, after a completed life 
of fourscore years, of our associate John Langdon Sibley, 
Librarian Emeritus of Harvard College, has been long ex- 
pected, and perhaps would have been earlier welcomed by 
himself and his friends as a release from protracted infirmities. 
His name has been upon our roll for thirty-nine years. He 
was one of those intelligent workers in the fields of historical 
and biographical studies, for whom such a Societ}^ as this ex- 
ists, who use its stores and enrich its productions. He had 
all the special qualities which are most requisite and most 
fruitful in his and our appropriate pursuits, — curiosity, inter- 
est, and sympathy with the subjects of his studies ; extended, 
thorough, and patient research, carried into obscure and mi- 
nute details ; and a conscientious respect for accuracy. He 
was impartial, candid, and generous in his judgments. We 
have all of us identified him with the College. It might well 
be so, for it was his own appropriation of his life and service. 
He was one of those marked personalities, in aspect, garb, and 
bearing, which fit and grace a college or university, as certi- 
fying to its age, its historical and traditional type of character 
and of service. All ancient institutions of learning gather 
during the years such congruous personalities, in their officers 
and servants, — like the famous Tutor Flynt, of the elder gen- 
erations of Harvard, and the quaint Grecians, Popkin and 
Sophocles, of more recent times. 

With the exception of a few of the early }^ears of his man- 
hood spent in the ministry, Mr. Sibley had through his long 


life found his field and its centre in the Library of bis Alma 
Mater; and his "Library was dukedom large enough." It 
was not strange that in his later years Ins vision was impaired ; 
neither was it Btrange that he should renew it through Burgical 
help, for further poring over ancient and crabbed manuscripts. 
His labors upon those most engaging of periodicals to the lov- 
ers of ancient Harvard, — the " Latin Catalogues," — and his 
revivification in three noble volumes of tin- far-off Gradual a of 
the College in its years of penury, frugality, and .stem fidelity, 
have crowned for perpetual memory his useful and Mam 

Judge HOAR paid an eloquent tribute to Mr. Sibley, and 

spoke with high appreciation of his generous gift t«» Phillips 
Exeter Academy for the benefit of poor hoys, and of his per- 
sistent effort through life to advance what was associated with 
the tender memories of childhood and youth. 

Dr. Paige expressed his sense of personal loss in the death 
of one with whom he had been most intimately associated, and 
who had assisted him to the utmost m preparing his History 
of Cambridge. 

The customary resolutions were adopted ; and Dr. Peabody 
was appointed to prepare a memoir of Mr. Sibley. 

Mr. James Russell Lowell presented to the Society an 
autograph letter of Burns to Miss Benson, afterwards the 
mother of Mrs. Bryan Waller Procter, who gave it to him. 
Mrs. Procter's own maiden name was Shepper; and, through 
her father, she was descended from that Scheffer who disputes 
with Faust and Gutenberg the invention of printing. Her 
mother married, as her second husband, Mr. Basil Montagu, 
and her own husband was known in literature as Harry Corn- 
wall. Since the death of Miss Mary Berry, there has been no 
personage more marked in London society than she. Burn 
with the century, there is hardly any celebrated person of the 
last sixty years, except Byron, whom she has not known. 
With most of them she has been on terms of friendship, and 
with many of intimacy. Her conversation is delightful, not 
only for its wealth of anecdote and reminiscence, but lor its 
unfailing wit and its sprightly shrewdness in the delineation 
of character. The letter should be considered as a gift from 
her to the Societv. Mr. Lowell added that he had not been 


unmindful of the Society while abroad. It was at his per- 
sonal suggestion that the Conde de Toreno sent to the Library 
the superb volume of " Cartas de Indias." 

The letter of the Scottish poet, which is framed and care- 
fully preserved between plates of glass, was examined with 
much interest by the members; and it was voted 'that the 
grateful acknowledgments of the Society be given to Mr. 
Lowell, and communicated by the Secretary to Mrs. Procter 
for this choice gift. 

Mr. Appleton spoke of a portrait of Washington now on 
exhibition at the Museum of Fine Arts in this city, and simi- 
lar to the picture of which a copy belongs to the Society. It 
is one of the group of repetitions painted by Charles Wilson 
Peale, and adds one to the list recorded in our Proceedings 
for November, 1874. It was owned by Elias Boudinot, well 
known in our history, is now the property of his descendant, 
Miss Boudinot, and is offered for sale at the price of $6, 000. 
It is somewhat smaller than all the others, so far as known, 
and is perhaps more likely than they to have been painted 
from life. 

The President then spoke of a picture in water-color repre- 
senting the landing of the British troops here in 1768, and 
dedicated by "C. R." to John Hancock, which was owned in 
Maine and had been offered for sale. 

Mr. Robert C. Winthrop, Jr., communicated the follow- 
ing letter to Governor John Winthrop, of Massachusetts, from 
Henry Boacle, one of the leading settlers of Maine. The So- 
ciety has already printed a letter of his in Part III. of the 
Winthrop Papers; 1 but this one, though belonging to the 
same collection, had been wrongly indexed, and has only re- 
cently been identified. Like its predecessor, it is indorsed by 
Governor Winthrop " Cosin Boade ; " and the precise degree 
of this cousinship has hitherto been a puzzle. Dr. C. E. Banks, 
U. S. N., the author of several valuable contributions to the 
early history of Maine, has now pointed out that Thomasine 
Hilies, wife of John Forth, of Great Stambridge, in Essex (the 
father of Governor Winthrop's first wife), had previously 
been the widow of one Thomas Boade, of Rochford, in Essex. 
There is good reason to suppose Henry Boade to have been a 

1 5 Mass. Hist. Coll. vol. i. p. 358. 



nephew of this Thomas Boade, and thus a BOrl of Btep-COUsin 

by marriage to the Governor. The "Mr. Adam" mentioned 

in the letter is obviously the Governor's bod of that name. 

Henry Boade to Go\f John Winthrop. 1648. 

To the right wo'shipfull & my assured friend M r John Winthrop, Gov- 
ernor of Massachusetts, this present. 

Right wo 8 shipfull : My best respects remembred etc These are 
to give you thanks for you 1 ' counsel] in those things I desyered. I 
desyere to know whether a letter of attorney from the whole towne 
exepting 2 or 3 y 1 are ingaged to the ptie sued be not sufficient to 
prosecut for the towne. 

I am very Bory y 1 I could not doe y 1 iii M r Adam's busynea as I dea- 
tyned. I went presently before 1 came to mine owne house to demand 
the cattle for his debt, and they were then under an aresl at the Bute of 
Thomas Mercer for a debt due to him from John Lee. I spake with 
M r Cleaves himselfe about the busynes and his answere was in regard 
the cattle were not delivered for the use of M r Adam, notwithstanding 
his ingagement yet they were lovable to any debl of John Le< 's. We 
doe still rely upon you' wo'shipe to helpe us in the Main-', in y 1 one 
thinge necessary the meanes of grace, it would much rejoyce on' harts 
to receive a comfortable letter from you r wo r shipp t<> this end. 

M r Cleaves hath measured his 40 miles and hath be. ne w- me at 
Wells & saith his Hue reacheth us to be w— in his pattent of Legaonia, 
for the w— we are very T sory, for we intended to joyne ou r selves to the 
government of Massacheusetts bay. If it might be we hope yet upon a 
second survey to find ou r selves w— out his line. It is the vote of tin- 
most that he cannot come neere us if he begin to take his measure ac- 
cording to his pattent w r -^ is at Sakado-hec river the South west Byd of 
yt; but he began at M r Purchases house at the river called Mengipscott 
river, and sett one to measure that hath neither art nor .-Kill for to doe 
such a busynes. He measured and came short of our towne 3 miles; 
there was one told him he would give him a quart of sakk to measure 
in such a man John Wadloe who dwelleth in y' middell part of ou' 
towne; he goeth back againe & then he reacheth all ou* towne only 2 
houses. When he was w^i us he shewed his power under M r Riggby 
over all that are w-m his regiment, as also warants y' he bad received 
from you 1 wtfshipe and other of y c assistants t'^v the ayding of him in 
his proceedings, and w^all demanded our submission. This was but i8 
dayes before his village court; our answere was this, that we were 
into ou r possessions first by M r Craddock's agent who bought y r pattent 
of Stratten, secondly by M r Thomas Gorges. We desyred of him be 
would give us some time to consyder of yt, the matter being of waight. 


that we may have good grounds for what we doe, but he would not 
grant it unto us. We told him we would be at the charge of a second 
survey done by a sufficient artist and then yf we be found w— in his 
line willingly to submitt. But nothing will please him but ou r present 
submission upon his survey by his owne man Booth, and what he will , 
doe w— us we knowe not, but we heare he doth purpose, to complaine 
to you r wo r shipe y* we are rebellious. But indeed there is noe such 
thinge, we are ready to submitt upon good grounds and sent a man to 
his village-court w— our answere and to see his pattent [torn] we are 
to begin to take our measure, [torn] auswere is we could not see it, 
yt was gn for old England. Thus I thought good to lett you r wo r shipe 
understand how things goe w— us here in y e east. And rest you r s to 
be commanded, 

Hen: Boad. 
Wells, this 29 th of 
Septber, 1648. 

Mr. Winsor presented some extracts from a family letter 
handed to him by Mr. C. W. Sever, of Cambridge, which relate 
to the burning of the Castle in Boston Harbor, in March, 1776, 
when the British evacuated the town, and which describe 
the consternation prevailing in Plymouth when Captain Manly 
was driven into that harbor by a British frigate in the same 
month. In the extracts some little carelessness in the spelling 
has been corrected. 

[Kingston,] Saturday March 23. 

My Dear, — . . . We were greatly surprised Wednesday evening by 
the appearance of a great light in the north, which many people thought 
could be occasioned by nothing less than the burning of the town of 
Boston. ... I assure [you] it made a terrible appearance, but after a 
little reflection I was convinced it could not be the town, as the light, if 
that had been the case, would have been more extensive ; but was at a 
loss to conceive what it could be. Could not think it possible it could be 
the Castle, but we since hear it is. 

Thursday evening we had a new alarm, that the light-house and 
dwellings upon the Gurnet were in flames, upon which I looked out 
and discovered two large fires, which appeared exactly in the range of 
those buildings ; supposed the enemy had landed and fired them, but 
comforted myself that if they had designed any further mischief they 
would not have begun by burning those buildings, as they must have 
been sensible it would give a universal alarm. Went to bed at my 
usual time tolerably well composed, but it was not so with our friends 
in Plymouth. Mrs. Otis drank coffee with me yesterday. She tells 
me they were in the utmost confusion there. It seems there were a 

1885.] THE NAME '* COLUMBIA.* 1 L59 

Dumber of guns fired about the aame time the firei were kindled (the 
guns we did not hear), which were both designed to '_ r i\e an alarm, but 
they supposed, as we did, that the buildings were on fire, Thej also 
supposed thai the enemy fired the cannon, upon which they aenl down a 
boat to Bee it' they could discover the enemy, They Boon returned with 
terrible accounts, thai there were three or four large ships within the 
Gurnet, and thai they were landing their men ren fast, which threw 
the town Into the utmost consternation. The\ kindled a fire on the 
burying hill, and despatched messengers to all the towns around, even 
as far as Warehain and Middleborough, to call in the militia; Bent off 

many of their women and children, and a- much furniture a> they could 

gel away. Mrs. Otis tells me they h.ul their chairs at the door and 
cloaks on from half past ten till half after tour, ready to fly in a mo 
ment. ... In the morning to their great joy [they] found thai the 
fleet which had thrown them into Buch a panic was Captain Manly 
with four other privateers, who were driven into the harbor by a large 
man-of-war, — and bo ended this mighty affair. 

.Mrs. Thomas requests the favor that you would just call at a gold- 
smith near Mr. Hull (?), — she has forgot the name, and take o pair 
of silver buckles, which the General left there to be mended, and 
that you would pay him for the mending them, and also for a pair of 
spectacle-bows [which] the General had of him. She also begs you to 
inclose her newspaper with your own. I have been to visit her and] 
find her very dull. . . . My compliments to our friends at Watertown. 
I hope to see you next week ; till then adieu. 

Yours affectionately, 

Sai: \h Si V! i;. 

General John Thomas, it will be remembered, had led tin- 
force which, by the occupation of Dorchester Heights, had 
caused the evacuation of Boston, March 17 ; and he had prob- 
ably started on his way to join the army in Canada, without 
attending to the little business Ins wife was now anxious to 
complete. Dr. Thacher, in his " History of Plymouth " (p. 214) 
makes brief mention of the fright on Manly 'a coming. 

Dr. George H. Moore, of New York, being called noon 
by the President, presented and read the following commu- 
nication : — 

The approach of the four hundredth anniversary of the dis- 
covery of America by Christopher Columbus revives univer- 
sal interest in the history of the man and the event. Already 

the keynote of preparation has been Bounded more or 


distinctly from many points of direction, and the busy hum 
of preparation begins to grow on the ear. 

Whether or not that great Christian Church of which he 
was an enthusiastic devotee will inscribe his name among the 
saints on her crowded calendar may yet be doubtful, but that 
she will become more and more proud of his achievement un- 
der the banner of the renowned Catholic sovereigns of the 
Spanish Peninsula in the waning years of the fifteenth century 
is plainly written in the prophetic books of history. The 
claim has already been set up that is intended to vindicate 
the Roman Catholic countries and peoples of Europe against 
the just charge of gross and criminal neglect and indifference 
to the name and fame of one of the grandest of men among the 
sons of the Church. 

But it is on the free and inspiring air of Protestantism, 
chiefly if not alone, that the trumpet of fame has rung out the 
great notes of celebration and honor to him among the genera- 
tions of men who have filled the stage of human life since 
Christopher Columbus passed away from it in the cruel mar- 
tyrdom of envy and neglect ; and nowhere in the round world, 
or among them that dwell therein, have all the honors due to 
him been recognized or vindicated more fully and fairly than 
in the United States, where the first public celebrations of the 
discovery of America took place in 1792, 1 and a few years later 
the genius of the greatest master of the English language who 
has yet appeared in America was inspired to produce the best 
record of the life of the discoverer. 

The name of Vespucius was wiitten on the land of Colum- 
bus in 1507, within a year after his death. It appeared in 
the maps before 1521, where it has kept its place, and is 
likely to continue. I do not know that any considerable effort 
has ever been made to change it, although a sense of its in- 
justice has haunted the minds of men in all these genera- 
tions ; but we are all familiar with a name which has grown 
into use in literature, especially poetry, as a substitute for 
the cumbrous descriptive political title with which the United 
States of America assumed a place among the nations of the 

1 By the Tammany Society, or Columbian Order, in the city of New York, on 
the 12th of October; and by the Massachusetts Historical Society, in Boston, on 
the 23d of October. 

18S5.] THB \ ami: "COLUMBIA." Ll | 

The name is identified with the period of the Revolul 

and the years Immediately following it ; and when Joseph 
Hopkinson wrote his famous son--, "Hail Columbia,* 1 be 
Bummed up the patriotic sentiment of nationality which had 
been steadily growing from the beginning of the War of Inde- 
pendence. It is creditable alike to the heads and the hearts 
of the people who achieved the independence of the United 
States that the name of Columbia took at once (as it were) 
so firm and lasting a hold upon their affections. The name 
of Columbus was thus revived in the new birth of Freedom, 
and has not ceased to he cherished to this day. 

The earliest recognition in this part of the New World of 
the name of the discoverer as appropriate for tic lands which 
he had discovered was by a famous man of New England, — 
Chief Ju>tice Scwall. In his '• Phenomena Quaedam Ap 
lyptica," first published in L697, and again in a second edition, 
17-7, he calls the country <'<>Uihil'ni<> . At a later period he 
intimated the opinion, doubtless formed many years before, 
that "where (Tebel) World is mentioned in the Psalms, it i> 
to he understood of the New World, Columbina." 1 

The source of Sewall's inspiration on this subject i- plain 
enough from his record. Nicholas Fuller, 0m 1 of the best Ori- 
ental scholars, and who has been chronicled as " the most ad- 
mired critic of his timer' ( L557— 1622), was one of the first, if 
not the first of the English nation, who has recorded a pn 
in favor of Columbus : — 

"Indiam Occidentalem, quam passim Americam dicunt,vere acmerito 
Columbinam p otitis dicerent, a magnanimo II< roe ( bristophoro Col umbo 
Genuensi prime terrarum illarum investigatore atque inventore plane 

DivinitUS Constitute." - 

'•These are the sentiments of Mr. Nicholas FuUer concerning the 
New World. . . . This learned Mam agreeable to his great [ngenuity, 
endeavours to do Columbus the Justice, aa to eternize his Honour, by 
engraving his Name upon the World of his Discovery, h is 1 
called America ; but according to Truth and Desert, men should rather 

1 Dec. 2 1725: Diary, vol. iii. p. 367. Compare Jan. 1. 1710, In vol. iL 

V ' 'Miscellanea Sacra, lib. ii. cap. iv. Crit. Sac ut. 2281 

Compare Poole's Synopsis, v. 1994, 31: "Fulleroa noster in Mil 2 I In floe 

probare Nationes Americana) sint Magogitioe genti* colon!*, ob brei 

in Scythicis istis oris trajectum." 



call it Columbina,yrom the magnanimous Heroe Christopher Columbus 
a Genuese, who was manifestly Appointed of GOD to be the Finder out 
of these Lands." x 

In these generous sentiments of the ancient Oxford scholar 
and critic, Sewall evidently agreed. The most emphatic illus- 
tration of his zealous interest in the name and fame of Colum- 
bus was given in the height of his courtship of Madam 
Winthrop in 1720, so graphically recorded in his Diary as 
printed by the Massachusetts Historical Society. October 
11th he " writ a few Lines to Madam Winthrop," thanking 
her for her " unmerited Favours " of the day before, and hop- 
ing "to have the Happiness of Waiting on her" the next day 
" before Eight o'clock after Noon," concluding thus : — 

" I pray God to keep you, and give you a joyfull entrance upon the 
Two Hundred and Twenty Ninth year of Christopher Columbus his 
Discovery: and Take Leave, who am, Madam, your humble Servi 

"S. S." 

Upon his following visit, as appointed, he found the fair 
widow's " Countenance much changed from what 't was on 
Monday, look'd dark and lowering ; " and among other items 
which he records of that momentous interview, he appears to 
have found it necessary to "explain the expression Concerning 
Columbus." 2 He was sixty-nine and she was fifty-six years 
of age at this time. What the more or less lively widow 
thought about it is nowhere recorded among the archives of 
the Massachusetts Historical Society, whose publication of 
these matters and the discussions to which they have led fur- 
nish us with very entertaining as well as instructive reading. 

A few years after the publication of Se wall's second edition 
of the " Phenomena," the " Gentleman's Magazine " began its 
long and useful career. The reports of debates in Parliament 
were made a feature in this publication ; and in their prepara- 
tion Cave, the editor, was assisted by Mr. William Guthrie. 
Dr. Johnson had not yet entered upon his work as an editor or 
author of these debates, which his name and fame have since 
made so celebrated ; but they aroused the wrath of the House 
of Commons, in which, on the 13th April, 1738, it was duly 

1 Phenomena Apocalyptica, 1697, pp. 46, 47. 

2 Diary, vol. iii. pp. 266, 267. 

1885.] THE NAME "COLUMBJ \." 

resolved, concerning the publication, "that it is a high indig- 
nity to, and notorious breach of, the privileges of this House 
. . . and that this House wiil proceed with the utmost Be verity 
against such offenders.* 1 In this extremity, Borne expedient 
being necessary, Cave shrewdly prefaced the d< bates by what 
he chose to call " An Appendix to Captain Lemuel Gulliver's 
Account of the famous Empire of Lillipul ; " and the pro- 
ceedings in Parliament were given as debates in th S 
of Lilliput, with feigned names and other disguises. In the 
very first number of then.' reports there is a significant ref- 
erence to "their Conquests and Acquisitions in Columbia 
(which is the Lilliputian name for the country that am 
our America), 91 ] These Lilliputian disguises were continued 
beyond tin- period of Johnson's debates. So far as I have 
been able to find out, this Lilliputian name for the country 
answering to English America was tin- first appearam 
" Columbia " anywhere. 

But when and whore did the name Columbia first appear in 
the land to which it justly belongs? Until an earlier date is 
found for it, I am disposed to claim the honor of its introduc- 
tion for an inhabitant, though not a citizen, of Massachusetts, 
— a negro woman, a native of Africa, and a slave at tin- time, 
the property of a citizen of Boston. She was a poet i 
mean capacity. At any rate the volume which contains many 
of her writings is a poetical monument quite as consideral 
could be shown for Massachusetts at the time, and second only 
to that of another female writer of that colony, — Mi-. Anne 

In October. lTTo, Phillis Wheatley was inspired by the 
patriotic muse ti> address a poem of forty-two lines of h 
verse to General Washington, who a few weeks before had 
taken command of the American Army of the Revolution. In 
that poem, printed a few- months afterwards in the "Penn- 
sylvania Magazine" in Philadelphia, the name "Columbia" 
appears for the first time, so far as I know, on this continent 

If an earlier use of it by any writer leu- may yet be pointed 
out, still this negro slave woman must haw the honor of having 
led in the van of the little army of poets who speedily after 
her date made the welkin ring with the echoes <>f " Columl 
1 do not find that she had ever used it before in any of 

1 QenUeman'fl Magazine, rol. viii p 285. 


poems ; but it appears more than once in one of her subsequent 

Timothy D wight followed ; but his spirited lyric — 

" Columbia, Columbia, to glory arise, 
The Queen of the World and the child of the skies," 

was not written until the latter part of the year 1777, or per- 
haps later. His chaplaincy at West Point began in October 
of that year. In his " Conquest of Canaan," the name ap- 
pears several times, of which the first is in the ninety-second 
line of the first book, concluding his sympathetic tribute to 
the memory of Nathan Hale : — 

" And sad Columbia wept his hapless doom." 

It was, however, the Tyrtasus of America, the New York 
Huguenot poet of the Revolution, Philip Freneau, who gave 
the greatest impulse to the new name of Columbia. In his 
" Dialogue between His Britannic Majesty and Mr. Fox, sup- 
posed to have passed about the time of the approach of the 
Combined Fleets of France and Spain to the British Coasts, 
August, 1779," first published in the " United States Maga- 
zine " at Philadelphia in December, 1779, he repeats the word 
many times very effectively : — 

" How hhall I make Columbia yet my friend?" 

" How vain is Britain's strength! her armies now 
Before Columbia's bolder veterans bow." 

" And we no more for lost Columbia mourn." 

" Columbia, thou a friend in better times, 
Lost are to me thy pleasurable climes." 

" Of all the isles, the realms with which I part, 
Columbia sits the heaviest at my heart." 

11 Withdraw your armies from the Americ' shore, 
And vex Columbia with your fleets no more." 

" Since Heaven has doomed Columbia to be free." 

He emphasizes the novelty of the name by his note sub- 
joined to the first line in which he uses it, informing the reader 
that America is "so called by poetical liberty, from its dis- 
coverer." His view of the matter is more fully illustrated in 


his " Sketches of American History* 1 written in L786, The 

lin.-s which I quote are certainly better history thai , : — 

14 Good fortune, Vespuciw, pronounoed thee ber own, 
Or else to mankind thou ha en known — 

By giving thy name, thou art ever renowned 
Thy nanu to a world thai another I 
( "M Mm \ the name was that Merit decn 
But Fortune and Merit have tievi 
) . with commt ndabU care, 

A ■ vainly attempting Uu wrong to repair.' 1 

It La unnecessary to pursue the topic much further. I 
name was speedily associated with many objects and Bubj 
natural, civil, ami political, as well as literary. The first time 
it appeared in Legislation was in the law of the State of N< v 
York giving the name of Columbia to King's College in 1784, 
Two years Later (April 4, 17 s, *»), a new county was set off 
from Albany County, and established with the nam.- ol I 
Lumbia County. Since thai time the uame is l< [jion, scatten d 

throughout the land — 

•• Thick as autumnal Leaves that strow the bi 
In Vallombro&a." 

The Hon. Robert C. Winthrop alluded to a note which 
he had received in reference to an i laborate picture of N 
Falls, which represented it as it was sixty-two I 

writer of the note wished to dispose of the picture, which 
hern painted on canvas in oil by his father; but M Wii throp 
thought that it ought to be purchased by the State of V i 
York, which now had charge of that region, or, better still, 
that a museum should be established in connection with the 
Niagara Falls Park, and that this, together wil other 

views illustrating the same subject, should b( 
for all coming time. 

Mr. Jenks said : — 

I have her.' a photograph presented to thi S 
Last meeting, which I think you will agree with me 
more notice than the mere mention of the ime ; 

and perhaps some here will be glad to have their attention 

called to it, and to take the opportunity to look at it. for it 


is a representation of the flag under which the minute-men of 
Bedford marched to Concord fight. 

It is of red silk, about two feet square, not far (as nearly as 
I can remember from having seen it borne in processions once 
or twice) from the size of, and in general appearance resem- 
bling, the celebrated Eutaw Springs flag, which is held with 
such pride and affection by the Washington Light Infantry 
Company of Charleston, South Carolina ; and it seems a 
pleasing coincidence that there should be in existence, and 
carefully preserved, two flags of such a nature, — one borne in 
the first battle of the Revolution, and the other carried in one 
of its latest conflicts. 

The device on the flag is a mailed hand, extended out of 
what appears to be intended for a cloud, and grasping a dag- 
ger or small sword. Three large silver balls are on different 
parts of the surface, and the whole is partially encircled by a 
scroll bearing the motto, " Vince aut morire." 

Perhaps some of our members more familiar with heraldry 
may explain the significance of the bearings, and tell us more 
about this flag. It has been kept in the family of the Ensign 
John Page, who bore it to Concord, and on the 19th of Octo- 
ber, of this year, was presented to the town of Bedford by his 
grandson, now in his eighty-fifth year. 

The long staff to which it is attached shows plainly that it 
was a cavalry flag ; and it is said to have been carried in 
the French and Indian war by a cavalry company, largely or 
entirely made up from this town, in which, I believe, the same 
Page had been ensign. When the minute-men were sum- 
moned to go to Concord, he came, and naturally brought with 
him the flag he had borne before ; and under it they marched 
to the fight. 

This flag and the event with which it is connected have a 
special interest for me, because the house before which the 
minute-men assembled, supposed to be the oldest now stand- 
ing in the village of Bedford, had been opened some years 
before by my great-grandfather as a tavern, and has remained 
for over a hundred years in his family (in the same name of 
Fitch) ; and it is reported that Jonathan Wilson, their cap- 
tain, having drawn them up in line, addressed them, saying, 
" Boys, we will give you a cold breakfast, but before night we 
will give the British a hot supper." 

1885.] IUIssian DE8ERTEB , 167 

Wilson was killed In tbe Concord fight. II b dj 
brought back to Bedford and buried In the old bur 
ground. Whether there is any significance in if I cannot 
tell, but it is interestiug in this connection to kno* that on 
his grave-stone is cut a hand holdin a to that 

on the flag. Perhaps il refers to his having been killed while 
fighting under it ; perhaps there may have been in th< 
on the flag Borne personal reference. Further Light upon the 

flag mav also explain this. 

Mr. E. J. Lowell staled, in response to an inquiry bj the 
President, thai \ ery few I [essian officers came o\ er to our > i * 1 u 
during the Revolution; thai a few soldiers did bo, but they 
were mostly those who had been taken prisoners, and subse- 
quently others who were about to return from America to ( < i- 
many; but that Washington was especially averse to enli 

Remarks were made by Dr. EVERETT, Mr. DEANE, and Mr. 
T. C. Amory; and Mr. James Russell Lowell mentioned 
that John G. Saxe had declared that he was descended from 
a Hessian deserter. 



The first meeting of the new year was held on the 14th in- 
stant, the President, Dr. Ellis, in the chair. 

The record of the preceding meeting was read and accepted. 

The additions by gift to the Library were reported. 

The President read a letter from Mrs. William B. Rogers 
of this city, who presented for the Cabinet a box containing 
thirty-three coins and four medals, being part of the collection 
made by Mr. George Ticknor, when in Spain, for Mr. James 
Savage, and bequeathed by him to the Society. A descrip- 
tive letter, dated Madrid, Sept. 1, 1818, accompanied the 

It was voted that the grateful acknowledgments of the 
Society be communicated to Mrs. Rogers by the Recording 

Dr. Green said : — 

In behalf of Dr. Peabody and myself, who are the executors 
under the will of our late friend and associate, Mr. Sibley, 
whose death was announced at the last meeting, I present 
here a printed copy of his will. It is probably known to the 
members that he has constituted this Society the residuary 
legatee of nearly all his estate. This amount is by far the 
largest sum of money ever given or bequeathed to the Society, 
— the property being appraised at upwards of $150,000 ; and 
it will place the name of Sibley among the most munificent 
promoters of historical research. 

Will of John Langdon Sibley, of Cambridge. 

I, John Langdon Sibley, of Cambridge, in the County of Middlesex, 
and Commonwealth of Massachusetts, make this my last will and testa- 
ment, hereby disposing of all my property and estate, real, personal, 
and mixed, including all real estate acquired after the execution of my 

1886.] KB. sii;i.i;v*s Wli.i.. |, | 

let. To my dear mfe, ( barlotte An, i « | Siblej, 

in token of her entire unselfishm j, and of hei 
oess to my oomforl ami happin< ss, 1 devise end bequeath all my 
em and estate, in trust, to colled the rents ami Income then 
all substituted property,and to retain the same to hi 
year during her natural life, she first paying oul of the I and 

income all taxes ami repairs, all assessments, except i ; 
incuts, and all premiums of insurance, and keeping ail property which 
is liable to damage by fire fully insured for the I the trust. 

I empower my said Trustee to varj investments at her 
for that purpose to sell, convey, and transfer any trust property, 01 
<>r substituted, by public or private Bale, without the aid ol any < 
and t<> invest the proceeds of any Buch Bales according to her !»••-' judg- 
ment And I empower my said wife, in every year when she d< 
tin- said net rents ami income t«» be insufficient for her comfortable sup- 
port, to apply to Buch Bupport so much mone) out of the capital of the 
trust-fund a- in her judgment may be requisite therefor. 

2d. Upon my Baid wife's death, I give to Phillips Exeter \ 
all photographs ami other portraits of her ami myself, and also the por- 
traits now in my bouse, painted by E. i' . Pinch, of my parents, Dr. 
Jonathan Sibley and Mrs. lVr>is (Morse) Sibley, by whose indefati- 
gable industry, rigid economy, ami painful Belf-denial was accumu 
tin- -mall property which constituted the beginning and foundati 
the Sibley Charity Fund. 

3d. All tlir Baid trust property and est ite remaining at my 
wife's death, after deducting the said legacy, 1 give and devise to the 
Massachusetts Historical Society, to be kept as a 
called the Sibley Fund; ami the income thereof to 1..- applied to the 
publication of Biographical Sketches of the graduate i ol II i i 
versity, written in the same general manner as the sketch* 
published by me, and in continuation thereof. It any income th< 
main, the same Bhall be applied first t<> the purchase of print.-. 1 books, 
pamphlets, or manuscript-, the same being composed by gradua 
Harvard University, or relating to Buch graduates; and next, to the 
genera] purposes of the Society. .that at least 

fourth part of the Baid income be accumulated and added to the capital 
in every year during the hundred years next succeeding my said e 
death, and provided, also, that the said Corporation may in it- discretion 
apply not exceeding one half part of the Baid accumulated fund toward 
the erection of a new fire-proof buildii _ died by my name. 

4th. I appoint the Reverend Andrew Pn P< , D.D M Presi- 

dent of the Board of Trustees of Phillips Exeter Academy, S Quel 
Abbott Green, M.D., Mayor of Boston an. I Librarian of the M 

chusettS Historical So, i , >n Of ti. I nipt 


them and my Trustee from giving any bond. Upon all sales by my 
executors or Trustee, the purchaser shall not be concerned to see to the 
application of the purchase-money. The provision for my said wife is 
in lieu of dower, or thirds, and of every other provision or allowance 
out of my estate. Each of my executors shall be liable only for his 
own receipts, payments, and wilful defaults, and not one for the others. 
And finally I hereto set my hand and seal, and declare this instru- 
ment to be my last will and testament this first day of February, in the 
year one thousand eight hundred and eighty-three. 

John Langdon Sibley. 

Signed, sealed, published, and declared by the above-named John 
Langdon Sibley, as and for his last will and testament, in presence 
of us, who in his presence, and in presence of each other, and at his 
request, have hereto set our hands as witnesses. 

Francis Edward Parker. 

Joseph W. Shattuck. 

Robert Levi. 

It was voted, on motion of Mr. C. C. Smith, that a commit- 
tee consisting of Judge Hoar, Mr. Cobb, and Professor E. C. 
Smyth, be appointed to consider and report to the Society what 
action should be taken in view of this munificent bequest. 

Mr. Putnam exhibited, from the collection of the Peabody 
Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology, a number 
of celts, small axes, and ornaments made of jadeite obtained 
from burial-mounds in Nicaragua and Costa Rica, principally 
from the explorations of Dr. E. Flint. Several of the speci- 
mens agree, in specific gravity, hardness, and color, with the 
Asiatic jadeite ; and in the absence of any known locality of 
that variety of the stone in America, it is presumable that 
they were all derived from the known localities in China. 

Similar celts and small axe-shaped implements, made from 
the same mineral, were exhibited from the pile-dwellings of 
the Swiss lakes. Mr. Putnam thought it reasonable to regard 
the specimens from Central America as brought from Asia 
originally in the form of celts. Owing to the habit of placing 
such objects in the graves of their owners, with the lack of a 
further supply from Asia, gradually they became rare and 
valuable, and remaining specimens were then cut and recut, 
and cherished as ornaments, until finally these pieces were 
deposited in the burial-mounds. 

18SC] LETTERS OF LORD n lis. 17 1 

In support of this supposition is the faol thai among t! 
from Centra] America, one is an elaborately carved celt, 
a large plain celt, and nine others arc either halves, quarters, 
or smaller pieces of celts. That these small pieces are pan- of 

Celts is shown by their shape and by the portion of the cutting 

edge of the celt which remains on most of them , also bi the 
exact Btting of two forming half a celt, which bad been per- 
forated to be suspended as an ornament, and afterwards cut 

on a line through the hole and so made into the8e two orna- 
ments, in each of which a hole is drilled. Eight pieces are 
perforated, and one is carved and notched. 

Such facts, he said, deserve most careful consideration as 
records of the probable migration from Asia of the ancient 
people of Central America. 

Implements were also exhibited, made of other varieties of 
green stones known under the general name of jade, including 
a beautiful celt made of dark jadeite obtained from a mound 
in Michigan. This dark variety is said to have hen found in 
bowlders in the Frazer valley, but it is unlike the specimens 
from Central America. 

Further remarks on this interesting subject were made by 
Mr. Haynes and Dr. Clarke. 

Mr. R. C. Winthrop, Jr., then said : — 

Mr. President, more than twenty years ago the late Presi- 
dent of this Society (the Hon. Robert ('. Winthrop) found 
among his family-papers a packet of letters, written between 
1003 and 1700, from Lieutenant-General Lord Cutts to Colo- 
nel Joseph Dudley, then Lieutenant-Governor of the [sle of 
Wight, and afterwards Governor of Massachusetts. Our late 
President, in running his eye hurriedly over these letters, 
satisfied himself that they in no way related to New England 
History, and laid them aside for perusal at BOme more con- 
venient season, which never came. More than once, however, 
has he suggested to me to make an exhaustive examination 
of them, which I have now done, carefully collating tie- copies 
which I am about to communicate to the Society. They are 
thirty-two in number; and while I do not pretend thai they 
can fairly be considered of much historical importance, yel I 
have found them extremely entertaining, and I believe they 
would have possessed no little interest for the late Lord 


Macaulay, who had an evident liking for the martial figure 
of Lord Cutts, and who styles him in his history " the brav- 
est of the brave," " unrivalled in that bull-dog courage which 
flinches from no danger," and "so much at ease in the hottest 
fire of the French batteries that his soldiers gave him the 
honorable nickname of the Salamander." 

The most diligent investigation has not enabled me to state 
with certainty the date of John Cutts's birth, but I imagine 
him to have been a somewhat younger man than his corre- 
spondent. He came of a good Essex family, inherited an 
estate in Cambridgeshire, adopted the profession of arms, 
served as aide-de-camp successively to the Dukes of Mon- 
mouth and Lorraine, distinguished himself at the taking of 
Buda in 1686, and still more so, four years later, at the battle 
of the Boyne, where his intrepid conduct, under the eye of 
William of Orange, resulted in his being raised by that mon- 
arch to the Irish peerage, and in his being named, not long 
after, to the governorship of the Isle of Wight. This post 
was then by no means the sinecure it has been for more 
than a century past ; on the contrary, the exposed situation 
of the island, the disturbed condition of public affairs, and 
the prevalence of Jacobite plots made it an office of much 
responsibility as well as of considerable emolument. Cutts's 
duties in attendance upon the King and Parliament, together 
with his military command in Flanders, rendered it impossible 
for him to be continuously in the island. It was essential 
that he should have on the spot a lieutenant-governor pos- 
sessing his entire confidence ; and he chose Joseph Dudley, 
who for eight years was the alter ego of Lord Cutts in Wight, 
and for several of those years the representative in Parliament 
of one of the island boroughs. 

Dudley, as we know, was born in 1647, a younger son of 
Governor Thomas Dudley, of Massachusetts, and had been 
before in England at two earlier periods in the intervals of 
high civil employment in his native country; but precisely 
how or when or why he became so intimate with Lord Cutts it 
is difficult to determine. General Hugh Mackay, in his " Char- 
acters of Military Officers of his own Time," speaks of Cutts 
as " tall, lusty, and well-shaped, an agreeable companion, 
with abundance of wit, but too much vanity, affable, fa- 
miliar, and brave ; " in short, a lively, dashing soldier, who 
at first sight would seem to have had little in common with 


Joseph Dudley, who whs originally bred to the ministry, and 
^Yll<> preserved throughout life much of the gravity of a 
professed believer in a somewhat rigorous Calvinism. Bui the 
two men were alike ambitious, and resembled each other in a 
thirst for profitable public station, equalling thai of their illus- 
trious contemporary, John, Duke of Marlborough. Cutts, in 
these letters, is continually stimulating Dudley's zeal by prom- 
ise of preferment ; and it is evidenl thai he exacted from him 
in return almost every variety of Bervice. Writing to him at 
intervals from a dozen different places, — from Whitehall and 
Kensington, from Plymouth and Portsmouth, from Newport 
and Carisbrooke Castle, from Gravesend and Tunbridge-Wells, 
and from the various headquarters of the Allied Arm} in the 
Low Countries, — he deals not merely with public ftffaiw and 
local politics, the island elections and the island garrisons, but 
he employs his Lieutenant-Governor to pay hi- bills, to pacify 
his creditors, to order his liveries, I » do bis marketing, and 
even to bottle his wine. 

Now and then, as will be seen, Dudley is taken to task 
with a good deal of vivacity; but it is evidenl thai be and 
Cutts were necessary to each other at this period, and their 
coolness was never of long duration. Hi> Lordship's official 
correspondence is doubtless to be found on record in London, 
and his autograph is occasionally to be met with in private 
collections; but, so far as I have been able to ascertain, this 
fragmentary series of his confidential letters is the onlj 
of its kind in existence, and the evident sincerity of the writer 
gives them a marked flavor of actuality even after the laps 
nearly two centuries. 1 

Mr. Winthrop then proceeded to read a number of extracts 
from the letters, which are here given in full : — 

Wei i in ill, Jan : 15. 1(3 
S? — I am hut just come from the Committee (and could by no 
means come away sooner) so that I can only desire you to be with 
eicrht o'clock to-morrow-morning. Necessity must be submitted to; and 
Vexing is best let alone where "t will doe no good. I am very much 
tvr'd and fear I have catch'd cold with waiting for a coach in the 
Pallace yard. But let it goe how it will. I am S r 

Your bumble servant, 


My Service and Excuse to Cosen Ilookc. 

1 I am informed that a number of letters from Lord Cutts to the lecoud Duke 
of Ormonde are preserved in the muniment-room of Kilkenny Cattle in Ireland. 


[No date — probably 1693.] 

Memorandum to M r Dudly. 

To goe or send early in the morning to M r Goodchild, Inkeeper at 
the Whitehorse in the hay market (where my horses stand), to tell him 
you have orders to pay him what he demands upon his bills, before the 
horses goe out of the stable ; and that you are expecting the mony 
every hour. To pay fifteen pounds to Mr England, a brewer, and tell 
him I could not receive any more before I went ; but that he shall have 
the rest as soon as I return. To pay forty pounds to Mr Sterton, a 
Cornchandler, and take up his bond. To pay ten pounds to Mr. Fisher. 
To come out with the coach and six horses, and my Groom ; to bring 
one footman behind the coach, and to let the other footman ride along 
with the coach upon my Nephew Rivet's horse. To be at Cambridge 
on Wednesday, and to order your journy so as to bring the horses as 
fresh and unfatigued as you can. To hasten the payment of the 300 lb . 
To give notice to Captain Blood's man (at my house) what time you 
set out. 

Whitehall, December 28* 1693. 
S H — I received your letter and shall take care of the contents. I 
desire you to come up to town as soon as you can, for the sake of your 
own affairs as well as mine. My hearty service to all your good 
company ; IamS' 

Y r humble Servant, 


Plymouth, Jan 22 : 1694. 
S R — I heartily wish you had not propos'd to Mr Blathwayt to take 
the 300l b instead of five ; you cannot imagine the Injury you have 
done me. Indeed you should never take upon you to decide in mat- 
ters of that moment without orders. I insist upon the 500 lb and 
nothing but your offer of taking three could hinder me of it. I'm sure 
it will be the hardest thing in the world if I have less. I design to 
be at Salisbury on Sunday, at Basinstoke on Munday, at Southampton 
on Tuesday, &c. If you receive not the mony between this and that, 
meet me on Munday at Basinstoke and we'l discourse farther on it. 
Present my service to Coll : Withers and tell him I desire (if possible) 
that he would meet me at Basingstoke on Munday next ; and desire the 
same of Coll : -Hope, but desire them both not to speak of it to any one. 
Speak to Rouse my coachmaker and order him to finish my mourning- 
charriot just as the Peers have their Charriots ; desire my brother 
Acton 1 to furnish him the Cloath ; of as good as any body puts to that 

1 John Acton, Esq., of Basingstoke, married a sister of Lord Cutts. 

1886.] i BTTER8 OF LORD CUTT8. L75 

use; and tell Rouse I would have the harness likewise d 

Peers have their harness; and all Rnish'd as soon as may be. I 

him I would have the Pore-Glass whole. I desire you to bespeak 

mourning Baddle and bridle, with bolsters and I se. Joseph will bring 

my Badler to you. [nform your self how thi P have their I 
I Joseph Bel out as Boon as it is done, and bring 
to Portsmouth, not Buffering any one to gel on their backs bul him 
and let him come very gently. Desire my brother Acton to give him 
mony to bring him thither; bul he must !»•• there by Saturday 
Ben nil without faile. Enquire for one Pancefori a Clothier (Brother 
Acton will inform you of him), he cloaths several! regiments, K 
•Ji>"'!' of brother Acton and pay it to this Pancefori (taking a receipt 
according to the enclos'd modell) and telling Pancefori from me that 
I design'd to have employ'd him in the cloathing of my r< giment, but 
being Bent out of Town, I'm forc'd to leave it to others; b< 
something that I'l tell him when I Bee him; and give him five Guinys 
as a present from me (which my Brother Acton will give you) and if 
he makes any complaint. Boften him as much as you can, and t.-il him 
ir was impossible for me ?<> avoid it. Desire my brother Acton to 
meet me at Basiustoke on Monday with thi Patterns of my r< giment's 
cloaths. Tell my sister Cutts 1 I ask her excuse for not writing 1 1 « i -> 
post, being full ofworke. My most humble Bervice to the Speak-!-- (if 
you will do,- me that favour) and give him a note of the places wh< I 
am to be, with a handsome compliment if he has any comands for me. 
The Fleet bound for Jamaica sayl'd this afternoon, the wind I.. \ I.. 
I beg of yon these favours, and that you will he a little exact and 
careful] in Pancefort's business. 

I am sincerely Sr, 

Your most humble Bervant, 

c. i rs. 

P. S. Desire brother Acton to hid Loggara l""' about my servant's 
mourning and to bargain for the cloath. 

IV S. Tell brother Acton I'l Batisfie him for the cloath tor the 


Portsmouth, Mar 22. 

S* — I reallv love and honour you for not despairing a- the Romans 
once said of a brave Gen 1 . 1 ) of the affaires of the commonwealth. I 
an Express from Petersfeild that M Woosely will I-- here in an hour, 

or two; and he and I both will he at Yarmouth tO-mOITOW G • 

1 > r i * ^ Joanna Cutts, his anmarried ^ter. 

2 sir John Trevor. Master <«f the Rolli an ler James II., rabteqnently exj 
from t he House of Common! for corruption. 


willing. I desire you to exert vigorously the King's, and mine, and your 
own Interest ; and I hope God will bless the honest Williamite side. 
Send Hope a Cordiall ; and give him kind, endearing, respectfull, in- 
couraging words. I shall follow all your advice. Hasten this away 
with the utmost speed. I am sincerely Sr 

Your most humble servant, 

Coll. Dudly. 

P. S. Please send speedily in my name to Coll Lee, S r John Dil- 

lington, 1 and all partys concern'd in the Island, in such terms as y r 

prudence shall direct. 


Newport, June 23. 1694. 

Sr. — I desire you to help this Gentleman (Major Moncal) to the 
quickest passage to Portsmouth, you can. I desire my letters with all 
speed; & am (with my most humble service to the good Ladys) Sr, 

Your most humble servant, 

For the hon ble Coll. Dudly 
L* Governor for the Isle Wight. 

At the King's Quarters at Waneghem 
near Courtray. Aug. 30. 1694. 

Sr. — Setting out late from the Camp near Portsmouth I arriv'd 
not a London 'till five o'clock on fryday morning. I could have arrived 
sooner, but knowing y* I could not see her Majesty 2 the same night if 
I arrived late, I thought it better to repose myself upon the road and 
arrive early the next morning. On Saturday morning I took post for 
Harwitch ; on Munday in the afternoon I set sayl, and on Tuesday I 
landed at Helvoet-Sluys in Holland. I took post immediately (having 
her Majesty's letters to the King 3 ) and I arriv'd in the Camp severall 
hours before the Post. His Majesty receiv'd me very kindly ; and 
every body beleives I am like to succeed in my pretentions. I have as 
yet no station allotted me in the line of battle ; and so for the pres- 
ent I am in the Court-Quarters, and wait upon the King's Person. 
Pray tell M r Cole and Partners that I doe not forget their mony- 
affairs. I had finish'd it before I left London, but that I came away 
Express immediately upon my arrivall here, but it shall be dispatch'd 
with all possible speed. Pray acquaint Collonell Gipson of my coming 
away Express ; and that I shall not fail to dispatch those affaires con- 
cerning our Camp at Portsmouth with all possible speed. This with 

1 Sir John Dillington, 4th baronet, of Knighton in Wight. 

2 Mary of Orange. 

3 William III. 

1886.] LETTERS OF LORD OTJ its. 177 

my humble Bervke to him. Desire he will t,, write tn I 

have our nek men in the Countrj rapply'd with rabtiftanoe; it he 
pleases to use my nam.: in it, he may. Make a discreet and o 
use "i what I write to yon concerning myself. I am 9 

four in"-! hamble servant, 

( 'i 11^. 

Fbom bis Majesty's Camp h Roi mi u .. 
Bepl 1 1 
8", — I send you here encloe'd a Deputation to disch i 
my absence) the Office of Mayor of Newtown; with a clause in it to 
recommend you to be elected Mayor for the ensuing year; I need iaj 
no more, bul only desire you to prepare and order things so, thai it 
may have its deairM effect I send you at the same time (endo 
to the Corporation of Yarmouth ; w '' when you have read il 
will Beal and deliver; but pray 1"' present at tin' opening of it, ai 
I Baid before) prepare and order things bo, thai it may Bucce< 1. Lei 
the Corporations have Vennison, as is usuall; and remember, thai when 
von Swear the Mayor of Newport at Carisbrooke ( astle, jrou are to 
give him no treat, any farther than a Glass of Wine; and I 
you please; and not let them be earry'd any where bul straight into 
the chappell before prayers. I recommend these and all other things 
to your care; hoping to be booh with yon. [dare venture telli 
discreet man y l I don't much doubt of succeeding in my pre ten! 
which will pat me in a fair way. Be assur'd I don't I I, but 

will effectually take care of you ; being Sr, 

Your affectionate humble servant, 

( ' i PT8. 

P. wS. TVe expect every hour an account of tic taking <•( liny, the 
Fort Piccar being allready taken by storm. I nev< 
and healthrull an Army at this time of year. For ordinary newi 
the publick letters. 

From his Majestt'i Camp \t Rousslai 
in Flahdi rs, & pi '-\. 1094. 

M r Mayor, and you Gentlemen of the ' 

I think it for the uood of their Majesty's service and the (\e; 
tion, y* the present Mayor be continued another year. And 
I desire you to order it so. thai he may 1>.' continued s I 

doubt not of your compliance in this, since I am -«• much inclined (tho 1 
hitherto my greal hurry- have hindred me giveing you BUCfa matk-s 

of it as I will soon do) to show myself in all occasions 

Your affectionate friend t<> serve yon, 


Whereas I was elected by the Corporation of Newtown to serve as 
Mayor of the same for this present year ; and whereas their Majesty's 
service necessitates my attendance in Flanders with their Majesty's 
forces now there ; I doe by these presents depute the hon b . Ie Collonell 
Dudly, L- Governor of their Majesty's Isle of Wight, to execute the 
office of Mayor of the said corporation in my absence. And I doe by 
these presents recomend the said Collonell Dudly to be Mayor of the 
said Corporation for the P^nsuing Year. Given at his Majesty's Camp 
at Rousslar in Flanders Sept: JJ. 1694. 


Deputation to Collonell Dudly &c. 

Whitehall, Nov: 15. 1694. 
S? — I had answer'd all your letters sooner, but that we have been 
coming over this month, and I thought every day to be with you. The 
sessions being so immediately begun (upon our arrivall) it was impos- 
sible for me, with regard to the King's affayres here, any ways to come 
down. I shall send down one on Munday to releive you, and refer all 
to our meeting ; and I think it by no means safe for the service that you 
come away before I send one. You may read the enclosed, then seal 
it and give it coll : Urry as if you knew nothing of the matter. By 
the person that comes to releive you, I shall write more at large. My 
affaires (thanks to God) prosper very much. I am S r , 

Your humble serv" 4 , 


Whitehall, Jan : 4* 1695. 

Sr — I have receiv'd yours by Captain Rivet, and am glad every 
thing is in so good Order. You write me word something of a share 
you shall have a right to ; which I don't very well understand. I all- 
ways understood that you had acted in the Isle of Wight only as my 
Deputy, that what you did by Vertue of the Power you have from me, 
was as much (& solely) my act and deed as if I (only) had done it ; 
for that without that Power you could not be in a Capacity to doe it. 
I speak not this that I have the least thoughts of being unkind, or 
ungenerous ; but indeed I allways expected that you would have left 
the whole matter to me. For, as to the King's Comission, you know 
how you came by it ; and you know what promise you made (upon 
your word and honour) when I gave it you. I beleive you an honest 
man, and will not imagine, that we shall disagree in anything. And 
indeed, after my having disoblig'd so many people in your Defence & 
favour, it would be unhappy if you and I should fall out. You may 
leave the Island on Weddensday, or as soon after the receipt of this 
as you please. I am sincerly, S r , your most humble servant, 


Coll: Dudly. 

1880.] LETTERS OF LORD 0UTT8. 179 

[Fragment of a letter endorsed by Dudley "Aprils L0M." The earlier portion 

it missing | 

which I forget. I hope this will confirm all Persona in their inclina- 
tions to Bign the association. I beg of yon to make as moch of il as 

possibly you can. It is the best peice of service you can doe the King, 
me, & your self I hope you have taken care to have il handsomely 
engross'd. Don't omit one living bouI; and be Bure to keep a list of 
the names of all who refuse it. I think ii will be proper for you to 

conic up with it, and it would l»c well if you could set out on Monday ; 
and I wish (upon .so very great an Occasion) two or three people of 
credit would come with yon. If you bring a jolly number of hands, 
yon'l doe your self and me a great kindness, bul force nobody against 
their inclination. The Yarmouth Association is given; it was not read, 
and the King said nothing to it. It will not signify much if ours BUC- 
ceeds. For if those who have sign'd that, refuse nun.', it will not doe 
'em a kindness here;; and all the world will know how Yarmouth is 
managed. I am S r , 

Your very humble servant, 


P. S. I have made some steps in your affaire, 1 & wish von were 
here for five or six days. 

Kensington, May 11. 1695. 

Sr, — I have been coming every day for the Island: but am pre- 
vented by a very extraordinary affaire. The King had sign'd a Com- 
mission for Captain Pitman to be Governor of Hurst-Castle; upon 
which the Marquis of Winchester, supported by several! of the Minis- 
ters, represented it to the King as a thing that would be a very great 
hardship upon my Lord Dnke his Father,- and would disoblige all the 
Hampshire-Gentlemen, that Castle being in Hampshire, and not in the 
Isle of Wight. The King, upon this, order'd the Duke of Shrewsbury* 
that the Commission should lye in the Office, 'till he had discoursed 
farther with me upon it. I have discoursed with hi- Majesty upon it 
since; and so have the other side ; and it remains yet in Buspence, no 
atlirmative, or negative, being put upon it. The last thing, the King 
said to me concerning it was that he could not presently resolve him- 
self, but would be put in mind of it again. When I give yon this 

1 The "affaire" in question was undoubtedly the Governorship of Massa- 
chusetts. Narcissus Luttrell. in his diary of March, 1694, Bays : " Coll. Dudley 

stands fairest to succeed Sir William Phips." 

- Charles Paulet, 1st Duke of Bolton, an eccentric personage, whose BOO BUC- 
ceeded Cutts as Governor of Wight. 

3 Charles Talbot, Duke of Shrewsbury, then Secretary of State, an. 1 one of 
the purest statesmen of his time. 


account, you are sensible that I cannot come down 'till it is decided one 
way or other ; nor can I say when I shall come down till the hour 
before I take horse ; because it depends upon the King's saying yes or 
no. I would have you make this use of what I write you, as to let 
every body know that I am every hour coming out of Town ; but that 
my departure depends upon the finishing some matters (necessary to be 
dispatch'd before I come away) and which depend upon the King, & 
not myself. If they have got any thing of the Story by the End, set 
them right ; but don't you say any thing (but in gen 11 terms) unless 
they begin. You and I must be very discreet, for our Enimy's have 
spys upon what we say. But don't loose heart ; and all will goe well 
at last. I suppose by this time the Dragoons are come. I would have 
them Quarter'd at West- Cows. You may give the Officer leave to turn 
his horses to Grass (I mean his Dragoons horses) with such of the 
Country People near the Quarters, as he can agree with ; keeping all- 
ways eight in the stable, in case of alarm ; which may be releiv'd every 
week or fortnight, as the Officer will. When you have two whole 
Companys, let One be at Newport ; with orders to give constant Guard 
to Carisbrooke. Pray make much of all our freinds, especially my 
Newport Freinds ; speak kindly and heartily to 'em. Present my 
service to M r Shergole ; and tell him, PI write to him by next post 
about M r Loving. Let the Wine-Cooper at Yarmouth kno' too, that 
he shall have his Warrant by next Post. Orders are gone to Ports- 
mouth from the Office of Ordinance to supply your stores ; pray send 
over to enquire for 'em speedily, and by some carefull Person. I 
desire to hear from you, and am sincerely, Sr, 

Your most humble servant, 

Coll: Dudly. 

P. S. I would not have the Dragoons doe any Guards ; and I would 
not have you order any of them to attend you, for reasons. 

On board his Majesty's Yatch the Mary, 
near Gravesend. May the 31. 1695. 

Sr, — I had wrote to you sooner, but that I have been transacting 
something, relating to our Isle of Wight affaires (of which this brings 
you an account) of which I could come to no certainty till now. But 
before I enter upon that, I will say something relating to Newtown. 
It was necessary (and not thought so without the advice of better Per- 
sons than my Self) to agree to certain Articles, whereof I send you here 
enclos'd a Copy. Accordingly they were agreed to, and confirm'd upon 
honour; so that I have nothing to add, but positively to direct and 
require you, that the same be most religiously observ'd and executed. 

1880.] LBTTBB8 OF LOBD 0UTT8. M 

This being my Positive Orders to you, you will I'm rare make do 
delay or chicane in the same. Having Bettled that matt- r, I am to lei 
you know something of what I have done in other matters. s r William 
Trambold 1 (whom, with a greal deal of Paine we have got to be Secre- 
tary of State) is a very honest man, is intirelj my freind (and will be 
cordially your Patron), I design to Bet him op for Newport (but would 
not have him nam'd as yet) with my Belf; intending afterwards to be 

Ch086n myself eUwhere and slip in a freind in my room. At NewtOWO 

I shall set up the rich (ingenious) M r Henly, 9 and Borne country Gentle- 
man of Figure with him; and at Yarmouth M r Woosely'and the rich 

Alderman Duneomb; 4 who is sworn fa8t to US (under Grod and the 

King) against all .Majors whatsoever. S r William Trumbold, and the 
best part of the Ministry, are acquainted with this sceme; and I doubt 
not but it will be supported. Von must not name people as yet (not 

'till you have my orders for it) but only say, that I .shall set up men 
without Exceptions, without so much as the pretence of Exceptions 
against them; that we shall have country Gentleman with us (and 
some to stand) of very great figure and Estate; that I shall recommend 
no souldier; and such like General! things. And here I cannot hut 
wave my particular business, to tell you (by way of Cordial! to you) 
that I have very sanguine hopes that this winter will produce some- 
thing which will be very acceptable to you and I. I have really very 
Good Grounds for this; tho' it is not a thing lit to be trusted to Paper. 
J'erbum sapienti. Direct all my Pacquets to S* William Trumbold 
(who is my fast and intirely beloved freind) who has taken down your 
name in his minutes; has promis'd to take care of any business yon 
write about, and expects constant accounts from you of such things as 
deserve the notice of One in his Office. You will be sure to make a 
modest use of this ; never to be tedious, much less light or triffling; nor 
to trouble him but upon serious business & in a modest way. He i- a 
good man, and will doe you and I all the Good he can. I have had 
long conferences with him, and he is exactly upon our bottom. Sy.l- 
ford's comission will be sent down by brother Acton. In the mean 
time order him (by vertue of the Power 1 here give you) to act as 

1 Sir William Trumbull, of East Hampstead Park in IVrkshire, who married 
Lady Judith Alexander, daughter of the 1th Earl of Stirling, and had served as 
Ambassador at Paris and Constantinople. Burnet styles him " a learned, diligent, 
and virtuous man." 

2 Anthony Henley, M. P., alike well-known as a politician, man of letters, and 
patron of the drama. His son Robert became Lord Chancellor and Earl of 

8 So spelled, but probably Henry Worsley, brother of Sir Robert; inbse- 
quently Envoy to Portugal and Governor of Barbadoes. 

4 Afterwards Sir Charles Duneombe, Lord Mayor of London, whose nephew 
became Lord Ecversham. 


Gunner & receive pay. How's Order is sent here enclos'd, and shall 
be fuller by the return of these yatchs. Your mony cannot come but 
by the return of these yatchs, for reasons you shall then know. Say 
only that you expect it soon. We are under sayl ; My Lord Rivers 1 
in the Henrietta yatch ; some of the Bone of Eng^ in the Will and 
Mary ; and I'm in the Mary ; with a considerable number of Officers 
attending us. Dear S r , keep up your Heart, & use y r head, and be as- 
sur'd I'l study your service. Write me a particular account of the 
receipt of this. Compliments to whom you please ; as if nam'd. 
I am sincerely, S r , 

Your faithfull humble servant, 
Coll : Dudly. CuTTS. 

Postcript to Coll: Dudly, May 31. 1695. 

Sr, — I send you here enclos'd a Gen 1 . 1 Warrant to Bowler to obey 
your Warrants, not exceeding two hundred Pounds ; which I would 
have you make use on, as follows. Fifty Pounds to the poor of the 
Town of Newport ; five and twenty of the said fifty to be paid out of 
the mony now in his hands, and the remaining five and twenty out of 
the Michaelmas-rent next ensuing. The rest I would have employ'd, 
to pay such bills as I owe in the Island, and especially the In-Keeper 
at Newport where my Horses stood. I desire you'l give Bowler good 
Words, & try to make. him advance something (to the use of these 
payments) upon the Michaelmas-rent. As to the Souldier's place va- 
cant, I would not (for twice forty pounds) that any body should take 
any mony for it ; because I know the King's mind so fully upon those 
matters. But you may put one in, for this summer, with this proviso 
(as from your self) that, if I have any One to put in at my return, he 
must resign. Pray send me an account what companys & Officers you 
have. That there is a constant Guard at Carisbrooke, Cows, & Yar- 
mouth. Pray don't let Yarmouth-Bridge fall, since a little matter will 
save it. You shall find (take my word and honour for it) that your 
pains is not lost in serving me. The Lords of the Admiralty have been 
so kind as to order me One of the King's best yatchs ; & the cabbin I am 
now sitting in is finer & richlyer furnish'd than any room in the Isle of 
Wight. Dear Dudly, God prosper us, and our Master. Adieu. 


Postcript to Coll. Dudly, May 31, 1695. 

I send you enclos'd a Deputation for the Mayoralty of Newtown. 
If it wants any part of the formality of Law ; yet being in this Junc- 
ture all of a Mind, you may make it pass. You must write to Holmes, 

1 Richard Savage, 4th Earl "Rivers of the second creation, a soldier and diplo- 
matist, Master-General of the Ordnance. 

1886.] LETTERS OF LORD CUTT8. 188 

.v consul! him about it, before you call the HalL I desire you to 
Hales easy in this matter, and give him what assurances you pl< a 
my future kindness ; for 1 really meau il & intend it. STou mai tell 
him (as a dead Becret) I have layd a Scheme thai will, in a little time, 
by Gods help blow up all our Enimys. And all I d< e now, is bul to 
oastamist before their Eyes. I would have you exert your utmost 
interest, & mine, to have S Worsely ' chosen a capital! Burgess 
ot Newtown. Dor it, formally, as my careless compliment to hi- figure 
& Quality; but I mean it (intentionally) to a particular aim, which in 
due time will produce a good effect Carry it \ny civilly to him & 
(between you and 1) I have assurances that in due time he*l be ours. 
You must not let the Euimy Buspecl this of him; for they don't dream 
it; nor must you let him Buspect you know it. lim I would very fain 
have him Burgess. I desire you will send theenclos'd to .Major Holmes 
by an Express forthwith; you may Bend your own message with it. 
Once more adieu, and depend upon me for your sincere hcind and 
humble servant, 

Ci nrs. 

Whitehall, Jan ■ 2! : : 
Sr — By the next you shall not fail to have an answer to every 
Article in each of your letters, which I have this day revis'd ; tho' I 
havn't time now to answer them, by reason of y' multiplicity of busi- 
ness which I have at this time (actually) upon me. Now my Lord 
Galloway- is nam'd by the King for the o 1 Lord Justice in Ireland, I 
hope our Isle of Wight freinds will let me stay here. I am, in hast, 

S r , yours &c, 


Kensington, May the 12 th 1696. 

Sr, — I send you here enclos'd the Noli prosequi. Pray enquire about 
it, if it is to he produe'd in Court; if any Plea to be made upon it. oo\ 
And particularly learn if any thing may he done by them this morning 
by way of praecluding us. For (with all M r I) — s fine complement- of 
faireness — ) Timeo Danaos et dona ferentes. Tray have an Eye to 
this with the greatest care & speed, not loosing a minute. Pay the 
Porter, & I'l repay you; as allso any necessary flfee. At my house at 

I am, S r , your humble servant, 


1 Sir Robert Worsley, 4th Baronet of Appuldercombe, then perhaps the largest 
landed proprietor in the island. 

2 Not the Scotch Karl of Galloway, but the brave Huguenot soldier de Ruvigny, 
Earl of Galway in the Irish peerage. 


From Prince Vaudemont's Camp near Bridges, 

Sept 20 th N. S. 1696. 

Sr, — I am infinitely delighted at your Success in the affaire of 
Newtown ; and your likelyhood of success at Yarmouth. If you can 
carry the point of those two Corporations, Fie improve it so much to 
your advantage to the King and every body else (and I promise you to 
doe it), that it shall be the best Card that ever you play'd. Whatever 
Expences you are at (publick or private) as far as 200 lb goes, I'l will- 
ingly repay you immediately at my return. This will be a matter of 
greater moment than you imagine, and you'l have a large share in the 
advantage of it. I wonder how Captain Phillips comes to be cow'd by 
S r R. Worsely. I beg of you to talk with him ; and if good words, 
promises, or mony will doe, secure him ; & pray don't omit this a mo- 
ment. And let all things be done with Calmness & Gravity. Some 
matters of the greatest moment (with regard to the Publick, as well as 
my own affaires) make it impossible for me to come over before the 
King comes ; and Major Morgan slip'd away of a Suddain before I 
knew any thing of it. How happy it will be (just upon the conclusion 
of the War) to have our matters settled in the Isle of Wight. I beg of 
you to employ your whole head, and heart and hands in it. And we 
will (with God's leave) meet with more Joy than ever ; and I will im- 
prove it essentially to your advantage. My Compliments to all as if 
nam'd. I am sincerely, S r , Your faithfull humble servant, 


Kensington, Oct : 20* h 1696. 
S R , — I wrote you word in my last that when the Battle of Yar- 
mouth was over you might come up to Town ; but I mean't that of 
Newtown ; that is to say your Election of a Mayor there. M r Morgan 
will be sufficiently mortify 'd for his rampant carriage at Yarmouth. 
We have done a very good day's worke in the house of Commons to- 
day, of which I doubt not but our members give you an account. I 
have so much business and Company at my first coming over, that (my 
Secretary not being yet arriv'd from Slanders) I cannot undertake to 
send any news. Holmes waits only for the return of his letter to you ; 
and he comes away to you. You shall be a Witness your self, that I'l 
set all that you doe in a good Light; and (if you are successfull in 
Newtown) I doubt not but to graft something upon it that you'l be 
pleas'd at. Compliments to all as if Dam'd. I am, S r , 

Your humble servant, 


Coll. Dudly. 

P. S. Pray bottle out and send up the Spanish wine as soon as 
may be, directed for me at my house at Whitehall. 


Win i in wi, i Ihristaias-Ere. 
(26* Deem* 96.) 
S R , — Your Express had return'd to you sooner, but that I was will- 
ing to goe to the bottom of the matter first. I have retain'd the best 
concell of Doctor's Comons, & advis'd with some of the ablest Lawyers 
in England; and upon their advice, my directions to you (and my 

Orders) are positively to keep the pO88e88i0Il of the Goods; and nut to 

part with any thing, without my Order under my hand. I received 

yesterday one of yours dated CoWS, Dee: 21, which I can make DOth- 
iugof; 'tis of so different a style and temper from your others. You 
make abundance of repetitions of your good wishes and kindness to my 

Lord Marquise's servants, and say some other things (w cb I won't repeat 

here) which are inconsistent with your other Letters. I can't have 80 
unjust a thought of you, as to imagine you will vary a tittle (directly 
or indirectly) from what you have allways pretended. Keep the things 
in your Po88eS8ion, and let them be taken care of; there .shall be no 
neglect on my side. I am, S r , Your most humble servant, 


From the English Camp at Corkleberg commanded 
by Prince Vaudemont, Aug: the 12"' N. 8. 1697. 

Sr, — I have receiv'd yours of the 19'. h of July, for which I give you 
my hearty thanks. What you write of Morris surprizes me to a degree 
beyond Expression; and I can't but own to you (between you and I) 
that I'm glad the War is at an end; that I may have leisure to deal 
with him and some other Persons at home, that use me ill. For I can 
now write you word (tho' no Wise man will take upon him to answer 
for the certainty of any Humane Affaires, till they are done) no .Alan 
doubts but that the Peace will very soon be concluded, all matters 
being now fully adjusted between England, France, and Holland ; 
Spain being well inclin'd, and only the Emporour (I mean of any con- 
siderable Power) that makes any difficulty s. And tho' measures are 
kept with him, and an Exteriour Derlerence is due to an Ally of his 
Rank; yet 'tis thought he must comply, since England and Holland 
have resolv'd ; and the Houses of Brandenbourg, Hanover, Hesse, Zell, 
&c. are inviolably fast with England and Holland. So that there is no 
manner of doubt, humanely speaking, but that the Peace will very soon 
be concluded; the ffrench having given but six weeks to the Allya to 
take their final resolutions. And BO, if God blesses me with life, I 
shall certainly make my next Campagne in the Isle of Wight. And I 
mention all this only as an Introduction to what I'm going to Bay : that, 
when I can spend a summer in the Isle of Wight, 't will make a great 
Alteration both as to Persons and Things; besides that, I doubt not of 
being Vice-Admirall of llamshire before I see you, and I hope to see 



you before the Election of Mayors in the Island. But as to this of my 
being in the Island so soon, pray let it be a dead secret from all Man- 
kind, till I write to you more certainly upon it, and of my being Vice- 
Admiral you may talk as of a common discourse, and a thing likely. 
And, since I am upon the subject of my designs in the Island, I'l tell 
you an other part of them. I shall order it so as to place a Com- 
mander at Sandham-Fort, and another at Yarmouth, who will serve 
without pay (only for the honour of the Coniand and the Pleasure of 
Passing the summer there) and One also at Cows, if I can get something 
for you that will more then recompense to you the Profit of that Castle ; 
and all these Officers shall not be less than LSCollonells, such as will 
keep their Coaches, and spend their monys there during the whole 
Summer, Men of Courage, Figure, and Merit. 

These Officers (all serving without Pay) shall be Commanders in 
cheif and, by the Courtesy of the Island, will be call'd Governours of 
their respective Garrisons, and so will have their respective Com- 
manders under them, who will receive pay ; and all these Gentlemen 
(besides that they shall meet you at your club once a Week) will in 
the Island in Generall, and in their respective Stations, a little Counter- 
balance the dead weight of the factious Country Gentlemen ; for, be- 
sides their Courage, Conduct, and Authority ; they'l spend every One 
2 or 300 lb in the Island (more or less) every summer. And so many 
Officers of Distinction begin (now the Peace is certain) to ask this of 
me ; that, engaging to none, I shall be able to chuse Persons so intirely 
my own. that they shall not only be easy under me, but under you in 
my abscence, One who has offer'd his service, has promis'd me all- 
ready that, if I'l make him cheif Comander of Sandham-Fort, he'l not 
only serve without pay, but he'l lay out 3 or 400 1 . to fit himself up an 
Apartement in the Castle, being a marry'd man. And all this will make 
you, as well as me, make quite a different Figure in the Island. And 
(to close all) I here promise you, and I dare venture to say, upon the 
finishing the War, I'm sure I shall have it in my Power : I here prom- 
ise you, serve but the King, & me, effectually in this present storm, 
and I'l be instrumentall to put you in such circumstances as you shall 
have reason to be more than easy in. I mean doe effectual service in 
the matter of the Corporations ; and the matter of my personall con- 
cerns, as to Complaints, and every thing els. You may begin with 
remembring me to the respective Corporations, and telling them from 
me that the Peace is now in a manner concluded, and that this Cam- 
paigne will (in all humane Appearance) be the last Campagne of this 
so long and bloody War ; in which the King has lost so many Subjects, 
the Nation so many Inhabitants, and we (who have serv'd, and are liv- 
ing) many of us, so much blood. And I hope, I shall now be able to 
spend a great part of my time with them, and to see every thing settled 

1886.] LETTERS OP LORD CUTT8. 187 

in the [aland bo every One's satisfaction, for which I shall use m 
paosl endeavour. You may tell them the \.i\ great Expence I have 
constantly been at, in Bending an Equipage ever) year into this Coun- 
try : and living at very greal Bxpences here (of which whole burthen 
I -hall now be intirely eas'd) j these Difficultys, and at a time when 
the King has not been able to pay me the quarter of what's due to me; 
these Difficulty's, I Bay, have put me under great disadvantages ; but that 
1 >hall now have my hands more at liberty, not onlj to pay offe all Debts 
contracted in the Island vpon my Score, bul to doe Buch acts of Gen- 
erosity and Charity (both in Publick & private Occasions) as becomes 
a Man of Honour, and a -Man of Conscience. Thus much you ma) tell 
them from me, which yon ought to doe with as much Bolemuity and 
gravity as the thing will well hear. Yon may begin with th.- Corpora- 
tion of Newport, sending them word that you have receiv'd a Packet 
from me with very considerable news in it, and that you desire to drink 
a Glass of Wine with them, to communicate it to them; where you 
may tell them what I have wrote yon of Holland, Spain, the Emperour, 
&c lint tell them my Message first intiiv cV, sometime after, tell 
them particulars by way of discourse, a- part of what I have wrote you 
in particular. You may introduce my Message to them by telling them 
that the Peace being so very near at hand, as in Appearance it i>. I 
thought they would not dislike hearing an account of it from me, and 
tho' it will be not yet concluded; yet 'tis so near it, that there is no 
manner of Doubt of it, &c. As for Yarmouth and Newtown, yon may 
send for their respective Mayors, or such of their cheif Burgesses a- you 
think fit, or you may frame some business to assemble them, <>r -end 
for them, or such of them as you please, and tell them the news in a 
more careless manner & with less ceremony than to those at Newport. 
As, for Instance, I would have it told to those of Yarmouth and New- 
town as if you met them upon some other Occasion and told them this 
by chance without any compliment; but to those of Newport I would 
have you speak, as meeting them on purpose to remember me to them 
& tell them that good news. But as for Yarmouth and Newtown use 
intirely your own Discretion. 

[The last sheet of this letter is missing.] 

Kensington, Nov: 9* L< I 

Sr, — I receiv'd by your last an account of your rejoycing with our 
freinds, which I am very well satisfy'd with ; and as to what you say o! 
repeating it again upon the news of his Majesty's arrival!, something 
will be fit to be done, but (I think) an exact repetition of the Bame is 
not necessary. And therefore (if you please) observe the following 
Directions. Upon receipt of this (by Expresses immediately), give 
order that the respective Garrisons of the Island have their Guns in a 


readiness of a minute's Warning, with their matches lighted (their 
Guns being all loaded) and a Gunner in close waiting, to fire that min- 
ute that you receive an Express of the King's being landed, which I 
shall not fail to forward to you with Dilligence as soon as it comes to 
Whitehall. And when you send these Orders circularly, let them know 
you are to have an P^xpress from me of the King's landing; and that 
'tis my Order that all the Garrisons doe instantly (without a moment's 
delay) tell the joyfull news aloud to the Country. And let it be in- 
sencibly made known (upon your receipt of this) that you expect every 
hour an Express, & y', upon y e arrivall of it, the Garrisons will answer 
One another round the Island (order Hurst to answer Yarmouth) to 
make known the King's landing. Drink a Glass of Wine w tb the Cor- 
poration at Night* (but no firing after this upon any account), let some- 
thing be done at Cows and Yarmouth ; and illuminations every where. 
Let the yatch be at Southampton. Expect my Express hourly. 



Kensington (Sunday), Nov 14* h 1697. 
Sr, — The Duke of Shrewsbury (who lodges next door to me in 
this Square) sent a Gentleman to me about two hours ago, to acquaint 
me that this day about ten o'clock his Majesty landed safe at Margate ; 
that he will lye this Night at Canterbury ; to-morrow-night at Green- 
wich ; and on Tuesday make his Entry through the City. The Duke's 
letter (by the Express) was very short; and so I can write you no 
news. I hope you have receiv'd mine, in which I order'd you to have 
all the Guns at every Garrison in the Island, and at Hurst, ready 
loaded ; and a Gunner waiting at every post, ready to fire at a mo- 
ment's warning, & to make the Garrisons take it from One another, 
and fire in a round to proclaim the arrivall of the greatest Monarch on 
Earth. Upon receipt of this loose not a moment's time, but (tho' you 
are at Cows) let Carisbrook-Castle begin. You will doe well to goe 
to Newport ; but publish not the news till the Guns have fir'd. Depend 
upon % I'l serve you. I am Your humble servant, 

Cutts. 1 

Kensington. Apr: 1. 1698. 
Sr, • — I won't complain of your unkind behavior to me, that is not 
the matter now in dispute; tho' in a week (all things consider'd) some 

1 In connection with the two foregoing letters it is not inappropriate to quote 
four lines from some verses congratulatory of King William's return to England 
after the Peace of Ryswick, and attributed to Charles Hopkins : — 

" The warlike Cutts the welcome tidings brings, 
The true, best servant of the best of kings : 
Cutts, whose known worth no herald needs proclaim ; 
His wounds, and his own worth, can speak hie fame.'' 

1886.] LETTERS OP LOBD I ( its. 1 gg 

men would have shown some concern for One's health and affaires; 
but I don't insisl upoo it, your Persona] Civility! are most certainly 
your own, & dispose on 'em how you please; provided yon trouble me 
no more if Fortune should chance to smile on me, thai, yon doe now 
She seems at least to do otherwise. Bui tin. (as I sayd before) i> oof 
the matter n.»w in dispute. Thai which I have just reason to complain 
of is your real! oeglecl <>i the King's service in your station. For if I 
neither >ee nor hear of a Lieut-Governour in a Week, I would fain 
know (when bo many things arc to be consider'd now the Spring comes 
on) what you are payd tor. You have the I' per diem which I give 
you gratis, w l " no other Governour ever had (I mean y # Captain of 
Cows, w * Captain allways took Borne notice of me) & you have :." 

per diem out of my own pocket ; both which you know I can Btop when 

I please; cV really I can employ 'cm better if you treal y r Employment 
so remissly. Tims much a- y T fellow servant I could not in duty omit. 
I have sent you the letter you desire. I would not have you think from 
this letter that I would constrain you to sp.-nd so much as an Ev'ning 
here from Company you like better ; but w" you com.' to the King's 
Levee (w ch you Bhould doc if ever y n expect any thing) you can make y r 
reports, & take my Orders as you goe up. I have very good Neibours 
now & want no Company. 

lam, S r , Your humble Bervant, Ci it-. 

Carisbhooke Castli . S< pi : •_' i I 
Sr, — Some business is fallen out, which makes me I cannot come to 
Cows to-day: pray make my Compliment to S r William Oglander 1 
whom I told I would come. My Hounds lye at M r Stevens's to-night : 
they will unharbour the Stag between -1 & 5 ; hut (for fear of my ague) 
I dare not goe out so soon. But I design to he upon Wbtton-oommon 
by six o'clock, and I'l take a snap with you (for I .-hall not venture out 
the whole hunt; tho' this to y r self only) at two o'clock at Cow-; and 
visit the Ladys after dinner. If S r Harry Pickering 9 land- at I 
to-night (for whom pray look out sharp) give him 3 Gun> & no mere. 
Tell him, we are forbid giving an y Guns. 

[The rest of this letter is missing.] 

Carisbhooke Castlb, Sept: 16* H - 

Sr, — I desire (if possible) y 1 you would, by this bearer, send me 
some prawns (because I have some Roman-Catholicks to dine with me 
to-day, that come out of the main land) and. it' you can, any other fish. 
And let the Messenger be back by ten o'clock. I am 

Your humble servant. &7TT8. 

1 Sir William Otrlander, 3d Baronet of Nunwell, head of one of the oldest 
families in the island. 

2 Sir Henry Pickering was father of the second wife of Lord Cutts. 


London, Oct : 29* 1698. 

Sr, — Your letters, either by the Negligence or willfull mistake of 
our Cambridge-shire Postmasters, were very long coming to my hands ; 
and that obliges me to send this by Expresse, which brings you en- 
clos'd a Deputation to be in the Chair at Newtown for the Election of 
a new Mayor, in which I'l give you no other Instructions, than to try 
to choose a man as well affected to me & my Interests as you can. I 
am but this minute alighted out of my coach from S r Harry Pickering's 
and am sitting down to dinner at M r Row's, one of the clerks of the 
Green-cloath ; and therefore cannot answer the rest of the contents of 
your Respective letters 'till Tuesday's post ; by which you shall have 
answers to every particular. My service to S r R. Worseley and my 
particular freinds. I am, 

S r , Your humble servant, 


Coll: Dudley. 

Kensington, Dec : 8<? 1698. 
Sr, — I have receiv'd your last, for which I thank you. I believe it 
will be requisite for you, for the cherishing of your own Interest, to 
show your self to the King at his Arrivall. I hint it to you, & if you 
have a mind to come up, I'l think of one to releive you ; but write to 
me first. Send me word what How would have & I'l answer his Peti- 
tion ; but don't let him play the fool. 

I am, S r , Your humble servant 


P. S. There must by no means be a Gallon of Wine brought into 
Carisbrooke Castle. I keep that only for my own Residence and con- 
venience ; & therefore as this is my positive Order to you, S r , so pray 
give it to Major Collins. Wreck- Wines must be lodg'cl at Cows or 
Yarmouth. Major Collins must not let the Castle of Carisbrooke be 
search'd ; but give very civill answers, and say he dare not doe it with- 
out my Orders, but that he will write to me. 

Kensington, May the 16* 1699. 
Sr, — I am oblig'd to you for your repeated concern to know how my 
principall Affaire goes ; which (I thank God) is in a very good Posture. 
On Saturday last I din'd with the King at Hampton-Court and had the 
good fortune to walk with him in the Wilderness after dinner and tell 
him my business at large ; to all which he gave a very obliging, posi- 
tive, and determinative answer; and, if his affaires are not in such 
a Posture, as that he can doe at present what he would, he will (at 
least) doe that w oh will be honourable and make me easy. My Lord 


Arlbemarle 1 bus espous'd my Interests with great Beeming zeal, iV pub- 
lickly professes great Respecl and Kindness for me ; upon which Com- 
mentatours arc various, but y 1 to you only. Mv Lord Orford 3 is out 
of all his Employments; which has disgusted Borne of hie Creatures. 
Many changes are soon expected, bu1 none yel certain, excepl that Lord 
Pembrooke* and Lord Lonsdale 4 (& another freind of mine) dor cer- 
tainly come into business. Pray send me up a lisl of what Officers you 
think proper to till up the Militia. As soon as ever my own Life is safe, 
V\ endeavour to save your's. 1 Bhall soon have the Vice-Admiralty 
now. 1 am, S r , 

Your humble Bervant, 


P. S. What have you done with the fellow, y' pretended to buy the 

ship ? 

TUNBRIDGE-WELL8, All-: 7'.' 1 L699. 

Sr, — I can't tell how it happens, but I have receiv'd live of your 
letters all at once; to prevent which for the future, Direct — for me 
at Tunbridge-welh by way of London — without sending them to any 
particular Person or Place at London. The Waters have (by the 
blessing of God) wrought such a miraculous change upon me, as well 
in my looks as in my state of body, that I am given as an Instance 
every day of their Virtue and Efficacy ; and I'm advised by the Doc- 
tours by all means to stay out this month, so that I shall not see the 
Island 'till something later than I came there last year. I'm sorry it 
will be so late before I can come, tho', as the King's Governour is us'd 
there, one has very little Encouragement to be amongst them any more 
than one's Business requires, I mean my Master's service. Coll. 
Holmes's Usage in the business of the Hunted-Deer has so much Ill- 
manners in it, and Indignity to the Government, that I know not what to 
say to 't, only in Generall, that 'tis in vain to think of obliging some; Peo- 
ple. I am resolv'd to doe nothing that the Laws of England will not 
make good, and therefore, as to the business of hunting the Deer, it being 
out of the Limits of the Forrest, I presume w T e cannot have any process 
upon it, but we may show some tacite dislike of what we cannot help ; 
and therefore, I hope you did (by no means) goe to the eating of the 

1 Arnold Van Keppel, 1st Enrl of Albemarle of that creation, the especial 
favorite and flatterer of William III. 

- Edward Russell, Earl of Orford, an eminent naval commander, stigmatized 
by Macaulay as "insolent, malignant, greedy, faithless." 

3 Thomas Herbert, 8th Earl of Pembroke, afterwards Lord High Admiral of 
England, styled by Bishop Burnet "a man of eminent virtue and profound 

4 John Eowther, 1st Viscount Lonsdale, one of the groat landed proprietors 
whose adhesion to William of Orange was fatal to James II. 


Venison, or in any measure partake of it; that indeed would lessen both 
the King's Authority and the Credit of his Governour. Nay, I think 
you ought to receive what is sayd to you upon it with Coldness & some 
seeming Dislike, & by letting fall such Expressions, both to them and 
others, on all fitting Occasions, as may show a just Resentment on my 
behalf, without coming to a Rupture openly. I doe approve of your 
conduct in the business of the Dragoons ; I wish I had had your letter 
sooner, but I have wrote (now) to some of the Ministers about it. I 
dare not write more with my Waters at present. Pray give my keeper 
a rebuke for going with those Gentlemen (when they us'd me so) and 
for taking a Fee upon such an account. Tell him, I don't mean that 
I would have had him use any force, being out of the Forrest Bounds, 
but he should not have waited on them, or had any thing to doe with 
them, when they refus'd him the Deer. I'l write to you, God willing, 
twice a week hencefor wards. I am, 

S r , your humble servant, 


S* James's, May 14* h 1700.1 
S R , — I desire you to assist M rB Hampton with present necessarys 
(w ch Morris is order'd by this to repay you out of Parke-farm Rents) ; 
pray doe this a little promptly, and it shall be made up in your affaires 

Our Grand affayres are yet undecided, we are in great expectation. 
I am not idle in y r affaire. Be as zealous for, 

S r , your humble servant, 
For his Majesty's service. CuTTS. 

To the hon ble Coll : Dudley, lAGovernour 
of the Isle of Wight. 
Free, Cutts. 

A number of letters are undoubtedly missing from this cor- 
respondence, which here ends abruptly. In the following year 
the close intimacy between Cutts and Dudley substantially 
ceased, his Lordship going to Holland as second in command 
to Marlborough, and his subordinate vacating his post in 
Wight with the promise of the governorship of Massachusetts, 
though the King's death delayed his commission. It was about 
this time that Richard Steele, then Cutts's private secretary, 
dedicated to him his " Christian Hero " ; and it was about this 
time that Jonathan Swift, prompted by Tory pamphleteers to 

1 This last letter was not found among the "Winthrop Papers, but is copied, 
by permission, from the rich collection of autographs of our associate, the Hon. 
Mellen Chamberlain. 


whom the robust Whiggery of Cults was especially obnoxious, 
made him the Bubject of a scurrilous lampoon, styling him, 
among other things, l< the vainest old Tool alive." Whatever 

his vanity may have been, he was staunch in his devotion to 
the revolutionary principles of 1688, and the untimely death 
of William III. was ultimately fatal to his prospects. The out- 
break of another great continental war in 17<)l! afforded him 
fresh opportunities for the display of brilliant personal heroism ; 
and at a dozen different places, and more particularly at Blen- 
heim, he covered himself with glory. But Queen Anne's secret 
liking for her half-brother, the Pretender, and increasing pref- 
erence for Tory statesmen and. Tory generals, resulted in his 
transfer, early in 1705, to the command in Ireland, — a nominal 
distinction, but an exchange peculiarly galling to him, occur- 
ring, as it did, just at the beginning of a new campaign. 1 
His health was already somewhat undermined; and the 
thought that without him his comrades were again measuring 
swords with France — that without him Marlborough and 
Peterborough were likely to win additional laurels on many 
a hard-fought field — fairly broke his heart; and in January, 
1707, he was buried in Christ Church Cathedral in Dublin. 

An extract from a published letter of his to the Earl of 
Nottingham, in September, 1702, describing the taking of 
Venloo, will serve to show that, upon occasion at least, he 
knew how to be as modest as he was brave. He says : — 

" Of my action at Fort S' Michael I will say no more than that it 
was my own contrivance & execution. ... It was successful, and 
produced good & quick effects, by occasioning the speedy surrender 
of Venlo, & making way for farther successes ; and it met with gen- 
eral approbation, for the world has made more noise of it than it de- 
serves. I had the honour to command brave men ; I had the fortune 
to take my measures right ; and God blessed me with success." 

There is a soldierly bluntness about his epistolary style 
which displays but one side of his character. In his leisure 
hours Cutts cultivated the Muses, and was a poet of no mean 
capacity. Besides a poem on the death of the Queen, and 

1 Narcissus Luttrell, in bis diary, states that, in May, 1704, Queen Anne 
made Cutts a present of a thousand guineas, in recognition of his recent ex- 
ploits ; hut there is no doubt that his popularity with the army was distasteful 
to the Jacobite party. 



some occasional pieces, he published, in 1687, a little volume 
entitled " Poetical Exercises," now extremely rare, from which 
Horace Walpole, in his " Royal and Noble Authors," quotes 
a few extracts, and, in particular, two amatory stanzas, which 
seem to my old-fashioned taste to be fully as melodious as 
half of Robert Browning's verses, and they are certainly a 
good deal more intelligible (whatever Archdeacon Farrar may 
say to the contrary). 

" Only tell her that I love, 

Leave the rest to her and Fate, 
Some kind Planet from above 
May, perhaps, her pity move; 

Lovers on their Stars must wait; 
Only tell her that I love. 

" Why, oh why, should I despair, 
Mercy 's pictured in her Eye; 
If she once vouchsafe to hear, 
Welcome Hope, and farewel Fear, 

She 's too good to let me dye ; 
Why, oh why, should I despair! " 

The poems in question are preceded by an elaborate dedica- 
tion to the Princess Mary of Orange, afterwards his sovereign, 
which contains two passages I think worth citing : — 

" A quick, and right Apprehension of Things ; a clear & solid Judg- 
ment ; with a Natural Tendency to all that is Just, and Good, and 
Charitable ; are such inestimable Blessings in a high Station ; that You 
are more beholding to God for being so qualified, than for being born 
a Princess. When I add to all this, that your Soul is touched with a 
Spark of that Fire, which warms the Hearts of Angels, and kindles 
Mortality into Desires that are Immortal, it gives such a double Lustre 
to all the rest of Your Accomplishments ; and invests You with some- 
thing so Glorious, and Divine, that we can never have Eyes enough to 
Admire You, or Tongues enough to praise You. . . . 

" Justice & Truth are the particular Care of Heaven. They sur- 
mount everything ; and their Lustre breaks through the thickest Clouds. 
When any Subtilty, or Force of Argument can perswade men to be- 
lieve, that the Sun does not Shine ; or that the Stars are not bright ; 
then (and not till then) shall the Glory of an Illustrious Life be stifled, 
and obscur'd." * 

1 There are few copies of this book in existence ; but, by the kindness of Mr. 
Moorfield Storey, of the Suffolk bar, I have been permitted to see one which be- 
longed to his father-in-law, the late General Richard D. Cutts, of Washington. 

1886.] LETTER8 OF lord 0UTT8. 195 

Lord Cults married, first, Dec 18, 1690, a rich widow, Lady 
Trevor, sister of Sir George Treby, Attorney General of Eng- 
land, and Chief Justice of the Common Pleas. She, however, 
died a few years later; and King William consoled him for the 
loss of her jointure by the gift of an estate in Sussex, which 
he sold for eight thousand pounds. He married, secondly, in 
February, 1696, another lady of fortune, the only daughter of 
Sir Henry Pickering, Bart., of Whaddon in Cambridgeshire; 
she died in the following year, leaving him without issue 
by either marriage, and the collateral brandies of his family 
are extinct. 1 It is interesting, however, to remember that 
he came of the same origin, d stock with the distinguished 
American family of that name, long seated at Portsmouth in 
New England, who descend from Richard Cutt, or Cutts, a 
member of one of Cromwell's Parliaments, whose son John 
was, in 1 < > 7 '. > , commissioned President of the province of New 
Hampshire. I can find no evidence that the General was per- 
sonally acquainted with his transatlantic kinsmen; but I have 
thought it a not unreasonable conjecture that the " cousin 
Ilooke," mentioned in one of the letters, may have been a son 
of Francis Hooke, of Kittery, or of the Rev. William Ilooke, of 
New Haven, sometime chaplain to Oliver Cromwell. 

A portrait of Cutts, taken some years before his elevation to 
the peerage, by Wissing, the fashionable court-painter who im- 
mediately succeeded Sir Peter Lely, was exhibited at South 
Kensington in 18G6. A contemporary print of it, now very 
scarce, was copied, in 1797, by Richardson, to illustrate Gran- 
ger's "Biographical History of England; " and this last is occa- 
sionally met with in a separate form. There exists, moreover, 
a still more rare engraving, representing him on his death-bed, 
in 1707, surrounded by Apollo, Minerva, and Cupid weeping; 
and I have been disappointed in not obtaining a heliotype 
of it to accompany these letters. I have been obliged to 
content myself with furnishing one of a portrait, hitherto 
little known, of Governor Joseph Dudley, which has always 
been in possession of the descendants of his daughter Anne, 
wife of John Winthrop, F.R.S., and which some members 

1 The second Lady Cutts was an eminently pious person, whoso funeral sermon 
was preached by Bishop Atterbury. One account says Cutts married, thirdly, a 
widow by the name of Morley ; and, according to Luttrell, he had previously 
found time to engage himself to one of the Queen's maids of honor, a sister of 
that notorious Lord Mohun, who subsequently killed the Duke of Hamilton in a 


may remember to have seen in the country-house of the late 
President of the Society at Brookline. It is believed to have 
been painted towards the close of his third residence in Eng- 
land, in 1701, when he was in Parliament, and not long before 
his final return to this country. The other two authentic 
likenesses of him are, first, a portrait believed to have been 
painted in London during his first residence in London, as 
agent for Massachusetts in 1682-86, which was presented to 
this Societ}' in 1870 by his lineal descendant, Mr. Henry A. S. 
Dudley; 1 and, second, a much dilapidated portrait, believed 
to have been painted during his second visit to England, in 
1689-90, and now belonging to Dr. Daniel Dudley Gilbert, of 
Roxbury, a descendant of Dudley's daughter, Rebecca Sewall. 
This last was shockingly engraved, in 1856, for the late Mr. 
Samuel G. Drake's " History of Boston," and the plate has 
been more recently used to illustrate the late Mr. Francis 
S. Drake's " History of Roxbury ; " a cut of it appears in the 
"Memorial History of Boston." All three portraits are not 
without merit as works of art, and, making allowance for the 
difference in age of the subject, bear a marked resemblance to 
one another ; but Mr. Drake's engraver has unaccountably 
substituted for a curly periwig the long black locks of an 
Indian chief, and has successfully endeavored to impart to the 
naturally grave expression of the Governor an air of fatuous 
benignity wholly foreign to his character. For more than a 
century the historians of New England have vied with one 
another in heaping obloquy upon the political career and mo- 
tives of Joseph Dudley; but I fancy his well-balanced mind 
would have been less disturbed at the prospect of such un- 
reasoning abuse, than by the thought that so feeble and inac- 
curate a pictorial representation of himself was to be handed 
down to posterity in the three works of reference which I 
have mentioned. 2 

1 A replica, or perhaps only an ancient copy, of this picture is in possession 
of our associate, Professor Charles Eliot Norton, of Cambridge, a great-great- 
grandson of Dudley's daughter, Mary Atkins. 

2 In an article in the " Genealogical Register " of October, 1856, Mr. Dean 
Dudley alludes to the portrait now belonging to this Society (then owned by the 
widow of Colonel Joseph Dudley, of Roxbury), and also to the Gilbert portrait, 
which latter he describes as " taken when the Governor was sick." So far as I can 
gather, this family tradition, of uncertain date, arose from the apparent sallow- 
ness of the face, and from a certain suggestion of dressing-gown about the costume. 

Colonel Joseph Dudley, M. P. 
Afterwards Governor of Massachusetts. 

Horn mi;. DlED 1720. 

From an original portrait in possession of Hon. Robert C. Winthrop. 


Of his wife, Rebecca Tyng, there exists, so far as I am 

aware, but one authentic portrait, the very interesting one 
belonging to this Society j 1 but, in the course of my inquiries 
into this subject, I received information that in the hmiilv of 
the late Mr. Dudley Hall, of Medford, were portraits of .Mr. 
and Mrs. Joseph Dudley, by Sir Peter Lely. As Lelv never 
visited this country, and died before Dudley first went abroad, 
1 was a little incredulous; and on going out to Medford, I 
found two charming pictures, apparently painted by Smibert, 
and representing, as I have every reason to believe, Joseph 
Dudley's sou William, Speaker of the Massachusetts House of 
Representatives from 17-1) to 1729, and his wife Elizabeth, 
daughter of Judge Addington Davenport, — the said Mr. and 
Mrs. William Dudley having been the great-grandparents of 
the late Mr. Dudley Hall. It is not to be wondered at that 
such mistakes continually occur about old family portraits, 
when we consider how indifferent our wives and children 
often are to the associations connected with them, and how 
difficult they generally find it to give an accurate description 
of them. I am bound to add that a somewhat similar blunder 
was made long ago concerning the one of Joseph Dudley now 
at Ikookline ; for when, in 1860, it came into the possession of 
its present owner, on the death of a kinsman at New London, 
he found pasted on the back of it this distich : — 

" Sir Thomas Dudley 's a trusty old stud, 
A bargain \s a bargain & must be made good." 

In other words, the writer of this doggerel on the back of that 
portrait clearly supposed it to represent, not Governor Joseph, 
but his father, Governor Thomas Dudley, a likeness of whom 
would, I need not say, be a great prize, for none is known to 
exist. The figure, however, is attired in the costume and 
long, full-bottomed wig of the later Stuart period ; and no 
one at all acquainted with historical portraiture would be 
willing, for a moment, to accept it as Thomas Dudley, who 

After careful examination, however, I believe the sallowness in question to be 
merely the effect of age and neuleet, and the " dressing-gown " looks to me more 
like a judicial robe. As Dudley was named Chief Justice of New York about 
that time, he may have had himself so painted. The learned editor of the 
'■ Memorial History " has expressed to me his regret that the Drake engraving 
should have been followed without verification. 

1 Trofessor Norton possesses a replica, or ancient copy, of this also. 


died at a very advanced age in 1653. My conjecture as to 
the origin of this mistake is, I think, a reasonable one. At 
Joseph Dudley's death, in 1720, this portrait became the prop- 
erty of his daughter, Mrs. Winthrop, who survived her father 
more than half a century, and died in 1776 at the great age of 
ninety-two. This venerable lady had outlived her sons, and 
the portrait then passed to her eldest grandson, a young man 
with a number of younger brothers, some one of whom (ac- 
cording to my theory) having always heard the picture spoken 
of at his grandmother's as Governor Dudley, hastily assumed 
it to be the more distinguished of the two Governors Dudley, 
and amused himself by scribbling on it accordingly. Had he 
been a man of cultivation, he would have undoubtedly pre- 
ferred to transcribe several of the lines in which Thomas 
Dudley's daughter, Anne Bradstreet, the first New England 
poetess, has so quaintly and touchingly commemorated her 
father ; but being, as he probably was, a youngster with a not 
very refined sense of humor, he preferred the above-mentioned 
distich, which was by no means original with him, as it has 
been ascribed to no less authoritative a pen than that of Gov- 
ernor Jonathan Belcher, though in my own judgment it is more 
likely to be a survival of the doggerel of the colonial period. 
The correct version begins, not "Sir Thomas," but "Here lies 
Thomas ; " and the writer, relying upon an imperfect memory, 
managed to confer upon his assumed great-great-grandfather 
the honor of knighthood. For the benefit of those who may 
not have found leisure to devote much attention to the do- 
mestic history of Puritan times, it is as well to explain, by 
way of parenthesis, that the reason why this irreverent, not 
to say flippant, expression, " trusty old stud," was applied to 
so eminent and austere a magistrate as Thomas Dudley, is to 
be found in the fact that no less than three of the children of 
his second marriage were born after he had entered upon his 
seventieth year. 

I will only add, in conclusion, that I can find no trace of 
the numerous confidential letters which Cutts must have re- 
ceived from his Lieutenant-Governor during their eight years 
of official association, and which his Lordship perhaps de- 
stroyed. The Winthrop Papers include many of Dudle}^'s 
domestic letters, and among them several written by him from 
the Isle of Wight to his wife in New England ; but they 


contain not (lie remotest reference t<> public affairs, and con- 
sist, for the most part, of slightly monotonous expression 8 of 
conjugal endearment, intermingled with reiterated ami edify- 
ing assurances that the consolations of religion alone sustained 
him during so protracted an absence from his family. 1 

Mr. APPLETON then spoke as follows: — 

At the last meeting Mr. Jenks showed a photograph, and 
gave a very interesting account, of the flag carried to Concord, 
April 19, 177"), by the company of minute-men from Bedford. 
The photograph did not reach me during the meeting; hut 

afterwards, as soon as I saw it, I immediately recognized it, 
and recognized it as of far greater interest and importance 
than was suggested by Mr. Jenks. The Hag home at Concord 
on the L9th of April is the flag designed in England, 1G60-70, 
for the Three-County Troop of Massachusetts. In 1870 
Messrs. Somerby and Chester, at almost the same date, sent 
to Boston extracts from MS. Additional 2G,G83 in the Uritish 
Museum, being the design and charges for a flag for the 

o o o o 

Three-County Troop, as follows: — 

Worke don for New England 

For painting in oyle on both sides a Cornctt one rich crimson 
damask, with a hand and sword and invelloped with a 
Bcarfe about the arms of gold, black and shiver ... 2. 0.6 

For a plaine cornett Staffe, with belt, boote and swible at first 

penny 1. 0.0 

For silke of crimson and silver fring and for a Cornett String . 1.11.0 

For crimson damask 11.0 

5. 2.6 

It is evident that this flag became one of the accepted stand- 
ards of the organized militia of Massachusetts, and as such 
was used by the Bedford Company. Of this Admiral Preble 

1 A still further illustration of the untrustworthiness of family traditions is sup- 
plied by the fact that there was long ago presented to the Cabinet of this Society 
a quaint hit of provincial furniture, purporting to he the " Cradle of Governor 
Joseph Dudley." It has recently been noticed, however, that the rows of antique 
bra*s nails which ornament it, and which are evidently coeval with the wood- 
work, are so disposed on top as to form the distinct date " 1 7-»0, " which is eighty- 
three years after the Governor first became a candidate for a cradle, and about 
the time that several of his grandchildren were in need of one. 


had neither knowledge nor suspicion ; and I must sincerely 
wish that he were alive, to insert it in his remarkable work 
on Our Flag, and to add to my words such facts as he 
might be more fortunate in finding than I have been, for as 
yet I have learned nothing more of the use of this design. 
But it seems to me that this flag of April 19, 1775, far exceeds 
in historic value the famed flag of Eutaw and Pulaski's banner, 
and in fact is the most precious memorial of its kind of which 
we have any knowledge. 

This flag, with the hand and sword, may have been carried 
on the banks of the Connecticut by the men who, under Major 
Samuel Appleton, so stoutly resisted the Indians at Hadley 
and Hatfield ; and afterwards, under the same leader, may 
have been borne into the captured fort in the swamp of the 
Narragansetts. Later the same symbols were undoubtedly 
seen on the shores of Lake George and Lake Champlain. The 
men of Massachusetts may very possibly have used such a flag 
in the early battles of the Revolution ; and at this day we 
honor it as the crest of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, 
under which thousands fought and died in the sad but glorious 
years from 1861 to 1865. 

The Hon. Robert C. Winthrop presented from the Hon. 
John Bigelow, of New York, late minister to France, and au- 
thor of an elaborate Life of Franklin, five ancient maps, on 
one of which the name of this city is spelled " Baston," and on 
another " Briston." The Hudson River on one of them is styled 
the "great river," and four other names are also given to it 
as being in current use. It was ordered that the grateful 
acknowledgments of the Society be sent to the donor for his 

Mr. Winsor made the following communication : — 

Professor Horsford, of Cambridge, in the pursuit of some 
studies in the early cartography of the New England coast, has 
been induced to believe that a trading-post and fort of the 
French in the early part of the sixteenth century was situated 
upon Charles River. Estimating the distance up the stream 
according to some of the early descriptions, he sought a spot 
at the confluence of Stony Brook with Charles River in the 


town of Weston, and found there a ditcb and embankment, 
which apparently have escaped the attention of all the Local an- 
tiquaries of Watertown, Waltham, Weston, and Newton, since 
an examination of all their publications reveals no reference to 
them. This ditch, which is not far from sixteen hundred feet in 
length, runs parallel in the main to the water Line of the river 

and brook, within the angle caused by their confluence, and 

follows the contour Line of fifty-one feet above tide-water for 

most of its course ; hut towards the southerly end it descends 
somewhat, and is lost in an expansion upon a point jutting into 
Charles River. About midway it bends into a loop, which 
nearly tills the apex of the angle. Across the base of this 

loop is another excavation of a like kind, which seems to 
have completed the circuit of the knoll lying within the loop, 
though a cartway across this supplemental ditch has obliter- 
ated it at one place. A survey which Professor Horsford has 
caused to be made reveals so constant a level of the excava- 
tion as to preclude a belief in its being the result of natural 
causes, and its construction and direction seem to determine 
that it could not have been an ancient sluiceway, though 
some walling of stone at the upper end might indicate an 
intention of converting a portion of it to such purposes at a 
later day. The spot is now covered with a young growth of 
wood ; hut there are signs that a growth of large trees has 
been twice cut from it, some of which stood in the ditch. 
The levelness of the ditch would have adapted it to holding 
still water, as a part of a defensive work ; hut the excavation 
is too narrow for such purpose, and the earth is thrown to- 
wards the enemy (a river). It is, however, just such a ditch 
as would he dug in which to plant a stockade, returning the 
earth about the hase. The fact that the embankment is con- 
tinued three hundred feet both north and south from the 
enclosed portion, in a way to afford no protection against 
attack, seems to indicate that the whole work is hut a seg- 
ment of a line of circumvallation which was left unfinished, the 
stockade not being planted in the portions already excavated. 

I refrain from outlining Professor Horsford's arguments and 
proofs of his belief, as that gentleman has already done so in 
a letter addressed to Judge Daly, which is printed in the 
Journal of the American Geographical Society. Researches 
of my own lead me rather to the opinion that these relics may 


possibly mark the site of an early attempt to found the town 
of Boston. Thomas Dudley tells us 1 that Winthrop's company 
had intended to give this name to the place " they first resolved 
on." We know from the same source that a few days after 
the arrival of Wmthrop at Salem, he set out, on the 17th of 
June, 1630, for Charlestown at the " Bay," whence by means 
of parties the neighboring rivers were explored to find a con- 
venient spot to found their town, and that they discovered 
such a place as " liked " or suited them, " three leagues up 
Charles River." This decision as to a spot was formed not 
long after June 17-20 : and from that time till after they had 
reached Charlestown on the way thither by water from Salem, 
they kept this purpose. We have a distinct expression of 
this intention in the letter of Samuel Fuller of June 28, 
to be referred to again. At a later date, learning by recent 
arrivals of the intention of the French to attack them, and 
finding their company so weakened by sickness that they 
were " unable to carry their ordnance and baggage so far " 
as the three leagues up the Charles, they changed their mind, 
notwithstanding they had already transshipped their goods for 
the carriage. This " change of counsel," as Dudley calls it, 
cannot be definitely dated ; but Dr. Young places it under 
August. 2 During, then, an interval of some extent, probably 
of weeks, when their original purpose held, it seems reason- 
able to suppose that they would have sent a fatigue party to 
prepare the ground and make ready a fort — as Dudley tells 
us they intended to have one — to receive their ordnance. 
When the news of the French led them to take more hasty 
measures, and the debilitated condition of the colonists ren- 
dered it undesirable to go farther, they scattered " dispersedly," 
as Dudley says, about the mouth of the river ; and though 
some months passed before a determination on a site for their 
town was reached, their fatigue party would naturally have 
been recalled, after a change of their original purpose, leav- 

1 Letter (March 12-28, 1631) to the Countess of Lincoln in Young's Chronicles 
of Massachusetts, p. 313. 

2 Prince (Boston, 1826. p. 309), by his collation of the excerpts from the early 
writers, places this inability to carry up their ordnance, etc., some time in July; 
and under August 1st, he says of Charlestown, " the greater number at this 
time intending no other than to settle here." Johnson, in his " Wonder-working 
Providence/' though he speaks of " 12 of July or thereabout, 1630," as the day 
of their first setting foot " on this western end of the world," evidently from the 
context places at that time their reaching Charlestown. (Poole's ed. p. 37.) 


ing their work incomplete. It is not impossible thai these 
works at Stony Brook may be found to be this premature 
and abandoned Boston. It will be borne in mind that just 
such an extensive circumvallation as may have been here 
intended was some months later established at Cambridge. 

Prince 1 is the first historian to try to determine the site of 
this preliminary choice, from Dudley's narrative; and he iden- 
tifies it with Watertown. Dr. Young, 2 in commenting on 
Dudley's letter, prefers Cambridge. Both were influenced, 
doubtless, by the fact that any position above the falls at 
Watertown would have placed them away from tide-water, 
and the approach of vessels or boats.' 1 Bui the fact of their 
seeking to find a spot " up the river " indicates a purpose of 
Leaving tide-water, and the falls at Watertown would have 
prevented any naval attack, to which they might have been 
liahle both ficm the French and Dutch, for each claimed the 
region within which the English were. Further, Dudley's 
reference to their inability "to carry their ordnance and 
baggage " would hardly apply to water carriage only, after 
these belongings had already been " unshipped " into "other 
vessels," presumably of lighter draught. 

It may not be supposed that Dudley's " three leagues" was 
more than an estimate ; and a distance of that length " up the 
Charles" is not easy to determine when we find the early 
authorities varying in their practice of designating the mouth 
of that river, some placing it at Nantasket, others at Long 
I>land Head, others at Copps Hill, and others at the outlet 
into the Back Bay. In commenting upon Dudley, Dr. Palfrey, 4 
evidently not disturbed by the falls at Watertown, and prob- 
ably measuring from the Back Bay, says that the spot must 
have been somewhere in Waltham or Weston, and "most 
likely near the mouth of Stony Brook," hitting precisely 
the spot of Professor Horsford's discovery, and apparently 
without knowing that any such remains existed there. 

There was a map of this locality made in 1040. which Dr. 
Francis -ays" was preserved till lS2o, when it was burned in 

1 Annals, p. 308. 

- Chronicles of Massachusetts, p. 312. 

3 Dr. Fuller, in a letter written from Charlestown mirincr the interval referred 
to (June 28), says : " The gentlemen lure lately come over arc n Bolved to .-it 
down at tht head of Charles River." Mass. Hist Coll. vol. iii. p. 74. 

4 New England, vol. i. p. 824. 5 Sketches of Watertown, p. 11. 


the Court Street fire, and I suppose in the office of James 
Savage, along with one of the volumes of Winthrop's manu- 
script Journal. Should a copy of that map exist, it might be 
found to yield some information on the point before us. Win- 
throp himself makes no mention of this preliminary work, and 
by reason of a gap gave his editor no occasion to extract from 
the map any information if it existed. The recently identified 
Winthrop map (1634) seems to show Stony Brook and its 
junction with the Charles ; but there is no legend at that 

If the conclusion which I have ventured to suggest is ever 
established by indubitable evidence, these remains at Stony 
Brook, for whose discovery we are indebted to Professor 
Horsford, would certainly be the most interesting reminder 
which exists, of the toil and anxieties of that first year of the 
original Bostonians. 

Mr. Winsor presented also the subjoined paper : — 

A recent popular History of the United States gives figures 
which are very familiar to all who have studied our revolu- 
tionary history in the printed publications of the last fifty 
years, to the effect that during the eight years of the war the 
thirteen Colonies and States furnished to the Continental line 
231,959 men, as an aggregate of those furnished by the several 
States as follows : — 

New Hampshire 12,496 

Massachusetts 67,907 

Rhode Island 5,908 

Connecticut 32,039 

New York . 17,781 

New Jersey 10,727 

Pennsylvania 25,608 

Delaware 2,387 

Maryland 13,832 

Virginia 26,672 

North Carolina 7,263 

South Carolina 6,660 

Georgia 2,679 

In all 231,959 

The figures, according to different tabulations, vary a little 
from these just given, but not much. The error in considering 


those numbers to represent troops furnished to the Conti- 
nental line seems Likely to be perpetuated at second hand in 

our popular histories; and it may be worth while to show the 

origin of the misconception, and what attempts have been 
made to correct it, seemingly without avail. 

In 171)0 General Knox, then Secretary of War, presented 
to President Washington a ki Report on the Troops furnished 

by the several States during the War of the Revolution," — a 
title which might lead one to expect to find just such a table 

as lias been referred to ; hut there is none such in it. What 
he docs give is a series of tables showing the number of Con- 
tinentals and militia credited to the several States during the 
nine calendar years covered by the war, and making no dis- 
tinction between services rendered by each soldier, whether 
for a part or for the whole of a year or for several years. 
General Knox did not attempt to tabulate his several annual 
statements into one including the whole war, because no com- 
mon basis could be formed from his data, either of individual 
men eidisted, or of length of service rendered by each. I can- 
not find that Knox's report was printed at the time ; at least, 
there is no record of such printing in Ben: Perle}' Poore's 
recently published " Descriptive Catalogue of the Publications 
of the United States." 

The first attempt to use Knox's figures historically was 
when a summary of them was printed in 1824, in the first 
volume of the Collections (p. 236) of the New Hampshire 
Historical Society ; and here the error began. The editor 
of that publication did what Knox had refrained from doing, 
and summed up his annual figures, and gave the total of 
231,959 as representing the whole number of troops fur- 
nished by the States to the Continental army. The table was 
printed similarly in the " American Almanac " (1830, p. 187, 
and 1831, p. 112), and in " Niles' Register" (July 31, 1830), 
and soon passed into current belief. When the Government in 
1832 printed Vol. I. p. 14 of " Military Affairs," in the series of 
M The American State Papers," the editor of it inserted Knox's 
report entire, so that it became accessible to all. The unwar- 
ranted tabulation which had been given in the works referred to 
did not attract attention till Lorenzo Sabine, in the first edition 
of his " American Loyalists" in 1847 (p. 31), going, as he says, 
to the report as then printed, made a new tabulation, which, as 


regards the Continentals, was to the same effect, and continued 
the misconception ; and we find it still further perpetuated in 
Lossing's " Field Book of the Revolution" (vol. ii. p. 837), 
Hildreth's " United States" (vol. hi. p. 441), Barry's " Massa- 
chusetts " (vol. ii. p. 804), not to name other less known 
books ; and Palfrey cites it in his review of Mahon, which 
passed under Sparks's eye. The deductions which Sabine had 
drawn from this misconceived table, particularly as regards the 
share of South Carolina in the struggle, brought some attacks 
on him, and led to his closer examination of the original report. 
In his second edition of 1864 (vol. i. p. 43), he recast his tables, 
but was curiously unsuccessful in enlightening his readers ; for 
in one line he repeats the statement that the figures represent 
troops furnished by the States for the war, and in the very next 
he explains that these same figures mean enlistments, not men. 
Thus he would have it understood that if a soldier enlisted for 
one year, and then re-enlisted for three years, he would count 
two in the aggregate ; whereas the fact is he counts four, one 
for each year when he was reported as on the rolls. 

Notwithstanding this clew to a right rendering of the figures 
had been so recently given, George W. Greene, in his "His- 
torical View of the American Revolution" (p. 455), published 
the next year (1865), still adheres to the old view. Ten years 
later, when General Carrington published his " Battles of the 
American Revolution" (p. 653), he seems to have had a sus- 
picion that the figures, as usually given, were wrongly inter- 
preted, and says that the table ordinarily given must be 
taken as representing years' service, and not individual re- 
cruits, and explains what he means by saying that a man 
enlisted into the Continental line April 19, 1775 (when, by 
the way, no Continental line existed, as Congress did not adopt 
the provincial army around Boston till after the battle of Bun- 
ker Hill), who continued to the 19th of April, 1783, when the 
hostilities formally ceased, would be counted eight in the ag- 
gregate. Still General Carrington, in giving the old table, 
makes no allowance that the 27,443 given as the number of 
men in 1775, would count only for half that number in years' 
service, since their service could only be for the latter half of 
that year ; nor does he regard, in his estimate of years' service, 
the various terms of less than a year which General Knox 
reports, or the operations of casualties in abridging terms 


of service, or the diminished service of recruits for any one 
year who enlisted after the beginning of that year. 

The truth of the matter, then, is that the figures of the 
usual table are worthless as representing the number of men 
which made up the Continental line, and also as representing 
tin 1 actual service by years, to which the different States are 
entitled, and have only a value as enabling us approximately 
to judge how much more or less, relatively, one State con- 
tributed year by year than another to the military force that 
gained our independence. So tar as I know there is yet to be 
the 6rst statement in print which shall explain accurately the 
figures which Knox reported to the President in 1790. 

A new serial, including the Proceedings from June to No- 
vember inclusive, was laid on the table by the Recording 




The stated meeting of the Society was held on Thursday, 
the 11th instant, at the customary hour and place, the chair 
being occupied by Dr. Ellis. 

The Secretary read his report of the last meeting. 

The Librarian presented his monthly list of donors to the 

Mr. Samuel F. McCleary, of Boston, was elected a Resident 
Member of the Society. 

The President then said : — 

Since our last meeting death has removed from us our 
highly honored and distinguished associate Francis Edward 
Parker. His name has been upon our roll for twenty-three 

His various and engrossing responsibilities of trust and 
business did not consist with his attendance at our monthly 
meetings as often as we should have gladly welcomed him here. 
But few of our members exceeded him in an hearty and intel- 
ligent interest in our objects ; and he showed that interest by 
giving us wise counsel when we needed it, and by generous 
presents to our Library. In the various professional, busi- 
ness, and social circles, where his great capacities and his 
admirable qualities had secured for him an enviable degree of 
confidence, respect, and warm personal attachment, his de- 
cease has drawn forth the sincerest tributes for his character, 
and for his wisdom and fidelity in the care of great trusts. 
This Society can only, in the usual form of a Resolution, add 
its grateful tribute to the many which enshrine his memory. 
The Council commit the preparation of a memoir of Mr. 
Parker for our Proceedings to our associate Mr. Edward 

The Hon. Robert C. Winthkop made the following 
remarks : — 


I am unwilling, Mr. President, that the name of Francis E. 

Parker should pass from our rolls without a few words from 
one who, though much his senior, had known him so Long and 
valued him so highly as I have done. 

Of his abilities as a lawyer, his fidelity as a trustee, his 
accomplishments as a scholar, his wit and his wisdom in social 
or in practical life, I can say nothing which has not been said 
already in tin; admirable tributes which have been paid to his 
memory in the public journals. 

But it was my good fortune to have him as an associate and 
assistant for nearly thirty years in the management of some of 
the great charities of our city. He was with me at the origi- 
nal organization of the Boston Provident Association, as Long 
ago as 1851, under the auspices of the late excellent Dr. 
Ephraim Peabody and the late Hon. Samuel A. Eliot ; and 
during the whole live and twenty years of my presidency of 
that institution he was the chairman of its executive com- 
mittee, and was unceasing in his devotion, in season and out 
of season, to the cause of the poor of Boston. 

I may recall the fact, as a striking illustration of his dis- 
interested liberality, that when the treasury of that institution 
was exhausted, during an exceptionally severe winter, many 
years ago, I received a confidential note from him, inclosing 
four or five hundred dollars, which he claimed the privilege of 
adding to our resources, with the injunction that it should 
not be known to any one but myself by whom the money 
was contributed. I observed his confidence sacredly as long 
as he lived, but I can have no compunction about betraying 
it now that he is gone. 

Within a very few weeks past, I had another note from him, 
— the last, alas ! I can ever receive, — reminding me of our 
united efforts in securing the erection of the Charity Bureau in 
Chardon Street, in which almost all the relief societies of our 
city are concentrated for mutual reference and associated 
action. He spoke of it as my own original design, as it was ; 
but no one has done more valuable work within the walls of 
that noble building than our lamented friend. 

To this Provident Association, it now appears, he has be- 
queathed a third part of his property after deducting his 
private legacies to relatives and friends. Familiar as he has 
been with its whole history, and practically acquainted with 


all its principles and methods of dealing with the poor, such a 
bequest from such a source is at once a tribute and a testi- 
mony, and cannot fail to inspire fresh confidence in the insti- 
tution, while it adds largely to its means of usefulness. There 
ought to be a portrait of Mr. Parker on its walls, if nowhere 
else, and I trust there will be. 

Mr. Parker was associated with me also as one of the Over- 
seers of the Poor of Boston from 1864 to 1867, when the 
organization and operations of that board were the subject of 
a complete and most salutary reform. As president of the 
board I was specially indebted to him for aid and counsel, and 
I can bear personal testimony to the signal ability and practical 
wisdom which he displayed during all our proceedings. 

Let me only say, in conclusion, that in speaking exclusively, 
as I have done, of Mr. Parker's devoted labors in the cause of 
our charitable institutions, I feel that I have paid him the most 
enviable tribute which could be offered to his memory, and 
that which he himself would most have valued. Wit and wis- 
dom, abilities and accomplishments, private virtues and public 
services, may secure a wider popular fame ; but a life-long care 
for the condition of the poor and needy at our doors may look 
for a record above all earthly renown. 

Professor Toreey continued, nearly as follows : — 

Certain qualities in Mr. Parker's character had their growth 
in a home which was lighted up by a noble example of devo- 
tion to the duties and sympathies of a sacred office, and was 
adorned with winning manners and attractive conversation. 
Mr. Parker himself more than once dated back his opinions 
to this early period. Great, however, as were these influences, 
he did not inherit or imbibe his originality. In after years it 
needed no long familiarity with him to show him to be emi- 
nently a man by himself. I have latety received a letter in 
which a very intelligent man describes at a distance of some 
years the marked impression made upon him by the fine pres- 
ence, the charming manner, and the excellent judgment of 
Mr. Parker, whom he had never before seen and has never 
met since. 

Mr. Parker, at twelve years of age, lost his father. His 
youth was not spent in comfortable ease. He had to endure 


hardness, and probably owed something of his rare knowledge 

of character and power of dealing with all sorts and conditions 
of men to tins discipline. He took the highest honors at col- 
lege, — no insignificant achievement and no had sign even 

forty years ago. Though he did not afterwards take up the; 

calling of a professed and technical scholar, he knew wonder- 
fully well how to read and what to do with what he had read ; 
and he kept up his scholarly tastes. 

In his early manhood his agreeable address, his kindly bear- 
ing, and his intellectual and moral force opened the way to 
that influence over younger persons which lie so strikingly 
exerted, and which some of our now middle-aged citizens 
remember and feel. His aptitude for making his way with 
young and old it was a pleasure to him in later years to try 
occasionally, even with persons of a humble station whom Ik.' 
casually fell in with, who opened their lives to his friendly 
questions and gave new food to his insatiable study of char- 
acter, in fields quite outside of conventional position. He 
liked to relate in his interesting manner the little occur- 
rences of his annual journeys. In one of them he made in the 
streets of Verona the acquaintance of an Italian peasant-boy, 
learned of him his whole way of life, and treated him with 
characteristic kindness. The men with whom he had to do 
professionally or socially, he made it a habit to be interested in, 
but with a tacitly reserved right to take their dimensions. 

He was one of the keenest of observers. His inevitable eye 
was backed by a mental vision that as a rule was singularly 
quick and sure. Double-dealing and meanness had no chance 
with his piercing search and implacable scorn. It is related 
that the Emperor Charles V. once said of a noted diplomatist, 
that, if you would baffle his sagacity, your silence would not 
be enough ; you must not think in his presence. Stripped 
of its extravagance, this saying offers something that brings 
up Mr. Parker significantly to mind. As Mr. Winthrop has 
reminded us, Ephraim Peabody and Francis E. Parker are 
foremost names in the charter of incorporation of the Boston 
Provident Association, the founding of which makes an epoch 
in the history of the charities of this city. One of Dr. Pea- 
body's closest friends called him " a sworn measurer." The 
description might be extended in no small degree to his asso- 
ciate in that instrument. 


To what he was in his profession others are better qualified 
than I to testify. A more valuable extra-professional coun- 
sellor it would be difficult to find. His friends could rely 
on him to face for them with loyal nerve emergencies and 
scenes too trying for themselves, or to help them with gen- 
erous outlay of time and care through harassing crises and 

Mr. Parker was a man of sensitive conscientiousness in every 
trust, and of a high idea of honor. He was anxious to be true 
to others and to himself. He loved independence, and guarded 
his own independence with diligence. His judgments of men 
were sometimes less carefully reserved than they were posi- 
tively formed ; he was outspoken where others are apt to be 
cautious. But it has been said of him that his pithy phrases 
were wont, even when severe, to issue straight from the head 
without committing the heart. 

Mr. Parker's command of expression, so signally shown by 
word of mouth and word of private pen, was less often exer- 
cised in public than might have been expected of one who 
possessed so many of the gifts of a speaker. Of his speeches 
I remember only two that have been in print. They are both 
characteristic. One of them contains in it a droll geological 
history of the Boston Back Bay lands ; the other, delivered 
more than thirty }*ears ago at a celebration in Portsmouth, in 
the name of a delegation from Massachusetts, is a model in 
its kind. With scarcely a touch or breath of his usual happy 
pleasantry, it is grave, gracious, and affectionate. One of his 
oldest friends writes : " It was an occasion when all the quali- 
ties which he ordinarily took so much pains to repress, rose to 
the surface, and he did not care to hide them ; and the genuine 
feeling which he showed is all the more interesting from the 
rarity with which he suffered it to appear." 

The Hon. George S. Hale paid his tribute in these words : 

It is now over forty years since I first saw Francis E. Parker. 
I remember it as one remembers in later years what most 
" pleased his boyish thought." I had just come to Harvard 
College from Exeter, and we met at a meeting of the students 
at Cambridge from that school. What was done, if anything, 
at the meeting I do not remember ; but the cordial reception 


of a callow, timid freshman by the brillianl and leading scholar 

of the senior class naturally left an impression which brings 
back the evening most clearly to my mind. I refer to this, 
unimportant in itself, as illustrating a characteristic trait. He 
had then, as always, an attraction for younger men, as they had 
for him, and a great facility in impressing and influencing 

them. Since that time, during the " Swift sweet hours" and 
the "slow sad hours " of later years, I knew him intimately. 
I shared his struggles, if the uniform, deserved, and steady 
BUCCess of his career can he so denominated ; I received his 
confidences and profited by his counsels, his criticisms, and 
bis example. 

It is not easy to describe his character or the course of life 
in which that manifested itself. There was nothing common- 
place or familiar in either, nor was the plan of life which he 
seemed to lay down for himself easily intelligible to men who 
calculated upon the ordinary motives of human action. lie 
belonged by nature and inheritance to that class which one of 
its conspicuous members lias called the Brahmin caste of New 
England, lie was fastidious, refined, acute, and governed by 
a conscience intellectual as well as moral, which made him see 
as well as approve and pursue the right way. 

His father, the Rev. Dr. Nathan Parker, was one of the 
fathers and saints of the early Unitarians, a devout and persua- 
sive preacher, and a pastor of wide, effective, and permanent 
influence, who died beloved, respected, admired, and mourned. 
His mother was a woman of peculiar cleverness, wit, and 
social power, capable of appreciating her husband and edu- 
cating her son. The son inherited many of the most striking 
characteristics of his parents; and the language with which 
the friends of Dr. Parker describe the traits of his character 
is often singularly appropriate to the son : — 

"His observations were generally laconic, pithy, and easy to be 
remembered. . . . Half sarcastic and half humorous, stingingly severe 

yet jocose in expression, he was able to say inoffensively what he 
pleased; his manner acted instead of a formal apology for plain deal- 
ing. . . . I lis infhieuce over men was therefore that of character. He 
did not strive for influence; he did not aim at power: it came to 
him. It belonged to him, as it does to every man of single-mindedness 
and trustworthiness. . . . There was another trait of his character 
which gave him iutluence. His friends remarked in him an uncommon 


knowledge of human nature, an intuitive perception of character, a sin- 
gular and almost prophetic sagacity by which he penetrated men's 
bosoms and discerned foibles or dispositions of which they were them- 
selves scarcely aware. He evidently made man and human character 
his study. . . . This talent of observation extended to men's affairs as 
well as characters. It used to be a matter of wonder to his friends 
how he should ... be ... so sagacious and familiar in secular 
concerns. It has been said that he knew the state of every man's 
business. . . . This knowledge of men's affairs — the result not of 
inquisitiveness, but of intuitive sagacity — was always employed with 
the utmost caution and reserve, and was the means of greatly extending 
his influence." 

The death of Dr. Parker when his son was not yet twelve 
years of age, left his widow with narrow means to support and 
educate her only child. 

Dr. Parker had been a Trustee of the Phillips Exeter 
Academy from the year of his son's birth until his own 
decease, and the son became soon a pupil of that school and 
a " Foundationer." He lived to add another to the list of 
brilliant men who have paid by the honor they reflect upon 
this Alma Mater the aid she afforded them, which he shared 
with such men as Bancroft, Sparks, and Packard. He, like 
others of them, was not content to return her kindness solely 
by thus honoring her name, and not only took pleasure in his 
lifetime in repaying the pecuniary value of the assistance he 
had received, but made himself by his will her greatest bene- 
factor since the Founder. 

His career at the school was successful, and in Harvard 
College eminently so. He graduated at the head of his class. 
After leaving college he was for a time a valued teacher in 
the Boston Latin School, but left it for a journey to Europe on 
account of delicate health. He was not a person of vigorous 
physical condition in early life, and the watchful care which 
this required led perhaps to that systematic management of 
himself which induced an old friend to say of him, " Mr. 
Parker manages himself like an Institution." 

After his return from Europe he studied law, began the 
practice of his profession with J. Elliot Cabot, and then be- 
came a partner of the late R. H. Dana, Jr., with whom he 
remained until Mr. Dana became the Attorney for the United 
States in Massachusetts. Mr. Parker had then quite estab- 


Lished his position at the bar. He had, it Beemed to me, every 
quality required for success In thai profession, — acuteness, 
industry, precision of thought and expression, a retentive and 
accurate memory, remarkable knowledge of men, and great 
power of inspiring a just confidence. This confidence broughl 
to him an honorable and lucrative business. He would have 
succeeded remarkably well as an advocate il he had given 
himself to that department of the profession. He occasionally 
indulged himself and others in some exercise of his caj acity 
in this respect, and always left a deep Impression of liis 
power of persuasive argument, strengthened by apt illustra- 
tion, and penetrative and illuminating wit. 1 

He was always reluctant to enter what is called public life, 
although his great success in the single year's service which 
he gave to the State, in the Senate, made many his friends 
and admirers, and all of them desirous that he should con- 
tinue to display his powers in a public and wider field. lint 
one oi' his most striking peculiarities was a singular absence 
of public ambition. He was thoroughly conscious of his 
powers, and enjoyed their exercise ; but he seemed to have 
taken a VOW of abstinence, as it were, in spite of the appre- 
ciative urgency of his friends. He would have graced the 
office of President of Harvard College. He would have been 
a brilliant, effective, and influential member of Congress or 
Mayor of Boston, and might well have reached, if lie would 
not have enjoyed, these and other honors. 

I well remember the half-humorous and yet serious manner 
in which lie once spoke of the expression with which a com- 
mon friend, who had not spared exertion to reach his own 
merited BUCCess, regarded him: "I knew he was thinking, 
How much more you might have done and attained with 
your powers than you have been willing to strive fori " 

But he did not omit to labor for the good of others. He 
was steadily occupied in useful and inconspicuous public 
Bervice. For four years a member of the School Committee ; 
nine years an Overseer of the Poor, where his "invaluable" 

1 Mr. Hale referred to a speech by Mr. Parker on the filling of the Back Bay in 
B it i as an interesting illustration of these qualities, and a- a valuable histori- 
cal document, worthy of preservation in the Collections of the Society; and read 
tome extracts from this speech, as reported in the "Boston Daily Advertiser" 
of May l, L867. — Edb. 


services were characterized, as his associates said, by " sagacity, 
prudence, a wise forecast, and humane policy ; " connected 
with the Boston Provident Association for thirty-five years, 
for twenty-six years Chairman of its Executive Committee, or 
Vice-President ; for some sixteen years an Overseer of Har- 
vard College, — it is not easy to overestimate the service he 
rendered to the community in which he lived in these posi- 
tions, and in his devotion to the interests of others, — a service 
perhaps more valuable and effective than that he might have 
given in more conspicuous and prominent offices. It may be 
that this was the plan of life at which his friends sometimes 
wondered, — the plan of one who aims to — 

"In himself possess his own desire: 

and to the same 

Keeps faithful with a singleness of aim; 
And therefore does not stoop, nor lie in wait 
For wealth, or honors, or for worldly state; " 


" Plays in the many games of life, that one 
Where what he most doth value must be won." 

Dr. Everett said : — 

I desire to place on record, that for years I have been ac- 
customed to look to Mr. Parker as my model or standard of 
what was morally right. If I was assured of his approval, 
I looked no farther ; if I had occasion to doubt that he 
would approve my action, it was practically equivalent to a 

Mr. Qutncy presented a piece of " Shakspeare's Mulberry 
Tree " to the Cabinet of the Society. This fragment of the 
wood had been cut from a block which belonged to David 
Garrick, and was sealed with his seal (a head of Shakspeare) 
as a witness of its authenticity. According to the state- 
ment of Mrs. Garrick, which comes through her executor 
Mr. Beltz, this block (a massive portion of the trunk with the 
crotch of a branch) was presented to her husband by the 
Mayor, Aldermen, and Burgesses of the Borough of Stratford- 
upon-Avon at the famous Jubilee of 1769, — it being the 
largest portion of the tree that could then be obtained. But, 
however the distinguished actor may have acquired it, there 


can 1)0 DO doubt that he considered it ;i well-authent icated 
fragment of the tree under which he had been entertained, 
and which he had done so much to celebrate. 

Mr. Quincy gave a short sketch of Robert Balmanno, a 
Shakspearean scholar and collector, who possessed the original 
block with Garrick's seal upon it. .Mr. Balmanno's affidavit 

is attached to the piece given to the Society. 

The Hon. R. C. WlNTHROP rose and said: — 

1 present to the Society this afternoon a large framed 
photograph of Daniel Webster, and ask for it a place in our 
gallery. It is taken from an original crayon which has been 

hanging on my own walls for forty years, and of which I 
desire that the history should not be forgotten. 

It happened that during the early }-ears of my association 
with Mr. Webster in Congress, and after f had been called on 
to defend him from an unjust charge of some sort, I asked 
him to sit for a portrait for me. He readily assented to my 
request, and promised to be at the service of any artist I 
might employ. Many months, perhaps a year or two, had 
passed away, when, fortunately, a young artist from Maine 
brought me a letter of introduction, and expressed an eager 
wish to have an opportunity of taking a head of Webster. I 
told him at once that Webster had long ago promised to sit 
for me, and that I would endeavor to secure him the oppor- 
tunity which he desired on condition that I should pay for the 
work, and that the product should be mine. 

Just about the same time I learned that Healy, the well- 
known portrait-painter, had come over from France with a 
commission from Louis Philippe to take likenesses of General 
Jackson, Mr. Clay, Mr. Calhoun, General Cass, and Mr. Web- 
ster, for the Royal Gallery at Versailles, and that Webster 
was to sit to him, for the King, the very next day. I forth- 
with called on Mr. Webster, reminded him of his promise, 
and proposed that my young crayon is t should come with 
Healy, avail himself of the second best light, and take a head 
for me while Healy was taking one for the Versailles gallery. 
"All right," said Webster, u let him come on. The more the 
better; there will be fewer sittings hereafter." 

And so one day in the winter or spring of 1840, just forty 
years ago, Webster was seen in one of the old committee 


rooms of Congress, down in the very crypts of the Capitol, 
with Healy intently engaged in painting him with oils, while 
my young friend hovered around him, pencil and tablet in 
hand, catching the best lights he could find, and working 
out, day by day, the large crayon of which this is the pho- 
tograph. I went down into the committee room from my 
place in the House of Representatives, on several successive 
days, to see how the work was going along ; and on at least 
one occasion I found Webster quietly dozing. " Well, Mr. 
Webster," I exclaimed, " art is long and life is short." He 
roused himself instantly with a hearty laugh, and made some 
reply better worth remembering than any remark of my own, 
but which is too indistinct in my memory for me to attempt 
to recall it. The double operation to which he had subjected 
himself lasted about a week ; and then Webster shook him- 
self free from us all. Healy 's portrait is on the walls of the 
Versailles gallery, and the crayon on my own. 

Before my young friend entered on his work, I asked him 
whether he had ever seen Mr. Webster in action. " Never 
but once," said he; "but that once I shall never forget. It 
was when Webster delivered his grand oration on the com- 
pletion of the Bunker Hill Monument in 1843 ; and when, 
standing at the foot of the monument, he rolled up those 
wondrous eyes of his and took in the whole shaft, from corner- 
stone to cap-stone, with the simple exclamation, 4 The power- 
ful speaker stands motionless before us.' That," said my 
young friend, "is the look I shall try to give him." 

And that is the look he did give him, and give him most 
impressively. I remember well the emotions excited and ex- 
pressed by the most intimate friends of Mr. Webster at Wash- 
ington as they gazed at the crayon when it was finished. The 
late Edward Curtis, of New York, ■ — devoted to him as no 
other man ever was, — our own John Davis and Mrs. John 
Davis, good Joseph Grinnell and his wife, of New Bedford, 
and Mr. and Mrs. John P. Kennedy, of Baltimore, were among 
those whom I recall as most enthusiastic in their admiration 
of the head. 

On my return home I yielded to the request of many friends, 
and allowed it to be lithographed. Of that lithograph some 
copies must remain ; but I have only been able to trace one. 
The photograph, though somewhat reduced in size, is more 

1880.] BI-CENTENNIAL OF B08TON. 219 

effective than the lithograph ever was, and hardly less im- 
pressive than tin 1 original crayon. 

It only remains for me to say that the young artist of 1846, 

by whom the head was taken, is now one of the most distin- 
guished painters in our country, — Eastman Johnson, who lias 
long had a studio in New York, and who has far more than 
"fulfilled the promise of his spring,"' great as that promise 
was. He took several other crayons in Washington at the 
same time, — among others, a small one of myself, and a large 
and admirable one of Mrs. President Madison, which came 
into Mr. Webster's possession, as the gift of the artist, and 
which I have seen on the walls of his Marshfield residence. 

I may add that my crayon has been photographed at the 
earnest instigation of my accomplished and valued friend 
Dr. Francis Wharton, now the counsellor of the Secretary of 
State on International Law, and that at his request 1 [(re- 
sented a copy for one of the rooms of the Department of State 
at Washington, which, by a casual coincidence, arrived and 
was hung there on Webster's birthday, the 18th of January 

The Prksident read a letter of sympathy prepared to be 
sent to. Governor Hutchinson, on his departure for England, 
by some prominent citizens of Milton. An indignant protest 
from other citizens compelled the retraction before the letter 
was sent. The papers will appear in the History of Milton 
now in preparation. 

Mr. DEANE offered a resolution from the Council, that a 
committee be appointed to inquire into the value and extent of 
the labors of Mr. B. F. Stevens in publishing from the archives 
of the States of Europe the diplomatic correspondence and 
other papers relating to the United States between 1772 and 
1784, and to report whether or not it be desirable for this 
Society to take any action to encourage the work. 

Mr. Winsor and Dr. Green were appointed members of this 

Dr. Moore remarked : — 

In the Proceedings of the Society on the 28th of January, 
1830, as printed in Vol. I. p. 426, it appears to have been — 


" Voted, That a Committee be appointed to address the city authorities 
on the subject of a centennial celebration of the settlement of Boston. 
The President (Mr. Davis), Mr. Winthrop, Mr. Savage, and Dr. Harris 
were appointed." 

A footnote by the editors of the volume states that " there is 
no record of any action having been taken by this Committee 
on the subject referred to them." I have observed that this 
matter was noticed by the President of the Society (Mr. Win- 
throp), at the meeting in September, 1879, in anticipation of 
the two hundred, and fiftieth anniversary, 1 celebrated in the 
following year. 

As the action of this Society was the first step towards what 
proved to be so interesting a celebration, it seems to me desir- 
able that everything relating to it should be restored to its 
records, so far as possible ; and I ask leave therefore to suggest 
that the letter written by that Committee be reproduced in 
the Proceedings at this time. It will be found in the Report 
of the doings of the City Council. 

It bears date Feb. 4, 1830, is signed by all the members of 
the Committee, and is a very interesting document, as might 
be expected. It was printed in more than one of the news- 
papers of the day, among which I have noted the " Boston 
Daily Advertiser " of Feb. 11, 1830, from which it may be 
copied for the Proceedings, if my suggestion is received with 

A communication from the Massachusetts Historical Society, enclos- 
ing a vote of that Society appointing Messrs. Davis, Winthrop, Savage, 
and Dr. Harris a Committee to address the city authorities on the 
subject of a centennial celebration of the first settlement of Boston, 
together with the following address of that Committee, came down com- 
mitted to the Mayor and Aldermen Russell and Lewis ; and Messrs. 
Bigelow, Minns, James, Eveleth, and Gragg were joined. 

Boston, Feb. 4, 1830. 

Sir, — The arrival of the year in which two centuries are completed 
since the foundation of Boston was laid, deserving, in the opinion of the 
Massachusetts Historical Society, some appropriate observances, they, at 
the first meeting held this year, appointed the subscribers a Committee to 
address the city authorities on the subject. 

The practice of all communities, especially of those who have the satis- 
faction of referring their national birth to honored ancestors, may well be 

1 Proceedings, vol. xvii. p. 122. 


followed by us, ou whom the eyes of all people, in distant quarters of the 

earth, are turned with admiration at the happy union which we enjoy of 
civil, political, ami religious liberty, beyond any whom history records. 
However highly we appreciate our institutions of government, framed prin- 
cipally in our own day, wo can never forgel that their origin is Legitimately 
derived from the unwavering constancy, dauntless courage, sound learning, 
sober judgment, enlightened equity, and pure principles of the true-hearted, 
Belf-exiled Fathers of New England, the exalted characters from whom a 
vast majority of our fellow-citizens are descended. 

\\ it li these impressions, and in performance of the duty of our commis- 
sion, we would respectfully request the city authorities to take into con- 
sideration the expediency of adopting such timely measures for a celebration 
of the second century of Boston as to their wisdom may seem proper. 

In regard to the particular day to be selected, Bome differences of opinion 
may be expected to occur. There are three dates which seem to have 
claim to this distinction. — September 7 (in the current style, September 
17), July 30 (August !), N. S.), and .June 12 (22, N. S.) On the 7th of 
September, li!:')!), at the second Court of Assistants held at Charlestown, it 
was ordered that Trimountain be called Boston, before that time, how- 
ever, many of those who had then recently arrived from England, and 
among them several of the leading characters, had decided on a settlement 
upon this peninsula. This consideration has induced a preference in the 
minds of some for the 30th of July, when the first covenant was entered 
into by Governor Winthrop, Deputy-Governor Dudley, Isaac Johnson, Esq., 
and the Rev. John Wilson, by which the foundation of the first Church of 
Christ in Boston was established. The still earlier date of June 12 is 
recommended by the interesting circumstance that it was the day of the 
arrival of the " Arbella, Admiral of the New England fleet," with the 
(barter, deservedly so dear to our ancestors, and with Governor Winthrop 
and several of the Assistants on board. 

The selection of the day and the whole subject is cheerfully submitted 
to the decision of the city authorities, to whom these suggestions may be 

Very respectfully, we are, Sir, your ob't servants, 

Jno. Davis. 

Tiios. L. Winthrop. 

Jas. Savage. 

Thadds. Mason Harris. 
Hon. Harrison G. Otis, Mayor of Boston. 

General Carrington, being called upon, spoke substan- 
tially as follows : — 

Mr. Winsor has very properly outlined the grounds upon 
which exaggerated estimates have been made as to the number 
of troops which served in the American Army during the War 
for National Independence. The best approximation to the 
number of those who rendered actual duty is derived from the 


consideration of similar estimates as to the active force em- 
ployed during our civil war. To this end it is well to notice 
that the acts of Congress which shaped enlistments, drafts, 
and bounties from 1861 to 1865 were almost literal reproduc- 
tions of statutes which governed the creation and employment 
of the Continental Army from 1776 to 1783. " Minute men," 
"three months' men," " one hundred days' enlistments," kt one 
year enlistments," and finally " enlistments for three years, or 
during the war," successively followed, as the scope of opera- 
tions enlarged, or the duration of the struggle became uncer- 
tain. It was with full regard for this analogy that the author 
of " Battles of the American Revolution," in treating of the 
" strength of armies employed," quoted the figures 233,771 
as the basis of contributions by the various States, treating 
the figures as years of enlistment for service, and not as repre- 
senting that number of men. The purpose was to suggest the 
cause of the exaggeration, and not minutely to analyze the 

The context speaks of " minute men coming at call, and 
dissolving as quickly." The phrase " years of enlistment " and 
the clause, 4i Hence a man who served from April 19, 1775, 
until the formal cessation of hostilities, April 19, 1783, counted 
as eight, in the aggregate," italicizing the words counted as 
eight, are not statements of literal fact, but a conditional state- 
ment, to show how the exaggeration was inevitable. Very 
few men served during the eight years, and every fractional 
service of less time than a year proportionably diminished 
the value of the aggregate as representative of a standing 

No better illustration of the author's general purpose, in the 
very line of Mr. Winsor's paper, can be given than by refer- 
ence to incidents that came under his personal notice during 
the civil war. At its very outset, and before the Western 
troops called for by Mr. Lincoln had been generally mustered 
into the service of the United States, he was called upon, as 
Adjutant General of Ohio, to place in Western Virginia, for 
three months, nine regiments of Ohio militia. The State sub- 
sequently gained credit for that service. The same regiments, 
from numbers thirteen to twenty-one inclusive, taking their 
numbers from regiments raised during the Mexican War, 
afterward enlisted in the United States Service for " three 


months," then for "three years," and then "veteranized " for 
tin* war. And so in 1863 tin- same officer was assigned to 
duty at Cleveland, to organize "one hundred day troops," 
which, under a sudden emergency, were proposed as a supple- 
ment to the army in the Beld. In Indiana its militia, known 
as the Indiana Legion, was organized and armed for border 
defence to the number of eighteen thousand; and their service 

was taken in aeeonnt on the settlement of the claims of that 
State against the United States, for service rendered and 
expense incurred. 

The suggestions of Mr. Winsor are even more striking as 
applied to conditions existing at the time of the Revolution, 
when the Count de Rochanihean felt constrained to write to 
the Count de Yergennes in these terms, as to the American 
people: "Their means of resistance are only momentary, and 
called forth when they are attacked in their homes. . . . They 
then assemble for the moment of immediate danger and de- 
fend themselves. . . . Washington sometimes commands fifteen 
thousand, sometimes three thousand men." 

It is of interest to note, in this connection, a corresponding 
error in estimate of the British forces, which can be more 
readily related to formal and reliable data. Many of the regi- 
ments which formed part of the garrison of Boston served 
during the war; and however recruited, from time to time, 
they preserved an identity not possible with the regiments of 
the fluctuating American service. Thns the Twenty-third 
served at Boston, Brandywine, Camden, and Guilford Court 
House. The Seventeenth was at Boston, Monmouth, and 
Springfield. The Fortieth was at Boston, Princeton, Brandy- 
wine, and New London. Fourteen of the regiments which 
formed part of the Boston garrison became important factors 
in nearly every important engagement. 

The single fact that the French contingent, alone, made the 
American Army competent to lock Clinton within his New York 
lines and force the surrender of Cornwallis, is a clear index 
to the comparative feebleness of the Continental Army, as 

I know of few incidents of the Revolutionary War which 
more strikingly illustrate the matter under notice than the 
fact that a letter from Colonel de Hart, dated at Morristown, 
New Jersey, Dec. 27, 1776, stating that kw the three regiments 


of Greaton, Bond, and Porter would extend their terms of 
service two weeks," was sufficient to inspire Washington with 
faith that he " would drive the enemy from the whole Province 
of New Jersey;" and yet, that two weeks of service would 
count as a re-enlistment, and, for the time being, add to the 
reputed strength of the Continental Army. 

" An approximate estimate of the relative contributions of 
States to the military force that gained our independence," is 
Mr. Winsor's solution of General Knox's Report and of simi- 
lar tables, based upon that report, by the States themselves. 
The author of the " Battles of the Revolution " supposed that 
he had exhausted inquiry, during thirty years of examination 
of the general subject-matter, and endeavored to call attention 
to excessive estimates of the force of the Continental Army in 
the general statement with which he closed his volume. The 
substitution of the word "period," or " term," for "years," 
would have more accurately expressed his recognition of the 
difficulty in fixing the number of men who actually did service 
in the Revolutionary War. 

1886.] THE PABKMAN mammkiits. 225 


The appointed meeting of the Society was held, as usual, on 
the 11th instant, the Rev. Dr. Ellis being in the chair. 

The Secretary's account of the proceedings at the last meet- 
ing was read. 

The Librarian's report of gifts to the Library during the 
past month was presented. 

The Corresponding Secretary announced that Mr. Samuel 
F. McCleary had accepted his election as a Resident Member 
of the Society. 

The PRESIDENT referred to the death of the Hon. Horatio 
Seymour, of Xew York, who was an Honorary Member; and 
of Mr. Henry Stevens, of London, who was a Corresponding 
Member. He then proceeded as follows: — 

While we are gathered at this hour at our regular monthly 
meeting, there is another company of his friends and clerical 
brethren attending the funeral rites of our late esteemed asso- 
ciate, the Rev. Nicholas Hoppin, D.D., for many years the 
Rector of Christ Church, Cambridge. The Society would 
express their respect for his character, and their appreciation 
of the historical taste and industry given to the themes which 
engaged his interest. Dr. F. E. Oliver is charged with the of- 
fice of writing the memoir of Dr. Hoppin for the Proceedings. 

In view of the approaching Annual Meeting, a Committee 
of Nomination was appointed, consisting of Messrs. Greenough, 
Hill, and Saltonstall ; and a Committee on the Treasurer's 
Accounts, consisting of Messrs. Bangs and E. J. Lowell. 

Mr. Horatio Hale, of Clinton, Ontario, was elected a Cor- 
responding Member of the Society. 

The Pebsident, in behalf of the committee appointed to 
report upon the manuscripts given by Mr. Francis Park man, 
then said : — 

These manuscripts, the larger portion of which are substan- 
tially bound, as well as the few collections of papers which are 



still unbound, constitute together one of the most valuable 
and interesting of the gifts ever made to the Society. The 
remarks with which Mr. Parkman accompanied his dona- 
tion, and his brief summary of the collection as a whole, and 
more particular reference to some of the more private docu- 
ments among them, appear in the published Proceedings of the 
Society for January, 1885. While his own modest statement 
there given may be considered as substantially describing the 
character of his donation, it might have been indefinitely ex- 
tended by details which he is better qualified than any other 
to impart. The Society, after listening to his remarks and 
receiving his gift, agreed that something more and other than 
the usual vote of grateful reception should be offered and put 
on our records as our recognition of its value and character. 
The committee to whom the subject was referred, in now re- 
porting upon it, are not prompted to offer an analysis of the 
contents of these manuscripts. 

With the intimation of a purpose, at some future time, to 
add other papers of a similar character to those he has now 
given us, Mr. Parkman makes these over to the absolute pos- 
session of the Society, subject only to his own reserved right 
or privilege " of taking any part of the collection — to be 
called the Parkman Collection and kept together as such — 
from the Library, for consultation, the same to be returned 
when his purpose is answered." 

Two suggestions — one in part of personal reference, with 
another of a more general character — relating to this pre- 
cious acquisition for our Cabinet may fitly be offered by the 

The first of these suggestions appropriately and even neces- 
sarily refers to Mr. Parkman himself. In early manhood, more 
than forty years ago, he selected with vigorous intelligence 
and with enthusiastic ardor, as a subject for his study, research, 
and pen when qualified to use it wisely, the history of explora- 
tion, occupancy, possession, and political and military opera- 
tions of the subjects of the King of France for dominion on 
this northern part of our continent. Without referring to 
travel and work in our own country in pursuing his subject 
with continuous labor through all these years, it is to be noted 
that the collection of papers now in our keeping represents, 
but only in part, some of the acquisitions of his inquiry and 


research made in four successive visits of many months 1 con- 
tinuance to Europe. l>y costly out lav in the employment of 

assistants and copyists be devoted himself to an examination 
and transcription of historical documents of an original and 
authentic character concerning the actors, the incidents and 
events entering into his vast theme. From the private cabi- 
nets of the descendants of many of the most conspicuous of 
those actors he was privileged with copies of papers which 
give a charm and piquancy, as well as an element of revealing 
exposure of secrets, to the pages of some of his published vol- 
umes. The great Government repositories — the Archives de 
la Marine et des Colonies, Archives de la Guerre, Archives 
Nationales, and Bibliotheque Nationale in France, and the 
Public Record Office and the British Museum in England — 
furnished the originals for most of the contents of the volumes 
and papers presented to us by the donor, of whose zeal, dili- 
gence, and concentrated toil they are in themselves a striking 
memorial. An equally patient and intelligent use of these 
papers has, with wide extended travel and investigation on 
this continent, wrought out the nine published volumes which 
have secured to Mr. Parkman the foremost place and honors 
among our historians. Though very few of these manuscripts 
have been printed by him in full, they have been thoroughly 
digested in the pages of the author. While it would seem to 
be useless for any future literary worker to rehearse Mr. 
Parkman's general subject, even with the free use of the pre- 
cious materials which he has so laboriously gathered, these 
may be of good service in the investigation of some of the 
special themes engaging inquirers. 

Another suggestion presents itself as not inappropriate for 
this brief report. By the not always just decision of policy 
and war, all the rights of dominancy and possession by France 
on this continent were extinguished. This was a grievous and 
bitter decision of a rivalry for territorial mastery over North 
America which had extended through a century and a half be- 
tween France and England. The papers now in our keeping, 
regarded as a whole, stand as witnesses to the enterprise and 
heroism of the subjects of the French monarch here, which 
might rightfully have secured for France a measured success 
rather than an absolute discomfiture. Her pioneer explorers. 
her devoted priests, her soldiers, merchants, and sagacious civil 


and military officers, her traders and adventurers filling the 
woods with their wild roamings, and the relations of her colo- 
nists with the native tribes — either of assimilation with them 
or in exterminating wars — might have claimed from fortune 
quite another allotment of destiny in the New World. Failing 
of that result, history can but keep faithfully the record of toil 
and achievement, though thwarted in the results. The Cabi- 
net of this Historical Society has committed to it a great trust 
in the possession and care of such a mass of documents of 
prime authority and authenticity, the monuments of the zeal 
and vigor, the prowess and ambition, displayed by the subjects 
of France in opening the continent which policy and the for- 
tunes of war assigned to the stock of England. 

We have only to add that a committee of the Society, 
charged with making a detailed report upon the manuscripts 
in its keeping, will include in that report at some future day a 
synopsis of these manuscript collections. 

Judge Hoar, of the committee to whom was referred the 
recent bequest of Mr. Sibley, made the following report : — 

The Committee appointed to consider what action of the 
Society is appropriate, in view of the munificent bequest to 
the Society in the will of its late member, John Langdon 
Sibley, have attended to that duty, and report that they rec- 
ommend the passage of the following resolutions : — 

1. The Massachusetts Historical Society desires to place on 
record its grateful acknowledgment of the interest in its pros- 
perity and resources expressed by its late member, John 
Langdon Sibley, in the munificent bequest in his will ; which, 
though not available for a considerable period of time, is 
clearly intended to be ultimately of far greater value and ben- 
efit to the Society than the gift of any previous benefactor. 

2. That a copy of the foregoing vote be transmitted by the 
Recording Secretary to the widow of Mr. Sibley, accompanied 
by an expression of the sympathy of this Society with her 
bereavement, and an assurance of the respect and regard in 
which his memory is held by his associates in its membership. 

For the Committee, 
March 11, 1886. E. R. Hoar, Chairman. 

18S0.] WINSLOW PAPEB8. 229 

Mr. Deane laid before the meeting Beveral original papers 
which had recently been received by a lady in Cambridge from 
a relative in New Brunswick, Mr. Francis Edward Winslow, a 
descendant of Edward Winslow, Esq., a loyalist and refugee, 
who died in Halifax, Nova Scotia, in 1784, aged Beventy. 1 
These papers arc of about the period of the Revolution, and 
consist partly of Letters from different members of the Wins- 
low family, sometimes dated at Newport, and sometimes at 
New York, where the British then had possession. Several 
are from Pelham Winslow, a son of General John, and ad- 
dressed to his cousin, Edward Winslow, Jr., who on one let- 
ter is called "Colonel Edward Winslow, commander of the 
Associated Loyalists, &c, Newport." Pelham and his cousin 
Edward had both enlisted under the British flag. The former, 
who is called " Major," died in Brooklyn, Long Island, in 
1783, Leaving a wife living in Plymouth, who after his death 
wrote a piteous letter to a loyalist friend in Nova Scotia, 
asking for a grant of land and rations from the British Govern- 
ment, for herself and two children in a destitute condition. 
Her maiden name was Joanna White. Two commissions, 
one appointing Edward Winslow a Register of Wills, &c, for 
Plymouth County, and one for Suffolk County, arc noticed. 
One of the most interesting papers is headed " A List of 
the Refugees from the County of Plymouth," and gives the 
names of about ninety persons, more than three fourths of 
whom are set down as from Marshfield. These papers were 
courteously placed in Mr. Deane's hands by Miss Mary W. W. 
Gannett, of Cambridge, a relative of their former owner, for 
any purpose which he might wish to make of them, but the 
originals were to be returned. They were communicated by 
Mr. Deane for the use of the Society, and here follow : — 

Edward Winslow and Others to Captain Theophilus Cotton. 

Plymouth, February, 17G0. 
Captain Theophilus Cotton*, 

Master of the Schooner " Four Friends." 

Sir, — These are to desire and impower you to go on board said 
schooner as master come to sail, and make the best of your way for the 

1 This Edward was a brother of General John Winslow, who removed the 
Acaduuu in IT")"), and who died in Ilingham in 1774. See Sabine's Loyalists, 
vol. ii. pp. 439-444. 


port of Cadiz. On your arrival there, value yourself on some gentle™ 
of honor, integrity, and good substance. The Company of Hall and 
Gould have been recommended to us as a very good house. If, 
upon inquiry, you find them so, and are likely to transact your business 
with as much despatch and fidelity as any other person, would have 
you value yourself upon them ; and we desire you to see that the pro- 
duce of your cargo (after purchasing a load of salt and what else we 
have wrote for and paying the necessary charges of your schooner), be 
remitted to Messrs. Champion and Hagley, merchants in London, by 
good bills of exchange before your departure from the port of Cadiz, 
if you can, in proportion to our several interests, namely : — 

To Edward Winslow 1 £ 

To Gideon White f 

To Silvanus Bartlett 1 

To Thomas Davis A 

We desire you to purchase for us fifty boxes lemons ; forty jars of oil ; 
eight casks sherry ; eight quarter-casks Spanish brandy ; sixteen casks 
raisins ; eight flails figs ; twenty-four lbs. capers ; eight dozen Barcelona 
handkerchiefs at 18/ sterling; eight dozen ditto at 25/; four dozen best 
ditto — dark colors. 

If you have opportunity to buy anything that you think will turn 
out to good advantage here, as duck or tea, &c. please to do it. If, on 
your arrival at Cadiz, you find that you can do better by going up the 
Straits, then proceed to what port you shall judge you can get the best 
market and be most for the benefit of your owners. 

Col. Winslow to Benjamin Marston. 

Sir, — This is to inquire of your health and family's, and also to 
acquaint you of the indisposition that dear little Bennee hath been 
under. He was taken the last Friday; was weak at night, with a 
strong fever, which continued upon him till Monday, when we sent 
for Dr. Otis, who is the most experienced physician in our parts, who, 

1 Edward Winslow, who signs this letter, was a brother of General John 
Winslow. He was a loyalist at the Revolution, and retired to Halifax, where 
he died in 1784, aged seventy. Some letters to his son Edward, also a loyalist, 
may be seen further on. Gideon White was a great-grandson of Peregrine 
White. He married Joanna Howland in 1743, and died March 3, 1769, aged 
sixty-two. A daughter, Joanna, married Pelham Winslow. A son, Gideon, 
born in Plymouth in 1752, a loyalist, removed to Nova Scotia, where he died in 
1833. Sylvanus Bartlett was a descendant of Robert, who came in the " Anne " 
in 1623. Thomas Davis was the ancestor of the distinguished family of that name 
in Plymouth. See Sabine's Loyalists, vol. ii. pp. 418, 419, 439-446 ; Russell's 
Guide to Plymouth, etc., p. 248 ; 1 Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc, vol. xi. p. 94. 

1886.] WIN8L0W PAPERS. 231 

when he came, judged it to be the intermitting fever, and thought 
it would he best to bleed him in the arm, which he immediately did, 

which he bore like a hero, held out his little ami, let the doctor prick 
it, see the blood run from it, and did not so much as whimper in the 
least. The doctor came the next day and gave him a vomit, and Btayed 
with him till it had done working, which was very gentle. It worked 
about live or six times. His fever is much abated, though he still 
remains heavy and hath little or no stomach to eat. I hope God in 
mercy will restore him to his health again in his due time. 1 hope your 
wife will not be over-concerned about him. May assure yourselves 
there shall be nothing wanting we can do for him. It is a sickly time 
in general with children amongst us. Our neighbor Fullertous are all 
sick but one. My love and respects to yourself and wife and to Mrs. 

I am yours, 

Isaac Winslow. 1 

Marshfikld, September the [day and year torn off]. 
[Addressed, " To Mr. Benjamin Marston in Salem."] 

Commission to Edward Winslow as Register of Wills, fyc, for 
Plymouth County. 

George the Third, by the Grace of God of 
Great Britain, France, and Ireland, King, 
Defender of the Faith, &c. 
Fra. Bernard. 

To all unto whom these presents shall come Greeting: Know ye 
that we, in the loyalty, ability, and fidelity of Edward Winslow, Esq., 3 
confiding, have given and granted, and by these presents do give and 
grant, unto the said Edward Winslow the office of Register of Wills, 
Administrations, Inventories, Accompts, Decrees, Orders, Determina- 

1 The writer of this letter was Colonel Isaac Winslow, father of General John 
and of Edward the refugee; born 1670, died 1738. Benjamin Marston, to whom 
the letter is addressed, married Elizabeth daughter of Colonel Isaac; and " little 
Bennee," whose illness is here reported, was their child, on a visit to his grand- 
father. The child, who became Colonel Benjamin Marston, was born Sept. 80, 
1730. Taking sides with the loyalists in the Revolution, he retired to Halifax, 
but soon returned and was imprisoned, then proscribed and banished. He went 
to England, and becoming agent for the settlement of a colony on the coast of 
Africa, died there Aug. 10, 1792, without issue. The date of the letter is torn 
off. An endorsement, " from G. Father Winslow," is believed to be in the hand 
of Edward Winslow, Jr. See N. E. Hist, and Geneal. Keg. vol. iv. p. 302; Mitch- 
ell's Bridgewater, p. 389 ; Sabine's Loyalists, vol. ii. pp. 48, 446. 

2 This was Edward Winslow who removed to Halifax. 


tions, and other writings which shall be made or granted by the Judge 
of Probate of Wills, and for granting letters of administration in the 
County of Plymouth, within our Province of the Massachusetts Bay, in 
New England, and which shall be before the said judge proved, al- 
lowed, or exhibited : and him the said Edward Winslow do constitute 
Register of Wills, Administrations, and other writings and matters as 
aforesaid, in our said County of Plymouth ; hereby authorizing and 
impowering the said Edward Winslow to take into his charge and cus- 
tody all records, papers, and other writings to the said office belonging, 
requiring him to act and do in the said office as becometh his duty 

In testimony whereof, we have caused the public seal of our Province 
of the Massachusetts Bay aforesaid to be hereunto affixed. Witness, 
Francis Bernard, Esq., our Captain-General, and Governor in Chief of 
our said Province, at Boston, the twenty-eighth day of January, 1762. 
In the second year of our reign. 

By his Excellency's command, with the advice and consent of the 

A. Oliver, Secretary, 

Plymouth ss. April 6, 1762. 

Edward Winslow, Esq., took the oath, subscribed the test and decla- 
ration required by Act of Parliament, also the oath of office as Register 
of Probate, together with the oath required by law respecting the bills 
of the neighboring Provinces. 

John Winslow, 

Thos. Clapp, 

Elijah Gushing, , 

Thos. Foster, J Count y of pl J m ™ th - 

Appointed to swear the 
Thos. Clapp, 1 ? Y ■ • 

-^ r* > civil officers m the 

Elijah Gushing, 

William Sheaffe to Edward Winslow. 

Sir, — The bearer of this, Mr. William Shippard, Tide Surveyor of 
his Majesty's Customs at this port, is going to Plymouth upon an in- 
formation that some prohibited or uncustomed goods have been there 
landed in a clandestine manner, to whom you are to give all the assist- 
ance in your power ; and if any goods are seized by him you are to use 
your utmost endeavors that they may be brought up to this town. 
I am, Sir, your most humble servant, 

Will. Sheaffe, Deputy Collector. 1 
Custom House, Boston, June 11, 1771. 

Edward Winslow, Esq., Deputy Collector at Plymouth. 

a See Sabine's Loyalists, vol. ii. p. 280. 

18S6.] winslow PAPERS. 

Commission to Edward Window, Register of W%U$ t $c, for 

Suffolk Count i/. 


George the Third, by the Grace of God of Groat 
Britain, France, and Ireland, King, Defender 
of the Faith, occ. 

Thomas Gage. 

To all unto whom those presents shall come Greeting: Know ye 
that we, in the loyalty, ability, and fidelity of Edward Winslow, Esq., 1 
confiding, have given and granted, and by these presents do give ;ind 
giant, unto the said Edward Winslow the office of Register of Wills, 
Administrations, Inventories, Accounts, Decrees, Orders, Determina- 
tions, and other writings which shall be made or granted by the Judge 
of Probate of Wills, and for granting letters of administration in the 
County of Suffolk, within our Province of Massachusetts Bay in New 
England, and which shall be before the said judge proved, allowed, or 
exhibited: and him the said Edward Winslow do constitute Register of 
Wills, Administrations, and other writings and matters as aforesaid in 
our said County of Suffolk; hereby authorizing and impowering the said 
Edward Winslow to take into his charge and custody all records, papers, 
and other writings to the said office belonging, requiring him to act and 
do in the said office as becometh his duty therein. 

In testimony whereof we have caused the public seal of our Province 
of Massachusetts Bay aforesaid to be hereunto affixed. Witness, 
Thomas Gage, Esq., Governor of our said Province at Boston, the 
twenty-fourth day of July, 1775. In the fifteenth year of our Reign. 

By his Excellency's command, 

Thomas Flucker, Secretary. 

Province of ttte 

rROVIXCE of TnE ) _ , _ „, 

, r r> > Boston, Aug. 5, L 

Massachusetts Bay \ ' e ' 

Edward Winslow, Esq., within-named, took the oaths appointed by 
Act of Parliament to be taken instead of the oaths of allegiance and 
supremacy repealed, and subscribed the test or declaration therein 
contained, together with the oath of abjuration, also took the oath 
of office. 

Before me, 

Thomas Gage. 

1 Mr. William T. Davis thinks that this commission was to Edward Win- 
slow, jr. 





A List of the Refugees from the County of Plymouth, 

Hon. Peter Oliver, Esq. 
Dr. Peter Oliver, Jr., Esq. 
Ebenezer Spooner. 

Edward Winslow, Jr., Esq. 
Cornelius White. 
John Thomas. 
Gideon White, Jr. 
Lemuel Goddard. 
Elkanah Cushman. 
Thomas Foster, 3d. 

Josiah Sturtevant, Esq. 
Daniel Dunbar. 

Thomas Josselyne. 

Dr. Benj. Stockbridge, Esq, 
Charles Curtis. 
Luke Hall. 

Hon. N. R. Thomas, Esq. 
Abijah White, Esq. 
Deacon John Tilden. 
Capt. Nath. Phillips. 
Pelham Winslow, Esq. 
Dr. Isaac Winslow, Esq. 
Nathaniel Thomas. 
Elisha Foord. 
William Cowper. 
Sylvanus White. 
Stephen Tilden. 
Joseph Tilden. 
Capt. Cornelius White. 
John Baker. 
Warren White. 

John Carver. 

Cornelius White, Jr. 

Joseph Young. 

Ephraim Little. 

Seth Bryant. 

Daniel White, Jr. 

Caleb Carver, Jr. 

Joshua Young. 

Joseph Hall. 

Daniel Thomas. 

Seth Vinal, Jr. 

Edmund Fitzpatrick. 

Israel Tilden. 

Gideon White. 

Gideon Walker. 

Zaref [Zera?] Walker. 
Benjamin Walker. 
Nathaniel Gardiner. 
John Stevens. 
Levi Foord. 
Joseph Phillips. 
Adam Hall, 3d. 
Zephaniah Devrow. 
Thomas Devrow. 
Sybeline White. 
John Baker, Jr. 
Abraham Walker. 
Isaiah Walker. 
Capt. Paul White. 
Capt. Daniel White. 
Simeon Keen. 
Abijah White, Jr. 
Thomas Little. 
Thomas Little, Jr. 
Samuel Foord. 
Elijah Foord. 
Adam Rogers. 
John Little. 
Lemuel White. 
Seth Devrow. 
Seth Vinal. 
Jedediah Ewell. 

1886.] WINSLOW PAPEBS. 286 

Seth Ewell. John Tilden, Jr. 

John Highland. Joshua Tilden. 

Daniel Phillips. Obediah Daman. 

Kenelm Baker. Robert Sherman. 

Asa Thomas. John Ilateh. 

Noah Hatch. Wm. Henry Little. 

Teahodv Little. Caleb Carver, 3d. 

Onesimus Macomber. Samuel White. 

Besides 58 [obliterated] from Marshfield. 1 

[Paper labelled " List of Refugees from Plymouth County."] 

Simon Pease to Edward Wijisloic, Jr. 

Newport, Sept. 20, 1777. 
Dear Sir, — I shall be glad to be jointly concerned with you, to be 
shipped here, by the first vessel, and Freebody will take them on board 
(without you should have an opportunity of shipping them so as to save 
the freight), ten pipes of Madeira wine at 28.10, two pipes of the 
first quality at 42£, and ten pipes of good red port if to be had from 
30 to 35£ sterling per pipe ; also two or three chests of good Bohea 
tea, if to be had at 4 or 4 3 sterling per pound, by all which articles I 
think we may be benefited from twenty to thirty per cent at least. You 
will order the Madeira wine shipt in good order, and let it be of a good 
quality as the sort of wine will admit; the port should choose to have 
by all means good ; if on this trial we should find it will turn to account, 
we may increase the quantity so as to supply the garrison. I shall be 
particularly obliged to you if, without putting yourself to any ill conve- 
nience, you can procure for me the memorandum of articles below. The 
cow is the most material article, but the others we shall be extremely 
glad of; the beef I would not have sent till the weather gets a little 
colder, so that it may come fresh. I wish your health and happiness, 
and am with respect, 

Your most humble servant, 

Simon Pease. 2 

1 I do not know how authentic this list is. It appears to be in a contemporary 
hand, and resembles that of Pelham Winslow. Dr. Isaac Winslow, wbose name 
is here, was not a refugee, though he probably sympathized with the rest of 
his immediate family. One is impressed with the large number reported as from 

- Simon Pease, of Phode Island, was captain in the Loyal Newport Associa- 
tors. He died during this year, and was succeeded by Pigot Jan. 1, 1778. See 
Sabine's Loyalists. He and Edward Winslow, Jr., appear to have had business 
transactions together, and in the following January Pelham Winslow visited 
Newport, on behalf of his cousin, to bring these matters to a settlement. 


A good cow, two quarters of beef, six barrels of Newtown pippins, 
fifty or sixty pounds of good butter in a tub, a bushel or two of shag- 
barks, a quintal or two of good fish, a dozen of live turkeys, — if not too 
dear, say a dollar apiece. 

You mentioned that Liverpool beer was sold at 7/2 per dozen ster- 
ling : should there any be at market for that, or even 8/, I think ten 
or twelve casks of one hundred or twelve dozen each would answer 
here very well. I have sent you twenty-five light half Joannes, which 
you will oblige me in putting off for me; also a small bundle of gold for 
John Wiuslow. 

Yours, S. P. 

A pair of strong leather breeches for a servant. 

Mem. — 2 boxes of candles on board Freebody, directed for you. 

40| Tare, 8 

45| " 10 

86 18 


Boxes 68 @ 2, 6 = 8. 10. 

8. 13. sterling. 

The foregoing is an exact and true copy from the original letter. 

Pel ham Winslow. 
Long Island, Jan. 4, 1778, Andrew Cazneau. 

Pelham Winslow 1 to Edward Winslow, Jr. 

New York, Dec. 2, 1777. 
Dear Sir, — Yesterday a flag of truce arrived here from Boston. 
Miss Grissell Apthorp and the younger son of Colonel Coffin came 
passengers, who acquaint me that our friends at Plymouth, Milton, &c, 

1 Pelham Winslow, the writer of this letter, was the second son of General 
John, who removed the Acadians in 1755. Sympathizing with the British, he 
took refuge in Boston, and on the evacuation went to Halifax, thence to New 
York, enlisting in the service of the Crown, and was a major. Pelham had mar- 
ried Joanna White, a daughter of Gideon White, and sister of Gideon White, Jr. 
He died on Long Island in 1783. See Sabine's Loyalists, vol. ii. 

This letter is addressed to Edward Winslow, a cousin of the writer, son of 
Edward known as the refugee. He joined the royal army at Boston, entered the 
service, and became a colonel, and was, at the time this letter was written, prob- 
ably at or near Philadelphia, as he is here congratulated on the reduction ot 
Red Bank and Mud Island on the Delaware, which occurred Nov. 16 and 18, 1777. 


arc well in health, but greatly dispirited and discouraged in consequence 
of Genera] Burgoyne'a misfortune. Your lather and Bister Sally are 
wry anxious to hear from you ; he is willing to accept of your proposal 

I shall write by return of the flag and let. them know you are well. 

Our frieml ( rid, 1 after a short confinement on board the guard ship at 

Boston, 18 exchanged and arrived at Halifax. Captain Ben Smith ar- 
rived here this day from Madeira; he touched at Newport, where he 
saw your Bi8ter Pen;-' she is well, and has wrote yon hy -Mr. Shealle, 
who sailed from Rhode Island in company with Captain Smith, but is y.t arrived. Your friend Simon Pea8e is no more; he died with the 

small-pox at Mr. Banister's. Captain Smith further informs me that a 

few days before he sailed from Newport a flag of truce arrived from 

Providence, with forty or fifty sailors lately belonging to his Majesty's 
ship ••Syren." who with a tender and a transport >hip were BOme time past 
drove ashore from Point Judith in a heavy gale of wind. The vessels 
were lost, hut the people got on shore and were made prisoners; these 
people bring accounts that General Gates was at Providence with six 
thousand men, and preparing to make a descent upon Rhode Island. 
For further views, politics, &c., I refer you to the bearer. I heartily 
congratulate you upon the reduction of Mud Island and Red Bank, an 
encouraging presage to future conquests. Mr. Marston and myself, 
during the absence of Chip, 3 spent a few days at the valley; your 
friends at that place are well. I have not had any safe opportunity 
of forwarding the papers you left with me for Halifax; when I have, 
you may depend shall embrace it. I mentioned to you before your de- 
parture from this place that I was tired of an idle life; if my assistance 
in yours or any other department would be of any service, should prefer 
it to a state of indolence and inactivity. If you are not like to return 
soon, should be obliged you would forward my warrant by the first 
opportunity, and let me know the fate of Captain Cook's memorial. 
Compliments to my worthy friend Major Balfour concludes me 
Your sincere friend and kinsman. 

Pelham Winslotv. 
Edward Wixslow, Esq. 

Pelham Winslow to Edward Winsloic, Jr. 

Newport, Jan. 28, 1778. 
Dear Sir, — I embrace this first opportunity to acquaint you of my 
safe arrival at this place after a cold and disagreeable voyage of live 

1 Gideon White, the brother of Pelham Winslow's wife. See the interesting 
sketch of him and his descendants by Sabine, vol. ii. pp. 418, 419. 

2 Penelope. 

3 " Chip " is probably Ward Chipman, a youn^ refugee, who about this time 
had returned to his native country and joined the king's troops in New York. 


days. My reception here was kind and friendly, and I have the pleasure 
again to reassure you that I am apprehensive of very little difficulty in 
the settlement of your affairs in this place. Inclosed you have an ab- 
stract of the state of your concerns with Mr. Pease, by which you will 
observe that the port wine and the rum are disposed of: eight pipes of 
the Madeira wine remain unsold; the three pipes sent by Captain 
Dixon in the " Greyhound " never were in the custody of Mr. Pease. 
Your friend Mr. Handheld of the Twenty-second Regiment tells me 
one was delivered to the Twenty-second Regiment, another to the 
Forty-third, and the third to the Fifty-fourth, and that I shall have no 
difficulty in collecting the money. He desires to be particularly remem- 
bered to you. The pipe of wine intended for Dr. Paine was deliv- 
ered Mr. Ruggles, but the Doctor says he will pay me for it. I have 
received better than £400 sterling from Mr. Pease's executors, which I 
have remitted in bills of exchange to Mr. Loring agreeable to your de- 
sire, with a request to pay the balance due from you to Mr. Pagan and 
carry the overplus to the partnership account. Major Barry desires me 
to present his compliments to you, and inform you he never received 
your letter, mentioned in mine to have been wrote to him. He has 
behaved friendly ; without his assistance should have been puzzled to 
procure bills of exchange for New York. Daniel Mason has been very 
attentive to your interest ; he disposed of the rum for you, which he in- 
forms me would have turned out much more profitable, were it not for 
a leakage of fifty or sixty gallons. If you are disposed to speculate fur- 
ther in this way, I would recommend him and Mr. Brindley to your 
particular notice. Captain Webb of Sandwich has lately come from 
the Old Colony, and gives a particular account of the welfare of our 
Plymouth friends. He is bound for New York, with a view to get the 
command of some vessel either in the transport service or the West 
India trade. His loyalty and ability are unquestionable. Should he fall 
in your way, please to notice him. I have the pleasure to acquaint you 
that your father has obtained leave from their high-mightinesses the 
Council of Massachusetts Bay to receive the sundry articles sent to him 
from this place. The bearer hereof, Colonel Cole, has lately had his 
warrant withdrawn from him ; not from any fault, but from his not 
being able to raise many men. This event has greatly distressed him, 
and entirely thrown him out of all business. He is confident, should 
there be an opening into New England, he can complete his [corps?] in 
the spring. His business to Philadelphia is to solicit a renewal of his 
warrant. Should it be in your power to serve him, it would greatly 
oblige him and your friend. 1 I have taken up my quarters at Mrs. Al- 
my's ; she is the good, clever woman you represent her. She de- 
sires ten thousand compliments, but tells me she is not in advance for 

1 Edward Winslow appears to be still at Philadelphia. 


the Miss Millers. Your Bister Pell ifl well, and has wrote you by this 

opportunity. To her I refer you for the news, politics, tittle-tattle, 

&e. of this place; and now, my friend, give me leave to ask. How could 
you express a doubt of my readiness to serve you? The urgency of 
your request gave me pain. Be assured nothing could give me greater 
satisfaction than an opportunity to serve you. Compliments to all 

friends at Philadelphia concludes uie 

Your friend and kinsman, 

Pelham Winslow. 

For Edward WlNSLOW, Esq. 

Pelham Window to Edward Winslow, Jr. 

Newport, June 10, '78. 

Dear Sir, — I wrote you largely by Major Upham, which I pre- 
sume you have received. Have nothing particular to write at present, 
only that your draft from Philadelphia of the 5th of March for thirty 
guineas in favor of Mr. Hutchinson has been lately presented to me and 
duly honored. Sister Pen x is well, and writes by this opportunity. 
We have heard no news very lately from our Plymouth friends, but are 
in daily expectation of it. 

General Browne desires his particular compliments. Please to accept 
the same to you and yours from 

Your friend and humble servant, 

Pelham Winslow. 
Edward "Winslow, Esq. 

[Addressed, " Edward Winslow, Esq., New York, 

favored by Captain Hatch."] 

Francis Green to Edward Winsloio, Jr. 

New York, Sept. 25, 1779. 

Dear Sir, — Enclosed in a letter from my kinsman, Joshua Win- 
slow, Esq., lately arrived from Boston at Halifax, I received with others 
a letter unsealed for you, which this serves to cover. I embrace the 
earliest opportunity of forwarding it. 

By an extract from a Boston newspaper of loth of this month, we 
find they were steadily watching the motions of your fleet, and de- 
termined, if opportunity presented, to effect the destruction of it. It is 

1 He means " your sister Pen." 


a favorite object with them, but I flatter myself their expectations will 
be frustrated by the prudence of our conductors. 

That you may succeed in everything is the warm wish of, dear Sir, 
Yours, with much esteem, 

F. Green. 1 

[Addressed, " To Colonel Edward Winslow, 

commanding the Associated Loyalists, &c, 

Joanna Winslow to Benjamin Marston. 

Plymouth, Oct. 15, 1783. 

The humanity and friendship, my dear Sir, which you have ever dis- 
covered through life towards the unfortunate has induced me to lay 
claim to your friendship. As a cousin and near friend to Mr. Winslow, 
I am assured that you will exert your endeavors for me his afflicted 
widow and his destitute family. I am informed that you are appointed 
agent in Nova Scotia for the unfortunate ones. I have to request your 
presenting a memorial to some gentleman in power in mine and children's 
behalf. I am told by [a] gentleman, my interested friend, that there can 
be no difficulty in obtaining a grant of land and rations for myself and 
two little girls if applied for by [a] gentleman of influence. You are well 
sensible the sacrifices Mr. Winslow made to his loyalty. I was just on 
the point of going to Nova Scotia when news reached me that a violent 
fever had ended Mr. Winslow's life, which in a moment crushed every 
temporal prospect, and sunk me into despair. Should indulgent Heaven 
permit mj brother's return, 2 my mother is determined with her family 
to pass the remainder of her days at Port Rossaway. 3 I think, could I 
be indulged with rations and a grant of land, I might with industry 
support my children there. Here I have no prospect but beggary, — 
every article of furniture taken. My peculiarly distressed situation, I 
hope, will be an apology for the favor I now request. Should it not 
be in your power to obtain this indulgence, I have not a doubt you will 
drop a tear of regret at my sufferings. 

I am, with every sentiment of esteem, your friend and well-wisher, 

Joanna Winslow. 4 

P. S. I have the pleasure of informing you that your beloved sis- 
ters, 5 with their families, are well. I have wrote our worthy Uncle 

1 For a long and interesting notice of Francis Green, a loyalist, see Sabine's 
Loyalists, vol. i. p. 492 et seq. 

2 Her brother Gideon White. 

8 Port Roseway, now Shelburne. 

* This lady, the widow of Pelham Winslow, died in Plymouth, in 1829. 

6 Benjamin Marston had three sisters, each married to a Watson. Elizabeth 
married William Watson ; Patience married Elkanah Watson, and Lucia married 
John Watson. (N. E. Hist, and Geneal. Reg. vol. iv. p. 303). 

1886.] WINSLOW PAPERS. 241 

Winslow ' oo the subject, as I have do male friends in my brother's 
absence who can feel for me and my children. I hope you will nut 
think it, too presuming. 
[Addressed, Benjamin Mabston, Esq., Nova Scotia. 8 ] 

Edward Winslow's Commission as Land Agent, 

] >i,( i Mioi: 20, 1788. 
Know all men by these presents thai I, Henry Edward Fox, Briga- 
dier General, and late commanding his Majesty's forces in the District 

of Nova Scotia, have made, ordained, and appointed, and l>v these pres- 
ents do make, ordain and appoint Edward Wmslow, Esq., .Muster 
Master- General of his Majesty's Provincial Forces, and now residing 
at Halifax, in the Province of Nova Scotia aforesaid, my lawful and 

Sufficient attorney and agent for me, and in my name and behalf to ask, 
apply for, and solicit of the governor or commander-in-chief of the 
Province aforesaid, or of any other person or persons authorized to 
grant the same, any grant or grants of hind in this Province or license 

of location for the same, and also to take or pursue all and every the 
necessary measures for obtaining the proper and requisite title thereto, 
and in my name and behalf to locate and settle such lands as may be 
thus obtained or granted to me in the Province aforesaid ; and to pay 
and advance for me the necessary fees and expenses in procuring or 
completing such grant or grants ; and to deal and intermeddle for me 
and in my behalf in all matters and things touching the premises as 
fully to all intents and purposes as I myself might or could do if per- 
sonally present. I, the said Henry Edward Fox, hereby giving to my 
said attorney and agent my full power, and ratifying, allowing, and 
confirming all and whatsoever my said attorney shall or may do by 
force hereof. In witness whereof I have hereto set my hand and scad 
at Halifax, in the Province aforesaid, the twentieth day of December, 
in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty-three. 

II. E. Fox. 
Signed, sealed, and delivered in presence of 
John Brittain, 
George Williamson. 

Isaac Winshw to Edward Winshio. 

Boston, Nov. 29, 1788. 
Dear Sir, — I now forward a letter from our friend Mr. Spooner, 
which I suppose respects Mr. Marston's bill. The day before, I re- 
ceived a letter from old Mr. Knutton, 3 wherein he mentions his son 

1 Edward Winslow, Esq., of Halifax, was her husband's uncle. 

2 See note 1, p. 231. 

3 John Knutton, of Boston, was proscribed and banished in 1778. 



having received twenty guineas from you, of which I informed Mr. 
Spooner, though Mr. Knutton had not remitted the money to me. I 
now write him to send up the money, as I cannot sell some essence 
spruce he sent me. I will thank you to mention the matter to young 
Mr. Knutton, as Spooner is a friendly man. I would have had him 
have sent the bill to you to remit it. 

I had a letter from young Mr. Sewall that you had put Mr. Willard's 
bond into his hand. I wrote him (Mr. S.) that I had settled the 
dividend that the Colonel's estate would pay here, which is 77. 18. 8 J 
on the amount of the bond and interest, and this sum is not worth 
more than 4/ in the pound. However, I am willing, as I think equitable, 
it be deducted from the bond (that is, the gross sum of 77. 18. 8 J). 
Will thank you for your assistance and advice herein. Here there is 
the freest scope given to the operation of debts from home. You will 
oblige me by letting me be favored with a line, and Mrs. Winslow joins 
me in love to your mother and sisters. If I can be of service to you 
here, it will give me pleasure. 

I am, with esteem, your friend and kinsman, 

Isaac Winslow. 1 

Our affectionate regards to Mrs. Winslow. 

[Addressed, " Hon. Edward Winslow, Esq., 

Kingsclear, St. John's River, New Brunswick.] 

Stephen Miller, Jr., to Colonel Edward Winslow. 

Boston, Nov. 15, 1792. 
[My] dear Sir, — I have waited on the principal Overseer of the 
Poor in this place for the purpose of knowing the conditions on which I 
could procure a lad or two for you, but find them as follow, viz. : that 
they must not go out of the State, must either be taught some me- 
chanical profession, or have twenty pounds when free, and the person 
who takes them must have a recommendation from the selectmen of the 
town. These circumstances preclude the possibility of procuring any 
from the almshouse. But you may depend on my best endeavors, sir, 
to procure some from another quarter, in which, if I succeed, shall 
inform you. With my best respects to Aunt Winslow, and love to 
your little family, I am, with much respect, 

Your affectionate nephew, 
Colonel Edward Winslow. 2 Stephen Miller, Jr. 

1 Was this a son of Dr. Isaac, of Marshfield ? 

2 Colonel Edward Winslow, whom we have designated hitherto as "Jr.," to 
distinguish him from his father, who died in 1784, settled in New Brunswick after 
the war, and became a man of influence, holding many important offices in that 
colony. He died at Fredericton in 1815, aged seventy years. He was one of the 
founders of the Old Colony Club at Plymouth in 1769, and delivered the first 
anniversary address of that association, Dec. 22, 1770. Sabine, as above. 


Mr. Warren stated that the letters from Pelham and Jo- 
anna Winslow were those of his great-grandfather and great- 
grandmother, and that Man-, a daughter, married the son 
of Genera] .lames Warren, of Plymouth; thai the Edward 
Winslow referred to was a noted and active Tory in Ply- 
mouth, frequently referred to in the correspondence of James 
Warren; and that Marshfield was the home of the Winslows, 
and a strong Tory town. He said, also, thai he had the origi- 
nal commission as Major-General, of John Win-low, signed by 
Francis Bernard, Governor, in l"*!-. 

Mr. DEANE also laid before the Society a letter from Dr. 
B. F. Do Costa, of New York, in which he says: — 

u I enclose with this a copy of a letter obtained lasl summer while in 
tlic southwest of England. The original is preserved in the archives <»f 
the old city of Plymouth, the headquarters of Sir Ferdinando (.oil;--, 
and the point of departure of the Popham Colony, which in 1607 Bailed 

to the Kennebec in two ships, the ' Gift of God' and the * Mary and 
John.' under the command of Captain Popham. In the Journal of the 
Popham Expedition, as given in the Collections of the Massachusetts 
Historical Society in 1880, and printed separately, we read that 'soon 
after their first arrival' Captain Robert Davies was despatched in the 
• Mary and John ' to ' advertise both of their safe arrival and forward- 
ness of their plantation . . . with letters to the Lord Chief Justice, 
importuning a supply for the most necessary wants in the subsisting of 
a colony to be sent them betimes the next year.' In annotating that 
Journal, the writer called attention (p. 35 n.) to the change of style in 
the composition, and suggested that this part was not the work of the 
author of the main body of the narrative. It is not stated when the 
second ship, the ; Gift of God,' returned to England ; but it is said 
that when Captain Davies returned the year following. ' they all em- 
barked in this new arrived ship and in the new pinnace, the " Virginia," 
and set sail for England.' This is all drawn from that part of the 
Journal which cannot be attributed to any particular writer. The 
' Mary and John,' instead of returning soon after their arrival, was 
detained until after Dec. 13, 1G07, taking home a letter of that date to 
the King from Captain Popham. Also, while the Journal (p. 35) says 
that when Captain Davies arrived the next year, he came k with a -hip 
laden full of victuals, arms, instruments, and tools,' &c., the Lon- 
don letter speaks of the 'want of good supplies and seconds here' as 
forming one cause why ' it hath not so well succeeded as Boe worthy 
intentions and labors did meritt.' 

"This letter, so far as I can see, takes away nothing of the obscurity 


which invests the subject of the termination of the Colony, even though 
the London letter speaks of the ' Colonie ' as ' forced to returne.' Evi- 
dently there was more or less of misapprehension in regard to the out- 
come of the Popham Colony, disagreeing as I do with those who think 
that it utterly came to an end. The letter addressed to the Plymouth 
people does not speak of it as a complete failure, but as not having suc- 
ceeded so well as * soe worthy intentions and labors did meritt.' I 
believe that when we get the full facts, it will appear that it had an 
influence that is not now appreciated." 

The letter enclosed is from the Council of the Virginia 
Company to the Corporation of Old Plymouth, elated Feb. 17, 
1608 (that is, 1609 N. S.), in which the writers, after refer- 
ring to the attempts of " divers merchants and gentlemen 
of the western parts" to establish a plantation in Virginia 
(that is, in the northern part of Virginia), but which for 
want of supplies and by reason of the coldness of the cli- 
mate, etc., had not succeeded, and the colony had been 
" enforced to return," now propose to those who had shared 
in the " ill success " of that adventure to join hands and 
purses with them in the fostering of the southern planta- 
tion, which from its fruitful country, the fitness of the place 
for habitation, the abundance of rich and staple commodi- 
ties, gives assurance of success. They suggest a conference 
with Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Dr. Sutcliffe, Dean of Exeter, 
to whom they had also written for advice in furtherance of 
their scheme, offering to admit new-comers on the same terms 
as original subscribers. Dr. De Costa courteously communi- 
cates this letter for the use of the Society, and it is here 

After o r hartie Comendacons. Having vnderstood of yo? gen-all 
good disposition towards yo r advancing of an intended plantacon in Vir- 
ginia begun by divers gentlemen and Marchaunts of the Westerne 
parts, w c h since for want of good supplies and seconds here, and that 
the place w c h was possessed there by you : aunswered not those Como- 
dities w c h meight keepe lief in you^ good begynings, it hath not so well 
succeeded as soe worthy intentions and labours did meritt But by the 
Coldenes of the Clymate and other Connaturall necessities yo- Colonie 
was enforced to retorne : We haue thought fitt nothing doubting that 
this one ill success hath quenched you- affections from soe hopefull and 


godlye :m action to acquaynt yo ? briefely w'h the Progresse of on' Colo- 
nic tlic fitnes of the place for habitation and the Comodities that through 
gods blessing our industries baue discovered vnto vs. W'h though per- 
happs you baue beard at large yet vppon lesse assuredness and Creaditt 
then this our informacon : We having Bente •*> yeres past and found a 
Bafe and navigable Riuer begun to builde and plante 50 myles from the 
[here Borne words are illegible, but may be "sea coast' 1 ] hereof, baue Bince 
yerelie supplyed and Bent 100 men from whome we baue assurance of a 
most frutefull countrey for the mayntefince of mans lief and aboundanl 
in rich comodities Bafe from any daunger of the Salvages, or other ruyn 
that maye threaten vs, yf we ioyne freelie togeather and w'h one Conlon 
and patient purse mayneteyne and perfecte ou r foundations: The staple 
and certeyne Comodities we baue are Sope, Ashes, Pytch,Tarre, dyes 
ofsoundry Borts and rich values, Tymber for all vses, ffyshing for Stur- 
geon and divers other sorts, w'h is in that Baye more aboundanl then 

in any parte of the world knowen to VS, making of Glasse and lion, 
and noe vnprobl vnprobable [sic] hope of Richer mynes, the assurednes 
of these besides many other good and publique ends haue made vs re- 
solue to send, in the moneth of March a lardge Bupplye of HOG men 
vnder the goverment of the Lord Dela Warr accompanyed w'h dyvers 
knights and gentlemen of extraordinarye rancke and sufficiency [for 
six lines here a portion of the letter has been torn away, but in no case 
more than a quarter of a line: the omissions are marked by dots in the 
proportion of their length] because the greate Chardge in fur- 
nishing such a nomber hardly drawn from o r single ad- 
ventures we haue the yo- r Corporation of Plymouth to 

ioyne yo r indeavors w'h w-h if you please to 

do, we will vppon yo- Lres incert you for our Patent, and 

admytt and receive so many of you as shall adventure 25 u in 

Corporacon Of w c h to all priviledgs and liberties he shalbe as free, 
as if he hadd begun w'h vs at the first difficult ie. And whereas we 
haue intreated the Right ho b - ,e the Earle of Pembrooke to addresse his 
Ires to his officers in the Staneries, for providing vs 100 mynerall and 
laboring men we do desire that such adventures as shalbe consented to 
amonge you maye be disbursed by some officer, chosen among yo-selues 
for the providing a Shipp marryners and victualls for 6 monethes for 
such a nomber, and tobe readie by the last of march. About w-h tyme 
we purpose w-h our fleete to put in at yo- haven, or where els yo" shall 
appoynt vs, to take them in our Companye. It wilbe too lardge to 
discourse more perticularities of this business by Ire or to promove 
w'h many reasons so good and forward inclinations as we hope and 
receive you 1 ? to be. And therefore desiring onelie your Bpeedie aunswere 
of this, and that you will please to conferr w'h S- fferdinando Gorge 
and in- Doctor Sutcliffe Dean of Exon to whome we haue written to 


assist yo" and vs herein we bid you hartelie farewell. London the 17- 
of february 1 608 

Your verie loving freinds 

Va/^l H^fy 

To the Right wor p -^ our 
verie loving freinds the 
Mayo- and Aldermen 
of the Towne of Plymouth. 

Indorsement on back in another hand: — 

" A Ire from y- Councell of Virginia to the Corporation of Plymouth 
j- xvij- of februarie 1608 And the Aunswere to y- same from y e 

There is no answer among the Corporation records ; but the Corpo- 
ration did not join in the undertaking. 

The foregoing is an exact copy of the original letter from the Coun- 
cil of Virginia in the Muniments of the Plymouth Corporation. 

R. N. Worth. 

Mr. Deane proceeded : — 

The intention is expressed in this letter of sending to the 
colony the next month a large supply of men under the gov- 
ernment of Lord Delaware, to be accompanied by divers gen- 
tlemen of rank. But Lord Delaware himself did not sail till 
the following year. The Virginia Company had applied for a 
new charter, with larger powers and more ample privileges 
than the former ; and probably at the time this letter was 
written, their plans had been substantially perfected by agree- 
ment and their officers appointed, although the new charter 
bears date three months later, — May 23, 1609. In this char- 


ter Lord Delaware is constituted an adventurer and planter; 
and Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Somers, and Captain New- 
port were now commissioned bv the council Leading officers for 
the colony. Gates, Somers, and Newport, with nine ships 
and five hundred men, sailed the first of June for Virginia; 
but they encountered a fearful hurricane on nearing the coast, 
the description of which from the pen of Secretary Strachey, 
as published in Purchas, has become classic as an historic 

By the charter of Apiil 10, 1G0G. two independent colonies 
were contemplated. The first, or southern colony, was de- 
signed for adventurers in the city of London, and such as 
would join with thein and choose a place of settlement within 
the determined hounds. The second, or northern colony, was 
appropriated for the cities of Bristol, Exeter, Plymouth, and 
the western parts of England, and they also were to colonize 
within prescribed limits. By a royal ordinance a superior 
governing council was to be resident in London, consisting 
of forty members selected from among the friends of both 
colonies. 1 

After the failure of the Popham enterprise by the return of 
the colonists to England, and the branding of the country as 
unfit to live in, the adventurers became discouraged, the colo- 
nization scheme was abandoned, and no doubt the organiza- 
tion of the London Council, by the withdrawal of the friends 
representing the northern interest from it, was seriously im- 
paired. Gorges himself, after saying that the colonists "all 
resolved to quit the place, and with one consent to [come] 
away, by which means all our former hopes were frozen to 
death," adds that the work was " wholly given over by the 
body of the adventurers, as well for that they had lost the 
principal support of the design," — b}' the deaths of the broth- 
ers Popham and Sir John Gilbert, — "as also that the country 
itself was branded by the return of the plantation as being 
over cold, and in respect of that not habitable by our na- 

1 Stith, paee 37, Bays that, by tlie royal ordinance of March 0, 1007, revising 
the orders of Nov. 20, 1006, "there was a distinction and separation made of the 
two councils." The orders of 1606 created 'out one council, twelve in number, 
resident in London. The ordinance issued four mouths later enlarged the origi- 
nal council to forty memhers, and provided that both the northern and southern 
interests should he represented in it : that a quorum for business should consist 
of twelve, and not less than six of each party. (Hening, vol. i. pp. 07, 76.) 


tion." 1 " The arrival of these people here in England," says 
the Briefe Relation of the Discovery, &c, of New England, 
"was a wonderful discouragement to all the first undertakers, 
in so much as there was no more speech of setling any other 
plantation in those parts for a long time after." Captain John 
Smith, who was on the coast in 1614, six years after the Pop- 
ham Colony broke up, says : "When I went first to the North 
part of Virginia where the Western Colony had been planted, 
it had dissolved itself within a year, and there was not one 
Christian in all the land," — he means there was no settle- 
ment or colony of Christians there, — " the country being 
then reputed by your Westerlings a most rocky, barren, 
desolate desert." 2 

But Gorges, in a review of this undertaking many years 
afterward, says that he himself did not despair in bringing to 
pass what he had really set his heart upon. But his attempts 
at colonizing what was afterward known as New England were, 
for a number of years after this period, a failure. 

This letter is signed by Sir William Waad, who was Lieu- 
tenant of the Tower; Sir Thomas Smith, for many years Treas- 
urer of the Virginia Company; Edwin Sandys, Knt., the 
successor of Smith as Treasurer of the Virginia Company ; Sir 
Thomas Roe, Knt. ; and Sir William Romney. They rep- 
resented the southern colony in the London Council, their 
names being inserted in the King's orders referred to above ; 3 
and from the indorsement on the letter, it appears to have 
been regarded as an official communication. They also say 
that they have written to Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Dr. 
SutclifTe, Dean of Exeter, both of whom were members of the 
Council as representing the northern colony. 

The application is made to the Corporation of Plymouth, 
as though that body had been adventurers in the northern 
scheme with Gorges and Popham ; and they are now solicited 
to lend their aid to the more promising southern enterprise. 
Plymouth was the headquarters of the northern interest; Gor- 
ges was governor of its fort ; and it is quite probable that the 

i Briefe Narration, pp. 10, 11. 2 True Travells, p. 40. 

3 In the new organization of the southern colony by the charter of May 25, 
1600, a new council was created exclusively for that colony, and these five per- 
sons were appointed, or retained, as members in that organization. (See Hening, 
vol. i. pp. 67, 76.) 

1886.] "EXPLODED " GOATS OF arms. 219 

prominent men there — its mayors and its aldermen — had 

personally invested largely in the late adventure, and joined 
in fitting out the expedition which sailed from thai port on 

the last day of May, L607, with over one hundred men, to 

constitute the Popham Colony, of the ill success of which 

they are now reminded in this letter. The indorsement on 

the letter Bays that " the Corporation did not join in the 
undertaking.' 9 

Mr. Bangs presented to the Society a second tk fourth edi- 
tion " of John Guillim's ww Display of Heraldry," and explained 
its publication as follows: — 

The author of this celebrated book was born in Hereford- 
shire about 1565; was of B rase nose College at Oxford, and 
of the College of Arms in London. He died in 1621. 

Only one edition of his book, that of 1610, was published 
in his lifetime. There was a second in Idol', and a third in 
1638. In 1660, just after the Restoration, a fourth edition 
was published ; and afterwards another fourth edition, so 
called, bearing the date of 1660 on the titlepage, but evi- 
dently not published so early, as it contains a reference to a 
grant of arms as late as Dec. 9, 16(32. There was a fifth edi- 
tion in l<>7ih and a sixth in 1724, — a copy of which is in the 
Boston Public Library. Tbe Boston Athenaeum has a copy 
of the third edition. 

In the titlepage of the second "fourth edition" it is stated 
that "since the imprinting of this last edition many offensive 
Coats (to the Loyal party) are exploded ; " and after the two 
dedications, to Charles II. and the Duke of Somerset, comes 
the following : — > 


The Most Concern'd 



My Lords and Gentlemen 

This inestimable piece of Heraldry, that hath past four Impressions 
with much approbation, had the unhappy fate in the last, to /tare a blot 
in its Escocheon, viz. The insertion of Olivers Creatures ; which as 
no merit could enter them in such a Rcyimcnt but Usurpation, so we 



have in this fifth Impression exploded them and incerted the Persons, 
Titles and Dignities of such as Ids Majesty {since his blessed Restaura- 
tion) conferred Honour upon ; that so the Corn may be intire, of one 
Sheaf, and the Grapes of one Vine. R. B. 

[Richard Blome.] 

Upon comparing the two impressions it appears that the " ex- 
ploded " are but eighteen in number, and are as follows : — 

p. 141. Roger Hill. He beareth, Gules, a Cheuron, engrailed, 
Ermine, between three Garbes, Or, by the name of Hill of Somerset- 
shire, a very ancient Family there, of which is Roger Hill, one of the 
Barons of the Exchequer. 

According to Noble, 1 he was named to be one of the Com- 
missioners of the High Court of Justice to try King Charles L, 
but would not sit as such. 

p. 146. Row. He beareth, Argent, on a Cheuron, Azure, between 
three Treefoiles parted per Pale Gules, and Vert, as many Bezants, 
being the coat of Sir Henry Row of Shakelwell, of Colonel Owen 

Row &C. 

Colonel Owen Row (Roe), a younger brother, descended 
from Sir Thomas Rowe, Knt., Lord Mayor of London in 1568, 
was one of the Company of Massachusetts Bay in 1629 ; was 
one of the Regicides, and signed Charles's death-warrant ; 
was Cromwell's Scoutmaster-General, — though Carlyle calls 
that officer William. 

To the notice of him in Young's " Chronicles of Massa- 
chusetts," it may be added that at his trial he confessed and 
implored mercy, making a sufficiently pusillanimous speech ; 
was convicted, but never sentenced ; and sent back to the 
Tower, where he died Dec. 25, 1661. 2 

p. 148. Hon. John Thurloe. He beareth, Sable, a Cheuron, Er- 
mine, between three Cinquefoyles Or, being the Coat of the honourable 
John Thurloe, Secretary of State. 

" One of the expertest Secretaries," according to Carlyle ; 
had Milton for under-secretary, author of a well-known Col- 

1 Noble's Life of Cromwell, vol. i. p. 433. 

2 Noble's Lives of the Regicides, vol. ii. p. 150 ; Rushworth, vol. vii. p. 1426 ; 
Carlyle's Cromwell, vol. i. p. 297; Young's Chronicles of Mass. p. 91 and note. 

1880.] "EXPLODED" (oats OF A.EM8. 251 

Lection of State Papers, — altogether too well known to need 

much said about him. 1 

p. 182. Tobias Combe. He beareth, Ermine, three Lyons Passant 
in Pale, Gules, and is the Coat of Tobias Combe of Helmsled-Bury in 
(he County of Hartford Esquire, whose bod and heir Richard was 
Knighted by (Hire,- late Protector. 

Said by Noble 2 to be of " Felmeston-Bury " Herts. Richard 
was knighted August, lb'ob*. 

p. 189. Sir Michael Livesey, He beareth, Argent, a Lyon Ram- 
pant, Gules, between three Trefoyles, Vert, and is the Coat of Sir 
Michael Livesey of East Church in the Isle of Shipey in the County 
of Kent. Baronet. 

Created July 11, 1627 ; known during the Protectorate as 

the k ' Plunder Master General of Kent ;" was on the court to 
try King Charles, and signed his death-warrant, but escaped, 

and was never heard of more. 3 

p. ISO. Sherman. He beareth, Ardent, a Lyon Rampant, Sable, 
between three I lolly leaves, Proper, by the oanie of Sherman^ of this 
Family are Samuel) John and Edward (old M. correction says Ed- 
inond) sons of S(tmuel Sherman of Dedham in Essex, originally 
extracted from Yaxley in Suffolk; Which Edward Sherman being of 
London, Merchant, hath marryed Jane Daughter of John Wall of Brom- 
ley by June daughter and Ileire of Sayer. 

The Hon. Roger Sherman, grandfather of our associate the 
Hon. E. R. Hoar, was of this family. 4 

p. 190. Kinardsley. He beareth, Azure. Crusily, a Lyon Rampant, 

Argent, Armed and Langued, Gules, by the name of Kinardsley of 
Loxley in the County of Salop which Family was of good note before 
and at the time of the Conquest a singular Ornament of which is at this 
time Clement Kinardsley of the Wardrobe. 

p. 102. Fines. He beareth, Saphire, three Lyons Rampant, Topaz, 

Armed and Langued, Ruby. This is the Coat of the Right Honour- 
able William Viscount Say and Secle, and of his truly noble BOns the 

1 Carlyle'a Cromwell, vol. ii. p. 73 : Noble's Life of Cromwell, vol. i. p. 364. 

2 Noble's Cromwell, vol. i. p. 443. 

3 Noble's Lives of the Regicides, vol. ii. p. "> ; Roshworth, vol. v ii. p. 1120. 
* See N. E. Hist, uiul Genual. Reg. vol. xxiv. pp. 66-168. 


Lord John Fines and the Lord Nathaniel Fines, one of his Highnesse 
Honourable Counsell, and Commissioner of the Great Seal 1658. 

William Fiennes, created by James I. Lord Viscount Say 
and Seele, thought of coming to America, but was deterred by 
observing the strength and temper of the Long Parliament. 
Cromwell appointed him one of his Upper House, but he 
retired to the Isle of Lundy, and lived there during the 

Charles II. made him a Privy Councillor and Lord Privy Seal. 
He died April 14, 1662, aged eighty. His brother Charles 
Fines signed the letter aboard the " Arbella " April 7, 1630, 
but never came to this country. Sir Richard Saltonstall 1 was 
h:s kinsman. 

His son Nathaniel Fiennes was one of Oliver's lords, one 
of the Commissioners of the Great Seal, inclined to the Inde- 
pendents. Being governor for Parliament of Bristol in 1642, 
he surrendered it to the royalists after only a day's siege, for 
which he was tried by court-martial and sentenced to death, 
but was pardoned. He was Lord Keeper to both Oliver and 
Richard. Died at Newton-Toney, near Salisbury, Dec. 16, 
1669, much neglected and in great obscurity. 2 

" Nathaniel Fiennes, alias Fines, alias Fenys, as he was once called 
when condemned to be shot for surrendering Bristol : second son of 
' Old Subtlety ' Say & Seele ; and now " again (11 April 1657)" a busy 
man and Lord Keeper, opeus his broad jaw and short snub-face full of 
hard sagacity." 

His third son, John Fiennes, was also one of Oliver's lords. 3 

p. 192. Mildmay. He beareth, Argent, three Lyons Rampant, 
Azure, which is the coat of Mildmay of Essex, a flourishing and 
very worthy family. 

William Mildmay, who graduated at Harvard in 1647, was 
a son of Sir Henry Mildmay of Graces, in Essex, who was own 
cousin to our Governor John Winthrop, being the second son 

1 Young's Chronicles of Mass. p. 298 ; Noble's Cromwell, vol. i. p. 377 ; 
Nugent's Memorials of Hampden, vol. ii. p. 26. 

2 Noble's Cromwell, vol. i. p. 371 ; Harleian Mis. vol. vi. p. 489 ; Lord 
Nugent's Memorials of Hampden, vol. ii. p. 29 (with portrait) ; Carlyle's Crom- 
well, vol. ii. p. 287. 

3 Noble's Cromwell, vol. i. p. 402 ; Harleian Mis. vol. vi. p. 503. 

L886. u EXPLODED M 00 LT8 OF ABM8. 

ol* Sir Thomas Mildmay, Knt., of Springfield Barnes, and of 
Agnes I according to Burke) or Alice I according to Whitmore ) 
Winthrop, daughter of A. lam (2d ) Winthrop. The father of 
Sir Thomas was William, of Springfield Barnes, who married 
Agnes (Sharpe) Winthrop, widow of Adam 2d. 

Sir Henry Mildmay the Regicide was Becond cousin to Sir 
Henry of Graces, being the son (according to Burke) of 
Humphrey of I lanbury, and grandson of Walter of Ape thorpe, 1 
brother of William of Springfield Barnes aforesaid. (Noble 
Bays hr was son of Sir Thomas by France 8, daughter of Henry 
EtatclhT, Marl of Sussex.) Though he sal in the High Court 
Beven days, he was not executed, but condemned to Btand 
under the gallows with a rope about his neck. Pepys saw 
the Bled waiting to take him there one Monday morning. 
Savage Bays that William (H. C, 1647) ''ranked lowest in 
his class, yet had his A.M. in regular course," as if he sup- 
1 that rank was then according to scholarship, not Bocial 
position, as Sibley says.'- It" Sibley is right, it gives an 
exalted idea of the social position of the members of the class 
of 1647 to find the son of an English country gentleman of 
ancient family and knightly rank lowest on the list. 8 

p. I'.'l'. //>>/>. J,»},, i Lisle. He beareth, Topaz, on a Chief Saphire, 
three Lyons Rampant of the first. This is the coat of the right honour- 
able John Lisle, Commissioner of the great Seale of England 1 

Of the family of John de Insula Veeta (of the Isle of 
Wight); Bummoned by that name to the House of Lords in 
the reign of King Edward II. ; son of Sir William Lisle, 
of the Isle of Wight, Knt., bred to the law; sat for Win- 
chester 15th and 16th Charles I.; became a colonel in the 
army, and sat in the High Court of. Justice at tie' trial of the 
king. Noble says he Bigned the death-warrant, but I do not 
find bis name in Rushworth's List. II«' was president of Crom- 
well's I [igh ( 'oiirt of Justice and one of his Lords : re! ired to the 

1 Sir Walter Mildmay, I Chancellor of the Duchy "f Lancaster and <>f the i'\- 
ehequer, founder in 1681 of Emmanuel College; died May 31, 1689 (Burki - 
wrongly 1676). Wilaon'i Memorabilia Cantabrigia), p. 286; rercentenary Fee- 
tival of Emmanuel, p. 67. 

-' Proo. Maae Ili-v 8oc rol. rill, p. 82. 
B i Diet. M Mildmay ; " Nobl roLii. p. 69; Burke'9 

Peerage and Baronage (ed. i^ v i . "MUdmay;" Drake'i Boston, p 72; N. B. EDat 
and Gencal. Reg. vol. xviii. p. I8fl ; Pepys, vol. ii. p. 1-7. 


Continent, was proscribed, and his estates confiscated. Three 
Irish ruffians shot him dead as he was going to church at 

His widow, the Lady Alicia Lisle, was tried by Jeffries in 
1685 for concealing persons concerned in Monmouth's Rebel- 
lion, and sentenced to be hung, but "in respect of her gen- 
tility " was only beheaded. 

His daughter Bridget married the Rev. Leonard Hoar, 
President of Harvard College. 1 

p. 193. Sprignall. He beareth, Gules, two Bars Gemelles, in Chief 
a Lyon Passant, Or, which was the Coat of Sir Richard Sprignall of 
Highgate in the County of Middlesex, Baronet, late deceased, Father 
of Sir Robert Sprignall, Baronet, living 1659. 

This coat was " exploded " probably because Sir Richard 
Sprignall married Ann, daughter of Sir Michael Livesey the 
Regicide, as stated in Noble's " Lives of the Regicides," vol. ii. 
p. 5, where Sir Richard Sprignall is said to be of Coppen- 
thorpe in Yorkshire, and to have been created baronet by 
Charles I. in 1641. 

This coat reappears in the sixth edition of Guillim, p. 171, 
and is said there to have been granted in 1639. 

p. 193. Steele. He beareth, Or, a Bend, Compony, Ermine & 
Sable, between two Lyons heads erased, Sable, on a Chief of the 
last three Billets, Argent, and is the bearing of the Right Honorable 
William Steele late Lord Chief Baron of the Exchequer, and now Lord 
Chancellor of the Kingdome of Ireland. 

One of Oliver's lords. 2 

p. 199. Disborow. He beareth, Argent, a Fesse between three 
Bears heads couped, Sable, unified, Or, which is the Coat of the Hon- 
ourable Lord John Disborow, one of his Highnesse Privy Counsell, and 
Generall at Sea, and Major Generall of the West. 

Cromwell's well-known brother-in-law and one of his lords. 3 

1 Noble's Cromwell, vol. i. p. 373; Harleian Mis. vol. vi. p. 494; Noble's 
Lives of the Regicides, Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll. vol. viii. 4th series, p. 571, note; 
vol. v. 5th series, p. 104 ; vol. vi. 5th series, p. 8*. 

2 Noble's Cromwell, vol. i. p. 396. 

3 Noble's Cromwell, vol. ii. p. 274 ; Harleian Mis. vol. vi. p. 490. 

1886.] u EXPLODED " COATS OF Ai;.MS. 255 

p. 224, Whitlock. He bearetb, Azure, a Cheuron engrailed, between 
three Falcons or Sparhawks^ Or. Thia is the Coal Armour of the 
Right Honorable Bulstrode Whitlock, one of the Commissioners of the 
(rtaoJ Sea/, And now of the Treasures/iip of his Highnesse, l 1 

This is Carlyle's "learned" Bulstrode, w w < 1 1 1 1 1 Bulstrode, 
" whose qualities are always fat and good." One of Oliver's 
lords; author of "Memorials of English A.ffairs," "Journal 
of the Swedish Embassy," etc. 1 

p. '2'2'k Sleigh. He beareth, Gules, a Cheuron embattiled, between 
three Owles, Argent, by the name of Sleigh of London, and was the Coal 
of Edmund Sleigh, Sheriff of London, 1654, whose Wido\* is now wife 
of the Honourable John [reton Lord Mayor. 

This connection accounts for the " explosion " of the 


j). 228. Christmas. He beareth, Gules, on a Fesse counter battilee y 
Or, three Choughs, Proper, by the name of Christmas, and is the Coat- 
armour of William and Robert Christmas of London Merchant Adven- 

Possibly one of these was Pepys's old schoolfellow : — 

'•Here dined with us two or three more country gentlemen ; among 
the rest Mr. Christmas, my old schoolfellow, with whom I had much 
talk. He did remember that I was a great Roundhead when I was a 
hoy, and I was much afraid that he would have remembered the words 
that I said the day the King was beheaded (that, were I to preach upon 
him, my text should he — 'The memory of the wicked shall rot'); 
but T found afterwards that he did go away from school before that 
time." - 

p. 256. Wheeler. He beareth, Or, a Cheuron between three Leop- 
ards heads. Sable, by the name of Wheeler, and is the coat of Sir 
William Wheeler, knighted by Oliver, late Lord Protector 2-3 Aug. 

Member in the Long Parliament forWestbury; created a 
baronet Aug. 11, 1660, being then member for Queenborough. 
He occurs several times in Pepys, — Lord Sandwich trying 

1 Noble's Cromwell, vol. i. p. 385 ; Ilarleian Mis. vol. vi. p. 404. 

2 Pepys (Bright's ed.), vol. i. p. 207. 


to borrow money of him, dining with him, etc. This coat 
reappears in the sixth edition of Guillim, p. 260. l 

p. 293. Clepole. He beareth, Topaz, a Cheuron, Saphire, between 
three Heurts. 2 This is the Coat of Sir John Clepole, Knight and Baro- 
net, Clerk of the Hamper, Father of John Clepole, Esquire, Master of 
the Horse, who marryed Elizabeth, Second Daughter of Oliver, late Lord 

Husband of Oliver's favorite daughter ; an inoffensive man ; 
was not disturbed after the Restoration, and lived until 

This coat was granted in 1588 to James Claypole, then a 
yeoman ; reappears in the sixth edition of Guillim, p. 857, and 
is borne now by the Clepoles of Norborough. 3 

None of the exploded coats are in the third edition of Guil- 
lim ; three reappear in the sixth edition ; and all, except 
Thurloe, are in Burke's " General Armory " (edition of 1843) 
as borne by families of their respective names, — Sherman, 
Steele, and Christmas, — with slight differences. 

To the eighteen should, I think, be added the following, al- 
though in the Society's copy it appears; but on a second page 
115, uncolored, and evidently inserted by accident, the name 
being also omitted from the Index. 

p. 115. Haynes. He beareth, Argent, three Crescents parted paly 
wavy Gules, Azure, by the name of Haynes which Family is not a little 
splendid by the actions of two persons of it, Father and Son, whose 
conduct and management of their commands at Jamaica where the noble 
Colonel unfortunately though honorably fell, and lately at Dunkirke, by 
the Son, may not sleep in oblivion. 

Major-General Haynes was second in command at Jamaica. 
He was killed in action April 26, 1655. " During the action 
he was at one time engaged with no less than eight of the 
enemy, one of whom he slew, and desperately wounded the 
rest. A little before his death he cried out that if only six brave 
fellows would stand by him, he would soon force the enemy to 
retreat. But not a man came to his assistance, and, having 

i Noble's Cromwell, vol. i. p. 444; Pepys (Bright's ed.), vol. hi. pp. 107, 118, 
121, 130, 131, 226. 

2 " Heurt" is "Whortleberry." (Guillim.) 

8 Noble's Cromwell, vol. ii. p. 370; Pepys (Bright's ed.), vol. i. p. 224. 


received a mortal thrust from a lance, In- fell like an old Io- 
nian, covered with wounds and glory." The enemy numbered 
three hundred, mostly negroes and mulattoes. "Captain 
Haynes, son to the Major-General, at the head of twenty 
horse totally dispersed them, without Loss of a man, and res- 
cued his father's dead body." 

This coat is the same as that granted in L578 t<> Nicholas 
Haynes, grandfather of John Haynes, Governor of Massachu- 
setts and Connecticut (bom 1594; died March 1, 1658-4, at 
Hartford, ( tonnecticul ). 

The Major-General who fell at Jamaica was therefore of 
the Governor's kin, and may have been his younger brother 
Emanuell. 1 

Mr. A.ppleton presented to the Society an original letter 
relating to the Flag of Fort McHenry, from which letter 
Admiral Preble obtained facts for the second edition of Ids 
work on "Our Flag;" and a copy of " Land League Songs" 
by Miss Fanny Parnell, which was presented to him by the 

It was announced that the next meeting of the Society 
would be held on the third Thursday of April, the 15th, at 
noon, the Governor having designated the second Thursday 
of that month as Fast Day. 

1 Long's Bistory of Jamaica, vol. i. pp. 230, 231 ; N. E. Hist, aiul Geneal. Reg. 
vol. xxiv. pp. 126, 1-3 



The Annual Meeting was held on Thursday, the loth in- 
stant, at noon, Dr. George E. Ellis in the chair. 

The minutes of the last meeting were read bv the Recording 

The donations to the Library for the past month were re- 
ported by the Librarian, and among them were the " American 
Cyclopaedia,"' from D. Appleton & Co., publishers : Lord 
Macaulay's Works, in eight volumes, from Dr. Everett : and a 
copy of the u Ordinance of Secession " adopted by the people 
of Virginia in 1861, which was taken, by permission of General 
Devens, from the house of Jefferson Davis in Richmond, on 
the 7th of April. 1865, by Mr. R. B. Forbes, of this city. 

It was mentioned by the Corresponding Secretary that Mr. 
Horatio Hale, of Clinton, Ontario, Canada, had signified his 
acceptance of his election as a Corresponding Member. 

The President announced the decease of the Hon. John 
J. Babson, the historian of Gloucester, and paid a tribute to 
his worth, and stated that Mr. C. C. Smith had been appointed 
to prepare a memoir of him for the Proceedings. 

Mrs. Nathaniel Thayer, of this city, presented a marble bust 
of Alexander Hamilton, a copy of the original one by Houdon. 

The President read a communication from Mrs. Henry P. 
Sturgis, of Boston, who enclosed the following letter, written 
by the purser of the United States steamer •• Susquehanna " 
to one of the firm of Messrs. Russell & Sturgis* of Manila, 
giving an account of the first attempt to open communication 
with the Emperor of Japan on behalf of the Government of 
this country : — 

U.S. Steam Frigate " Susquehanna," 
Japan, 14 July, 1853. 

My dear Mr. : Let me give you a rapid sketch of our do- 
ings since we left Hong-Kong for Shanghai, where we carried Mr. Mar- 
shall the Commissioner. 1 We called at Macao for him and for Dr. 

1 This was the late Hon. Humphrey Marshall, then minister of the United 
States xo China. — Eds. 


Parker, 1 who went with us, being Secretary of Legation. After our arrival 
at Shanghai, we attempted to take ( lolonel Marshal] and suite to Nankin ; 
but our Bteamer is too large, and we grounded fifteen miles up the Yang- 
tee- Kiang River, and returned. Earlj in M:i\ Commodore Perry arrived, 
and transferred hie flag to our ship from the "Mississippi;" and on the 
23d we Btarted for the Loo-Choo islands, arrn ing at Napa- Kiang on the 
26th. About ten days afterwards we marched to Slieudi, the capital of 
the island, to make our respects to the Regent, who did not Beem to ap- 
preciate our politeness, but was extremely anxious to prevent the \i-it 
and to induce us to go away. But we insisted on being friendly and 
polite, although he came on board to beg us uol to go, and made use of 
all the diplomacy of helplessness, but in vain. They have a boh horror 
of missionaries, and are extremely reluctant to have strangers come 
amongst them. On the 9th of June we Bailed for the Bonin [elands, 
where the depot must be it' they establish a line of steamers between 
Shanghai and California. We arrived at Port Lloyd on the 1 1th, and 
Bailing on the 18th returned to Napa on the 23d. On the 2d of July 
iled on the grand Japan expedition, and on the 8th ran up the 
magnificent Bay of Jeddo, the capital of the Empire. Our arrival was 
Bignalized by rockets from the forts; and very Boon a great number of 
came off and Burrounded us. but we would not let any one come 
on hoard until we were informed that the Governor of Uraga was along- 
side. We immediately invited him and his suite on board, and 
them a polite reception. They were very gentlemanly in their deport- 
ment, and. pretending not to know our object, inquired why we had 
come into that forbidden portion of the Empire. We told them very 
distinctly that we were the bearers of a letter from the President of the 
United States to his Majesty the Emperor of Japan, which we had 
coin-' here to deliver. They contended that no communication could 
be received here, — that it must be delivered at Nagasaki and presented 
through the Dutch. We told them that our President's letter could 
not be presented through any foreign people, but musl be received 
directly from ourselves by the high authorities of Japan. We told 
them also that as we pledged our word that no American should land 
or molest them, we could not Buffer our ships, armed as they were with 
. guns, to be Burrounded, as was usual, by their boats, and that it' 
they did not leave the vicinity of the ship- in fifteen minutes, we would 
fire into them and -end the armed men whom they saw before them to 
v or disperse them. The Governor and Borne of his Buite looked 
eagerly at the big guns, tried to lift the sixty-four-pound .-hot, viewed 
■rn array of the marines, put their heads into the muzzles of the 

1 TV. Peter Parker was both physician and missionary, not only among the 
ere, '"it among the upper-class Chinese. He was also Interpreter to the 

American Embassy, and subsequently full minister. — Eos. 


eight-inch guns to be satisfied of their size, seemed to be convinced there 
was no mistake, then waved his fan and gave orders to the boats, which 
immediately dispersed and never assembled near us again. This ship 
towed the " Saratoga" and the "Mississippi" and the "Plymouth" all 
the way. After many attempts to change our determination, which we 
always met with courteous firmness on our part, they told us, yesterday 
afternoon, that the Prince of Idzu, a high councillor of State, had been 
appointed by the Emperor a full ambassador to receive the President's 
letter; that he had already arrived and proposed that the Commodore 
should land with his staff and guards to present the letter at Gori-Hama, 
about two or three miles below Uraga, — a jnace much better suited to 
the purpose, and where they were now erecting buildings for the cere- 
mony. We agreed without hesitation, never caring for Golownin's fate 
or troubling our heads about treachery, etc. Accordingly, this morning 
we landed about fifty officers, about two hundred blue jackets, and about 
one hundred and twenty marines, and two bands of music. Buchanan * 
was the first to land, Major Zeilin the second, and your friend the 
purser the third. As the men landed we rapidly formed them on the 
beach; and when the Commodore arrived, placing him and the officers in 
the centre, we marched right up to about five thousand Japanese troops 
drawn up in different lines to receive us ; and passing through them, the 
officers entered the building where the Prince was awaiting our arrival. 
The Governor of Uraga and his interpreter then received the letter of 
the President to the Emperor, and the letter of credence of Commodore 
Perry, 2 having the seal of our country enclosed in golden boxes, and on 
their knees put them into a Japan box, which they secured with silk 
cords, by command of the Prince to be carried out in that manner to 
the Emperor. We then bowed ourselves out of the temporary building, 
after receiving the credentials of the Prince and a receipt for the 
letter. The effect as we approached the shore was beautiful and excit- 
ing: a mere handful, less than four hundred Americans, were landing 
in the face of five thousand troops, whose various Eastern dresses and 
silken banners were imposing, whose character for cunning and duplicity 
was well known, and who were supported by countless multitudes cover- 
ing the neighboring hills. But the moment we came near enough to 
compare ourselves with them, all ideas of treachery vanished ; for there 
was not a Yankee who did not feel that with one broadside, one war- 

1 He was commander of the " Susquehanna," and afterwards, during the Civil 
War, belonged to the Confederate army, and was at one time confined in Fort 
Warren. — Eds. 

2 In the "Narrative of the Expedition of Commodore Perry to the China Seas 
and Japan," compiled by Francis L. Hawks, D.D., LL.D. (chap, xiii.), this letter 
is given, together with many interesting details of the landing, and an engraving 
representing the scene when President Fillmore's letter to the Emperor was 
delivered. — Eds. 

POBTBA1 is AND Bl KB, 261 

whoop, and a rush upon them with the oold iteel ire oould 

many as oould stand before us. Their nm.>ldmilik.- dressy, their 

antiquated arms, spears, and cross-bows, matchlocks, and about 

old Tower muskets, and four or ii\-- two-pound, field-pieces. Their 

officers, dressed in -ilk ami seated OD ••amp Btools, in front of tin- soldiers 

under umbrellas, made us feel confident thai we could drive any Dumber 
of them like pigeons before our eagles. Your navj bas accomplished 
in six days what it required tin- Emperor of all the Russias six months 
to succeed in ; yes, and more, — for his letter was delivered at Naga* ki 
under many restrictions, ami ours was received near Jeddo, freeh 
directly, by a prince of the Empire specially appointed for the purpose. 
We have landed at their own instance at this heretofore sealed portion 
of the Empire; we have unfurled the Btars ami Btripes t<> their bri 
ami awakened the echoes of their hills for the firel time Bince the < jrea- 
tion to the music of " Yankee Doodle" and •• I [ail Columbia." We have 
Burveyed their harbor, promised to return with a large force nexl spring 
for our answer, and left them on the most friendly terms, « ithoul a single 
accident or disturbance. We Bailed on the 17th. arrived agaio at Napa 
on the 25th, -ail d August 1, and arrived at 1 1< >k^- K , .n^ August 7. 
The Japanese gentlemen wear two Bwords ami one Jan .' 

Mr. Chase presented to the Society an original portrait of 
Charles ( Jarroll, of Car roll ton, by Thomas Sully, which formerly 
belonged to the late Governor SwanD of Maryland. 

Judge Hoar presented Whall's picture of the Apostle Eliot 

ihing to the Indians , Salter's portrait of the I hike of Wel- 

ton, which was taken from personal sittings of the Duke; 
ami Chotcr Harding's of Daniel Webster, which had 1m en 
bequeathed by tin- late John II. Eastbum to tin- Society. 

The Hon. R, ('. Winthrop presented an original miniature 
likeness of Oliver ( Sromwell, by Samuel ( Jooper, which had been 
lefl to him by the late Mr. Joseph Coolidge, of this city, with the 
wish thai it might ultimately be deposited with this Society. 

The President presented a Bermon delivered by Mather 
Byles, March 6, IT 1 ''", being a day appointed by of his 
Majesty as a public thanksgiving for the Bignal successes 
granted to the British arms. 

Mr. Jenks presented an outline map showing a portion of 

the town of Canton in 17Jo. 

Mr. T. c. Amory presented a catalogue of Bixty or more 

portraits of Daniel Webster and of more than ten Matties. 
Statuettes, and busts. Many on the list are repetitions, lmt a 




large number are originals. The names of nearly twenty dif- 
ferent artists are given, and of the proprietors when known. 
This pious tribute to a great memory is the work of General 
James Dana ; and Mr. Amory said that at his request this 
copy had been sent to him by the compiler to be presented to 
the Society. 

Catalogue of Portraits, etc., of Daniel Webster. Compiled by 
James Dana, 1883. 




Museum Fine Arts . . 

. . Boston. 


Mrs. Peter Harvey . . 



Charles H. Joy . . . 




Harvey D. Parker . . 



Purchased of Mrs. 

Harvard Law School . 

. Cambridge. 


Joseph Burnett . . . 

Southboro', Mass. 


Formerly in Astor 
House, N. Y. 

Mrs. Fletcher Webster 

. . Marshfield. 



Dartmouth College 

. . Hanover. 


Gift of Dr. J. Baxter 

Phillips Academy . . 

. . Exeter. 


Gift of Marshfield 

United States . . . 

. . Capitol. 



. . Palace- Versailles. 


City of Boston . . . 

. . Faneuil Hall. 


Answering Haines. 

Franklin Haven . . 

. . Boston. 



Family of Lord Ashburton . London. 


Presented to Lord 

Ashburton by Mr. 


Webster at the time 

of the Treaty. 

Mr. Justice Blatchford 

. . New York City. 



Abram Binninger . . 

tt i( a 


Painted for Lorenzo 
Draper,while U. S. 
Consul at Paris. 

Union League Club . 

. . Philadelphia. 


Boston Athenaeum 


. Full length. 1849. 

Mrs. John P. Healy . 

. Boston. 


Misses Fletcher . . 

. Cambridge. 


Mrs. Fletcher Webster 

. Marshfield. 


Copy of Mrs. J. P. 
Healy 's. 

Alexander S. Webb . 

. 15 Lexington Ave- 
nue, New York 



Painted for " Hone 

Rice W. Payne . . . 

. . Warrenton, Va. 



tt (i 

<( (< 



Family of Commodore 

Stockton Trenton, N. J. 

C. J. H. Woodbury ... 31 Milk Street, Boston. 

^4 life size. 



Mechanics' Institute 
Thomaa W. Pierce 

Henry Williams 

Dartmouth College 

- Fletcher . . . . 
John M. Batchelder , , 
State of New Hampshire 
Mrs. Paran Steveni . . 

Mrs. Fletcher Webster 




Cambi : 


2 I I Fifth Avenue, 
New York City. 

L a wmm, Hii " < Original " Full 

length. 1-1 1. 

Full length. 
Pre* ni< 1 by John 

A. kin ,t a/, of 


//■ -. 

Full length 


i Institute Bah 

Of* Boston Charlestown City 


United States State Depart- 

I Ul last work ; 

formerly in Re- 
li is< par- 

Stuart. Painted for Ed- 

mund Dwight. 

Jam Stuart. ( lopy oi preceding, 
presented by 
Mrs. .). Morten 
Warn U. 

/ '■ ; ( . 

(i. Washington Warren 
Dartmouth < tallege 
Mrs. David McUvray 
s Fletcher . . . 
James French >.v Son . 

Benjamin French . . 

Mrs. Ilenrv B. Pearson 



I 'fn. 

1868. Presented 
to the city of 
Charlestown by 

Citizen* thereof. 

In Diplomatic Re- 
ception Room. 

226 Washington 

Street, Boston. 

319 Washington 
Street, Boston. 

42 Worcester 

Square, B »■ 

Franklin Haven .... Boston. 
Pilgrim Society Pilgrim Hall, 

Mrs. Dr. Lindsley .... Washington, I). C. 
Family of the late William 

II. Seward New fork. 

Gordon W. Burnham . . New York City. 

Supposed to be 

Full length. 

1 Mr lAWlOO hM painted MMM fifteen B :'ved to bo chiefly ownc 1 iu 




Miniatures, i 





Mrs. R. M. Staigg . . . . 

Chapel Station 





Massachusetts Historical 




Massachusetts Historical 



Miss Goodridg 


Family of Miss Goodridge . 



Henry Cabot Lodge . . . 


« a 

Mrs. Daniel Webster . . . 

New York. 


Edward A. Kelly .... 

9 Marlborough 
Street, Bos- 



Presented by Mr. 
Webster to 
Grace Fletcher 
at the time of 
their engage- 
ment. Believed 
to be the first 

Thomas B. Lawson . . . 



Edward S. Tobey .... 



Stephen M. Allen .... 


1852. Daguerreo- 
type. Pre- 
sented by Mr. 

United States ..... 


Enlarged photo- 

Robert C. Winthrop . . . 


Eastman Johnson 

. At Washington, 
1843 or 1844. 
At Mr. Win- 
throp's request. 

Statues, Busts. 


City of New York . . . . 

Central Park. 


Life size. Gift of 
Gordon W. 

Commonwealth of Mass. 

State House 



Life size. Order of 
General Court. 

Dartmouth College . . . 


D. P. Ives & Co 




George W. Nesmith . . . 



Stamped in 

Marshall P. Wilder . . . 



Statuette copy. 

tt U 


Stamped in 

John M. Batchelder . . . 


Stamped in rub- 






•7' r. 


Frederick Jones . . 

. . New [pswicb, 

N. 11. 

8tataette< Pot 

many \ etlf 

owned by Dr. 
Btilmaa ( libton 
of that town, 
and itood on ■■*■ 
pedestal in 
front of hie 

On motion of the Treasurer, it was — 

Voi f, That the income of the Massachusetts Historical 
Trust-Fund to Sept. 1. l ss -~>. be added to the appropriation for 
printing the Trumbull Papers, and that the word- " Printed at 
the Charge of the Massachusetts Historical Trust-Fund " be 
placed on the titlepage of the second volnine, now in pr< 

Mr. WlNSOB presented a copy of an unprinted journal 
kepi on the Kennebec expedition to Quebec, under Arnold, 
in 1775—76. Its author was Ebenezer Wild, who was one 
of those captured in Arnold's party during the attempted 
storming of Quebec, Dec. 31, lTTo. He remained a prisoner 
till the arrangement was made with Carleton for the release 
of the New Eng landers in June. The manuscript was given 
to Harvard College Library in 1850 by W. S. Stoddard. The 
other diaries of this expedition which have been preserved or 
noted are here enumerated. 

1. Arnold's, Sept. 27 to Oct. 30, 177.'). The original manuscript 
was left behind by Arnold when he fled from West Point. Extracts 
from it are printed in S. L. Knapp's " Lite of Aaron Burr," 1835. It 
18 now owned by 'Sir. S. L. M. Harlow, of New York. A ropy made 
of it, when owned by Jadge Edwards, of New York, is in the •• Sparks 
Manuscripts " ( LII. vol. ii.). 

2. "Journal of the .March of a Tarty of Provincials from Carlyle 
to Boston, and from thence to Quebec, begun the thirteenth of July 
and ended the thirty-first of December, 177."*. 'To which ia added 
an Account of the Attack and Engagement of Quebec, the 31st 
December, 177")." Glasgow, 177.">. pp. 36. Sabin ("Dictionary of 
Books relating to America," vol. i\. No. 36, 728) Bays it i- the jour- 
nal of a company of riflemen, under Captains William Hendricks and 
John Chambers, and that it was Ben! from Quebec to Glasgow by a 
gentleman who appended the u Account." 



3. A manuscript journal kept by Henry Dearborn, Sept. 10, 1775, 
to July 16, 1776, is in the Boston Public Library. 

4. " Caleb Haskell's diary, May 5, 1775, to May 30, 1776, — a 
revolutionary soldier's Record before Boston and with Arnold's expe- 
dition." Newburyport, 1881, pp. 23. It is edited by L. Withington. 
The diarist was of Ward's company. 

5. John Joseph Henry's " Accurate and Interesting Account of the 
Hardships and Sufferings of that Band of Heroes who traversed the 
Wilderness in the Campaign against Quebec." Lancaster, Pa., 1812. 
There were later editions, with changed titles, published at Watertown, 
N. Y., 1844, and at Albany, 1877, the last having a memoir of Judge 
Henry, the author, by his grandson Aubrey H. Smith, from which we 
learn that the narrative was dictated by Henry to his daughter in his 
last years, with the aid of notes and memoranda made at the time, and 
that it was printed without the author's revision. 

6. A journal of Lieutenant William Heth, of Morgan's Riflemen, is 
referred to in Marshall's " Washington," pp. 53, 57. 

7. A journal of Sergeant McCoy is referred to in Henry's " Account." 

8. Major Return J. Meigs' " Journal of the Expedition against Que- 
bec under Colonel Benedict Arnold in the Year 1775." It forms Vol. I. 
of Charles I. Bushnell's " Crumbs for Antiquarians," New York, 1859 ; 
and it is also printed in the Mass. Hist. Soc. Collections (vol. xii.). 

9. J. Melvin's "Journal of the Expedition to Quebec in the Year 
1775." New York (100 copies), 1857. Introduction by William J. 
Davis. It was also printed by the Franklin Club, Philadelphia, 1864. 
Melvin was of Dearborn's Company. 

10. E. M. Stone (see No. 14) refers to John Peirce's journal of 
daily occurrences, Sept. 8, 1775, to Jan. 16, 1776. Peirce was an en- 
gineer with the pioneers. His record is defective at the beginning and 
end, and has not been printed. 

11. " Journal of Isaac Senter, Physician and Surgeon to the Troops 
on a Secret Expedition against Quebec in September, 1775." Phila- 
delphia, 1846, taken from Vol. I. of the Bulletin of the Pennsylvania 
Historical Society. It begins at Cambridge, Sept. 13, 1775, and ends 
at Quebec, Jan. 6, 1776. 

12. The diary of Ephraim Squier, Sept. 7 to Nov. 25, 1775, is 
preserved in the Pension Office, Washington, and is printed in the 
" Magazine of American History " (vol. ii. p. 685). 

13. Stone (No. 14) reports, as at that time in the hands of David 
King, of Newport, a journal of Captain John Topham, for September, 
October, and November, 1775, which had not been printed, and was 
illegible before the date of October 6. 

14. " Invasion of Canada in 1775, including the Journal of Captain 
Simeon Thayer, describing the Perils and Sufferings of the Army 

1886.] Arnold's EXPEDITION TO QUEBEC. i2<m 

under Colonel Benedict Arnold, with Notes and Appendix by E. .M. 

Stone." Providence, 1867, being Vol. VI. of the It. I. Hist. Soc. 

!•">. -'Journal of an Expedition against Quebec in 1 7 7 •"> , by Joseph 
Ware, of Needham, Mass. Published by Joseph Ware grandson of 
the journalist." Boston, L852. It begins Sept L3, L 775, and ends on 
board a cartel-vessel at sea, Sept. 6, 1770. The notes are by Justin 
Winsor, It was Brst printed in the " X. E. Hist, and Geneal. Regis- 
ter," April, 1852. Whitmore ( u Amer. Genealogist," p. 84) questions 
Ware's authorship. 

A Journal of a March from Cambridge, on mi Expedition against Que- 
bec in Colonel Benedict Arnold's Detachment, /Sept. 13, 177.3. \_Hy 
Ebenezer \ViUL~\ 

September 13///. — Marched from Cambridge until evening, and 
encamped at. Maiden that night 

11///. — This morning marched very early, and encamped in the 
evening at Beverly. This day marched twenty-live miles ; the weather 
wry Bultry. 

loth. — This morning marched briskly along, and got into Newbury- 
port at eight o'clock at night, where we were to make a stay for several 

16///. — In Newburyport, waiting for the vessels getting ready to 
carry us to Kennebec. 

17th. — This day had a general review, and our men appeared very 
well and in good spirits, and made a grand appearance ; and we had 
tin: praise of hundreds of spectators, who were very sorry to see so 
many brave fellows going to be sacrificed for their country. 

ISth. — Had orders to embark in the evening. Our fleet consisted 
of eleven sail of vessels, sloops, and schooners. Our number of troops 
consisted of 1,300 ; eleven companies of musketmen, and three of rille- 
men. "We were embarked this evening, and lay in the river all night. 

10///. — Early this morning weighed anchor with a pleasant gale, our 
colors flying, drums beating, lit'es playing, and the hills all round covered 
with pretty girls, weeping for their departing swains. This night had 
like to have proved fatal to us, for we were close on board of rocks be- 
fore we knew anything about it. "We were immediately all called npon 
deck, expecting every moment to be dashed to pieces against the rocks; 
but the wind freshing we got clear after several tacks, to the great joy 
of us. 

20///. — Arrived in Kennebec River ; rowed and sailed up against 
wind and tide. 


21st. — Arrived at Fort Weston [Western], where we halted for 
some days, and here we were furnished with bateaux and provisions 
for carrying us up the river. Continued here the 22d, 23d, and 

25th. — Embarked on board our bateaux, and arrived at Fort Hali- 
fax in the evening of the 26th. 

27th. — Carried over Ticoneck Falls our bateaux and provisions, 
forty rods carriage, and pushed up three miles. 

28th. — Pushed up eight miles ; the water so bad that the bateaux 
men were obliged to drag the boats up over shoals ; in many places 
were up to their chins in water. 

29th. — Pushed up to the second carrying- place, called Cohiggin 

30^/?. — Carried over sixty rods, and pushed up five miles. 

October 1st. — Pushed up over rocks and shoals, where we were 
many times over head in water pulling the bateaux over ; we arrived 
at the third carrying-place in the evening. 

2d. — This day carried over Norridgewalk Falls one mile and a 
quarter, and then encamped. We felt very uncomfortable this night 
after dragging our boats over roots and rocks and mud. 

3d. — Pushed up eleven miles on our way. Captain Hendricks' 
company of riflemen shot a young moose, which weighed about two 
hundred pounds. But we had none of it, they being before us. This 
day we left all inhabitants, and entered an uncultivated country and 
barren wilderness. The timber for the most part is birch, pine, and 
hemlock. Some places on the river there are places where large sugar 
trees grow. 

4th. — Pushed up eight miles to Tintucket, or Hellgate Falls, and 
carried our boats over forty rods. 

5tk, Qth, and 1th. — Pushed up to the head of the Kennebec, where 
we carried out into a pond. These three last days we came about 
twenty miles. 

8^. — This day we pushed on very briskly, it being Sunday. The 
foremost companies lying still on account of heavy rains; we marched 
all day, it being very wet and cold, and suffered a good deal from 
the inclemency of the weather, and came up with some of them at 

9th, 10th, and 11th. — Carried to the first pond, three and one-half 
miles land-carriage ; crossed the pond two miles. 

\2th and 13th. — Carried to a second pond three quarters of a mile ; 
crossed the pond one mile over, then carried two miles to a third pond, 
and crossed the pond two miles over. 

14th and 15th. — Carried to the Dead River three miles, and went up 
one mile ; then encamped at night. This river runs so still that it can 

1886.] aknold's EXPEDITION TO QUEBEC. 269 

.scaler be perceived which way it runs; it is black water, abou! four 
rods wide, and runs southeast 

1 Sth. — The water now being deep and dead, we betook ourseh 

our oars, and rowed up si\ milt-. 

17/7/. — After carrying over a small carrying-place, abonl ten rods, 
rowed up fifteen miles. 

ISth. — Rowed Up twenty mill's, ami carried over a -mall carrying 

[Oth. — Carried over four carrying-places, and rowed up about five 


20th, 2 In', and 22d. — Were detained in our t. nt - by heavy rain-. 

23c?. — The water being shallow, we were obliged to lav 1>\ our 
oars and take our Betting poles. 'We pushed up ten miles. 

2 1///. — Our provisions growing scanty, and some of our men being 
sick, we held a council, and agreed to send the sick hack, and Bend a 
captain and titty men forward to the inhabitants as soon a- possible, 
that they might Bend us some provisions. Accordingly, the -ick were 
sent hack, and Captain llauchitt. with fifty men. Benl forward. Before 
this. Colonel Enos, with three captains and their companies, turned 
back, and took with them large stores oi provisions and ammunition, 
being discouraged (as we supposed) by the difficulties they met with. 
This day got forward nine miles. The water being very rapid, many 
of our boats were upset, ami much of our baggage lost, with provisions 

and guns. 

2oth. — Snowed all night; very cold this morning, Pushed over 
two carrying-places. Got forward eight miles to-day. 

•JC)///. — Pushed up four ponds, and carried over two carrying-places, 
one of them a mile over: the ground covered with snow. 

27th. — Crossed a pond half of a mile over, and carried fifteen rods 
to another pond, two miles over, to the great carrying-place, four miles 
and titty rods over. Here it was agreed to leave most of our bateaux, 
being greatly fatigued by carrying over such hills, rocks, and swamps as 
were never passed by man before. 

28th. — After carrying over the great carrying-place, we encamped 
by a small stream, running into Chadore pond. Dealt out to each man 
four pints of Hour and wdiat little meat we had left, which was about 
four ounces per man. 

'l^tli. — Early this morning set out for the head of Chadore 
River. This day we suffered greatly by our bateaux passing by US, 
for we had to wade waist-high through swamps and rivers, l>r< ak- 
in:: ice before us. Here we wandered round all day, and came at 
night to the same place which we left in the morning, where we 
found a small dry spot, where we made a lire, and we were obliged to 
stand up all night in order to dry ourselves and keep from freezing. 


We continued so till next day, when a bateau came up and took us 
across the river. 

30t7i. — At noon were relieved from our miserable situation, and 
made the best of our way through the woods for Chadier [sic]. 

31st. — Pushed on for Chadore with all speed, in hopes of over- 
taking our bateaux in order to get some flour, for ours was all expended ; 
but to our great grief and sorrow our bateaux were stove, and our flour 
was lost, and the men barely escaped with their lives. Now we were 
in a miserable situation, not a mouthful of provision ; and by account 
seventy miles from inhabitants, and we had a wilderness, barren and 
destitute of any sustenance, to go through, where we expected to suffer 
hunger and cold and fatigue. Here the captain with the ablest men 
pushed on in order to get provisions to send back for the sick. 

November 1st. — This morning started very early, hungry and little 
satisfied with our night's rest. Travelled all day very briskly, and at 
night encamped in a miserable situation. Here we killed a dog, and 
we made a very great feast without bread or salt, we having been four 
days without any provisions ; and we went to sleep that night a little 
better satisfied. Our distress was so great that dollars were offered for 
bits of bread as big as the palm of one's hand. 

'2d. — This morning when we arose, many of us were so weak that 
we could hardly stand: we staggered about like drunken men. How- 
ever, we made shift to get our packs on our backs, and marched off, 
hoping to see some inhabitants. This night a small stick across the 
road was sufficient to bring the stoutest to the ground. In the evening 
we came in sight of the cattle coming up the river-side, which were sent 
by Colonel Arnold, who had got in two days before. It was the joy- 
fullest night that ever I beheld, and some could not refrain from crying 
for joy. We were told by the men who came with the cattle that we 
were yet twenty miles from the nearest inhabitants. Here we killed a 
" creetur." and we had some coarse flour served out, with straws in it 
an inch long. Here we had a noble feast, and some of the men were 
so hungry that before the " creetur " was dead the hide and flesh were 
on the tire broiling. 

3d. — Marched this day twenty miles, wading through several small 
rivers, some of them up to our middle, and very cold. In the evening 
we came in sight of a house, the first we had seen for forty-one days. 

Ath. — - Last night had plenty of beef and potatoes ; but little or no 
bread was to be had. Snowed most of the night. In the morning 
marched down the river to inhabitants thick settled. 

5th. — Continued our march down the river; the people very hos- 
pitable; provisions plenty, but very dear; milk one shilling sterling 
per quart, and bread a shilling per loaf, weighing no more than three 
pounds. Came this day twelve miles. 


Of//. — Came up with Colonel Arnold and the advanced party. 
Marched off together at two o'clock, and marched till twelve o'clock 
at night Roads excessive bad, most of the way mid-leg deep with 

mad and water. Marched seventeen miles. 

1th. — Marched three [miles] ; then halted till night, when a lieu- 
tenant was sent forward with thirty men \<> see it' our way was char. 
Accordingly they marched till near two o'clock in tin- morning, when 
we halted. We were in sight of Quebec, the river St. Lawrence 
between as and the town. 

8tfA. — Took ii]) our quarters along the river-side until our troops !"• 
hind could come up. Here we Btayed until the 18th. By this time all 
the men alive had come, Beveral having perished with hunger in the 
wood-. During out- Btay here, we took a midshipman belonging to .1 
frigate in the harbor, who came on .shore with several others in a boat, 
to carry away flour from a mill on our Bide of the river, which is aboul 
a mile or some better wide. At the city one twenty eight-gun frigate 
and a Bloop-of-war, with Bome merchantmen, were in the harbor. 

1.')///. — Crossed the river at night in long boats and canoes. Some 
of the canoes overset in the river; but none of the men were lost, only 
Borne few guns and clothes. (Jot all over b t'<>vi' morning at a place 
called Wolfs Cove. 

lAth. — This morning were fired upon by the frigate, but received 
no damage. Took up our quarters in some good houses near the town, 
which were forsaken by the owners. Here we remained until the L ; <>th, 
during which time we were informed that there were no! more than one 
hundred regulars in the city, with a number of Bailors and other new 
recruits, in all not exceeding four hundred under arms. Tin- first day 
we cam.- over the river, we passed close by the walls of the town, and 
gave three cheers without being molested by the enemy, who fired a few 

shots from their cannon, hut did us no harm. 

21st. -Marched up the river twenty miles to Point au\ Trembles, 
our ammunitions lidir; almost expended and too scant t<> attack the 
town with. Here we were joined by General Montgomery with the 
York forces from .Montreal, who had taken St. John's, Fort Shamble, 
and .Montreal. In these place- they took a great quantity of provisions, 
clothing, ammunition, and cannon, with nine hundred and fifty prisoners. 

Remained here until the 5th of December. 

I )■ ct mbi r 5th. — Marched hack to ( Quebec and laid Biege to the town ; 
continued the Biege until the 29th, duriug which time we took Beveral 
prisoners. Cannonaded and bombarded each other both day and night. 
During these transactions the two men who had keen left with Lieu- 
tenant McSohm came to us and informed us that they had buried him 
at the first inhabitant's, after he had been brought down the river by 
two Indians, hired by Captain Smith tor lie- pur] 


29th. — This night prepared to storm the city in two different places. 
General Montgomery with the York forces on one quarter, and Colonel 
Arnold on the other hand. Accordingly, about five o'clock in the morn- 
ing, began the attack ; but they could not get to the wall, but retreated 
back to their quarters, their general and two leading officers being killed 
by the fire from the enemy. Colonel Arnold with his party carried on 
the attack on his quarter, and got possession of their two gun battery, 
and took seventy prisoners. Our colonel being wounded in the begin- 
ning of the attack, was carried back. The captains themselves then 
took the lead, and drove the enemy until, overpowered by numbers and 
surrounded, we were obliged to surrender ourselves prisoners of war. 

Jan. 1, 1776. — In the French convent they gave us some rum 
to drink and some hard bread to eat. Our allowance of provisions was 
one pound of bread, one half pound of pork, one gill of rice for a day, 
and six ounces of butter a week. 

2d. — In prison, this day we had a cask of porter [given] by some 
gentleman of the town. 

3d and 4th. — The general sent for a list of our names, of the old 
countrymen in particular by themselves that were with us, and they 
chiefly enlisted in the King's service. 

5th to 8th. — The prisoners petitioned to have their packs sent in to 
them, whereupon they sent out a flag and received them for us. 

8th to 15th. — The general sent for a list of the occupations of the 
prisoners. The small-pox is very plenty with us. Captain Hubbard 
died with the wound he received in coming in. 

19th to 22c?. — Five of those that enlisted out of prison and five 
others deserted in the night. There were two men put in irons for 
attempting to break out of prison. 

22d to 25th. — There were three vessels and a house burned by our 
people. The enemy went into St. Rochs after plunder. There were 
two of our people taken going to set fire to the shipping. 

25th to 29th. — There were three men deserted the garrisons. The 
people get out into St. Rochs every day and fetch in the remains of the 
buildings that were burnt. 

29th to 31st. — Two men of Captain Ward's company died of the 
small-pox. The men are getting well, some of them. 

February 1st to 5th. — There were two men deserted. Seven of our 
men died with the small-pox, and one of our men died with the pleurisy ; 
he was sick but one day. 

5th to 9th. — Three men deserted, and forty men lay sick in prison. 

9th to 12th Very wet and snowy ; the storm very heavy. Three 

men were stifled to death on duty. 

12th to 15th. — This morning sixty men went to the hospital with 
the small-pox. The men have it very horribly. 

; \i: vi.i/s BZPBD1 1 [028 R > Ql BBBO. 

to 20th, — Si i of the old countrymen thai enlisted in the Kii 
service deserted, and the remainder were j»ut in j »i i -t »i i again I" 
those deserted. 

I to -[(h. — Five men died with the small-pox. The enemy 
made an attempt to go out after our people's cannon, and were driven 
There was ■ continual firing after them. 

i 81 if. — Nothing remarkable. 
it I si to 6**. — Three men deserted, 
to 10M. — < me <>t' the prisoners was put in irons for talking with 
one of the Bentries. We bear thai Boston is taken b\ our people. 

l ■•, t«> [8th. — There was an alarm in the city about ten o'clock at 
night. A large picket-guard was Bel around th<- prison and a held piece 
before the door. 

to l&th, — The emigrants are moved to the artillery barracks 
and the res! of w> into ■ Btone jail, and are locked np at Beven o'clock 
at night 

to 25th, — Nothing remarkable. 

In the 1 1 : ■_: 1 1 1 one of the prisoners got out of prison, 
and run to our people. We are in a miserable condition. Having no 
wood, we are almost frozen. 

i 3 lit — Most of the prisoners consulted together to break 
prison, and to try their best to take the town ; but a> one of the 
prisoners was cutting away some ice at the cellar door, in order to have 
it handy to open in a moment to go <>nt at, the Bentry Btanding near 
and hearing the cutting acquainted the officers of the guard, who ac- 
quainted some other officers. They, coming in, inquired who was 
cutting at the door, and what they were upon. One of the prisoners 
informed them of all the transaction that was going forward. The 
officers searched all the rooms in the prison and every man's park to 

• they could find any arms or ammunition, for they Bup| of the people in the town had Bupplied us with arms and am- 
munition, but they could not find any Bucfa things with us. At this, we 
ill put int > Btrong irons. 
April \tt to 14//'. — Our people having a battery aero-, the river at 

Point Lewi-, they threw Bhol into the town, very merry. The officers 
of the guard are v.-ry particular with US; they call a roll, and count US 

morning and evening. 

1 Uh to -_>7///. — It is very Bickly with us. The Bcurvy and lame- 
ness rage very much, occasioned by living on Ball provisi 
27tA to Slsf, — The town was alarmed in the night 
May \tt to i ',//,..— Nothing Btrange, hut in great distress and despair. 
- This morning three Bhips came in with reinforcements of 
about one thousand men. All the bells in the town rang for joy most 

of the day ; then all the forces marched over to Ahram's plains to have 


a battle with our people, but they retreated as fast as possible, and left 
a number sick in the hospital, likewise some of their cannon and ammu- 
nition, with a number of small arms and packs. 

1th and 8*/*. — The general ordered the irons to be taken off the 
prisoners. He also gave the emigrants their liberty again. This 
morning two ships came in. The ships have gone up the river and 
a number of troops by land to Montreal. 

9th to 14th. — Three ships and three brigs came in. There were 
six prisoners put in with us, taken stealing about. One company set 
out for Montreal. 

14th to 19th. — Two ships went out, one of them a packet for 

19th to 23c?. — One ship and a number of small crafts came in. 
Thirteen prisoners enlisted into the King's service. One ship sailed out. 

23c?. — Our allowance is one pound of soft bread and one pound of 
beef per day. 

24th to 26th. — The militia have laid down their arms. One of 
those men that went out of prison was put on board a fifty-gun ship ; 
but as he did not incline to enter on board, they put him in irons, and 
threatened to hang him, but he was taken out of irons and put into 
[them] again in the evening. Robert Burd was taken out of prison, 
and has got his liberty ; he is going to his home in Ireland. 

26th to 30th. — One ship went out and twenty came in. There 
were eight or nine prisoners taken out to work ; they stayed out one 
or two days, and were required to swear allegiance to the King that 
they would not take up arms against them, and to make known all 
experiments against him. 

30th and 31st. — Four ships came in ; one brig and two ships went 

June 1st to 5th. — Twenty-eight ships came in with General Bur- 
goyne. There are six thousand Hessians and Hanoverians come to assist 
the King's troops. Five hundred marched up the river for Montreal. 

5th. — This day General Carleton and some other officers came to see 
us. He inquired of us whether we had fared as well as he promised 
us we should when we were taken. We told him we fared very well. 
He said he did not take us as enemies, and likewise said if he could rely 
upon our honors he would send us to N. England if we would promise 
to be quiet and peaceable, and not take up arms any more. 

June 6, 1776. A Copy of an Answer sent to General Carleton. 

May it please your Excellency : We, the prisoners in his Majesty's 
jail, return your Excellency our most hearty and unfeigned thanks for 
your clemency and kindness to us, while in prison, being sensible of 
your humanity. We return your Excellency thanks for your offer 

-,.j Arnold's bxpedi h< us ro quebbc. 21 6 

made at yesterday, and having a de torn t-> our friends and 

families, we will promise nol to take up arms against bis Majesty, but 
remain peaceable and <jui<-t in our respective places of abode; and we 
further assure your Excellency that you maj depend <>n our fidelity, 
and we remain your Excellency's humble servants. Signed in bebali of 
the prisoners. 

Judge Chamberlain described a journal of Captain Henry 
I' rborn, covering the same period, which relates the Buffer- 
ings of tin- men who marched from Boston through the wil- 
derness i" Quebec, and narrates the capture of the city which 

■</ Dearborns^ of the Proceedings, and Par" 
far oca >hich happened within my knowledge, to the 

T i, un I mmand of Colonel Bennedicte Arnold, in the 

i/'nr 177.1 Which Droops were detached from the American Army 
I. ; before the Town of Boston, for tin purpose of marching to, 
and taking j Quebec: — 

S id detachment consisted of Eleven hundred Men, Two Battaliansof 
Musket-men, and three Companies of Rifle-men as Lighte-Infantry. 

I ' Battalion. \ 

I [Co]lo: [Roger Enos] I Lieu! Colo: Christopher Green 

Maj! Return [J.] Mc[i]ga [ Maj : Timothy Biggelloe 

< rhomas Williams V Cap! Sam! Ward 

I Henry Dearborne Cap! Simeon Thayre 

I Scott \ Cap! .I-'lin Topham 

Oliver Hanchett ] I M Cobb 

Cap 1 William (i Irich / Cap? Jonas Hubbard 

1 Henry Dearborn, of New Hampshire, who was in tin military service during 
rotation, from the breaking oat of hostilities in 1 T 7 -~» t . ■ th" close 
war, kepi journals of many "t" the transactions in which he participated. Borne, 
if n >t ;ill. lit' th"<<- are i xl inl Several are in the Boston Public Library, having 
t" flic manuscripts of the late John W. Thornton, who 
cutor of the will ..t Henry A 8 I>earborn, the i i I I 
■ irborn's journals are in private hands, — • ng the period <<f 

Sullivan's expedition against the [ndians in the interior of New Y<>rk. in 1779; 
and the other, that of Arnold's treason. So far as I have seen them, these jour* 
n, are in Dearborn's handwriting. The exception is the 
journal which follows. But that it j » .-a - -**■<! under his ey< is evident from several 
additions and corrections from his own h ind, as are indicate 1 in tho footn • 

\t. Dearborn was a man • :ation and of great intelligence. He 

usually expresse 1 his th mghts in g i 1 English, and could commit their, to paper 



The Captains of the Rifle Men. 

Septem? 10 th 1775 

1 march'd my Company from Winter-Hill to Cambridge 11*?» 12* 
and the chief of the 13 th We Lay at Cambridge preparing for to 
March, at 5 O Clock P. M : March'd from Cambridge to Medford, and 

14^ at 12, O Clock march'd from Medford to Salem & Encamp't? 

15 Marched to Ipswich and encamped. 

16 Marched to Newbury Port and Encamped. 

17 Being Sunday, we attended Divine Service there. 

18 th at 4 Clock, the whole detachment Embarked on Board 10 

19 at 10 Clock A: M .. we made Sail, But as Soon as we got outside 
of the Bar, we hove too, — In order to receive the Several Signals 
which we were to observe while at Sea, Said Signals were to be given 
by the Vessel, which Colo : Arnold was on Board of Called the Com- 

The Signals were as followeth VizT 
1 st Signal, for Speaking with the whole Fleet an Ensign was to be 
Hoisted at the Main-Top : masthead. 

2 Signal, for Chasing a Sail, Ensign at fore,top,mast, head. 

3 Signal, for heaving too, a Lanthorn at Main, Topmast, head, and 
two guns if head on Shore, and three Guns, if off shore. 

4 Signal, for making sail, in the Night, a Lanthorn at Mast head, 
and four Guns, — In the day, a Jack at the fore Top : Mast-head. 

5 Signal, for dispersing and every Vessel for making the Nearest, 
Harbour Ensign at the Main-Top Peak. 

6 Signal, for Boarding any vessel, a Jack at Main Topmasthead — at 
12 Clock we put to Sea, and had a fair wind — at 10 O Clock .. P : M : 
we hove too, head, off Shore with a Brisk wind, the Chief of our people 
were Sea-Sick. 

20 In the Morning, we made the mouth of Kennebeck River 
which we enter'd at 10 'Clock an Came to an Anchor, at 3 . . O: CI 
P : M : we Weighed, Anchor and put up the River a Bout 3 Leagues, 
and came to an Anchor, I went on Shore at Rousask where there are a 
Number of Inhabitants and a Meeting house. 

with accuracy and in a good handwriting. These facts beget a doubt whether 
I should have followed the vagaries of the copyist in orthography, punctuation, 
and the use of capital letters. But I have done so with exact fidelity, and even 
to the omission of obvious words, so far as a twofold comparison of the copy 
with the text would secure it. — M. C. 

L886.] Arnold's expedition to qubbbo. 277 

21* Put up the River as far as Swan Island, at the upper End of 
R£erry-meeting-Bay-where we Run on Shore and Came to an Anchor. 

I went, On Shore with sonic of my officiers, ami Stay'd all Night 

Si.i-i i.m i; 22\ 

Proceeded, op the River, We pass'd Fort Richmond at LI: (lock 
where there are but few Settlements al Preseut, this afternoon we 
pass'd Pownalborough, Where there is a Court-House and Goal — and 

sonic very good Settlements, This day at I . () ( lock We arrived at the 
place where OUT Haitians were Built. 

We were order'd to Leave one Sergeant, one Corporal and Thirteen 
men here to take a Long the Batteau's, they embark'd on Board the 
Batteaus, and we all proceeded up the River to ( abisaconty, or Gard- 
ners Town. Where Doctor Gardner of Boston owns a Large Tract of 

Land and Some Mills, & a Number of very good dwelling Houses, where 
we Stayed Las! night, on Shore. 

23 d We put up tin 1 River, and before Night, we arrived at Fort 
W itern which i- oi> Miles from the Mouth of the River, this evening 
a very unhappy accident happen'd, a Number of Soldiers being in a 
Private-house, Borne warm words Produced a quarrel and one Mc.( or- 
mick being Turned out of the House, Soon after discharged Ids (inn 
into the House, and Shot a Man thro, the Body of which wound lie 
Soon Expired. 

Mc.Cormick was Trv'd by a Court Martial and Condemn'd to he 
hanged, He abstinately denyed the fact until he was Brought under the 
Gallows where Confess'd the Crime — but for Some reasons was re- 
prieved, until the pleasure of Gen 1 Washington could be known. 

■_M'' 25?* 26* We lay at Fort Western preparing for our March — 
Fort Western Stands on the East side of the River and Consists of 
two Block Houses, and a Large House 100 feet Long which are [nclos'd 
only with Picquets, this House is now the property of one Howard Esq' 
where we were well entertained. 

25 Captains Morgan, Smith, and Hendrick, with their Companies of 
Rifle, Men embarked on Board their Batteaus, with orders to proceed 
up the River as far as the greal Carrying place, there to Clear a Road 
a Cross the Carrying place, while the other divisions were geting up. 

26. .. Colo: Green embark'd on Board the Batteaus with three 
Company's of Musketmen to proceed for CANADA. 

27 . . . at S. . : Clock P. . M : Major Meigs embarked on Board 
the Batteaus with four Companies of men, my Company being One of 
them) With \~> days Provisions proceeded up the River four miles, and 
encampt, the not very rapid. 

28 Prooee'd up the River four miles, the Water exceeding Rapid, 
some bad falls and encampt. 


29 Proceeded up the River four miles to Fort Hallifax against a 
very rapid Stream, where we arrived at 11-0 Clock A..M — this 
Fort stands on a point of Land, Between the Rivers Kenebeck and 
Sabastacook — It Consists of Two Large Block-Houses and a Large 
Barrack which is Inclosed by Picquet Fort — after Staying half an 
hour at the Fort I Cross'd the River to a Carrying place, which is 97 
Rods, We Carry'd a Cross our Batteaus and Baggage and Encampt. 

30 Proceeded up the River this Morning, found it exceeding rapid 
and rocky for five miles, so that any man would think, at its first ap- 
pearance, that it was impossible to get Boats up it, I fill'd my Battoe 
to day, and wet all my Baggage, but with the greatest difficulty, we got 
over what is call'd the 5 mile ripples, and then encampt, and dryed my 
Cloathing as well as I could. 

Octo : 1 Proceeded up the River 3 miles, the Stream was very rapid, 
here Major Meigs had Bought an Ox, and had him dress'd for us when 
we came up, we eat what we could and took the remainder into our 
Batteaus, and proceeded up the River four miles further and encampt, 
the Water not so rapid as before, the Land here on the Shores very 
good in General. 

2 Procee'd up the River Nine miles, the Water not very rapid intil 
towards Night, We encampt, it Rained very fast the most part of the 

3 Proceeded up the River over very bad falls and Shoals such as 
seem'd almost Impossible to Cross, But after much fatigue, and a Bun- 
dance of difficulty we arrived at Schouhega 1 ? -falls, where there is a Car- 
rying place of 60 rods, here we hall'd up our Batteaus and Caulk'd 
them, as well as we could they being very leaky, by being knocked 
a Bout a Mong the Rocks, and not being well Built at first, we Car- 
ryed a Cross and loaded our Batteaus, and put a Cross the River, 
and encampt, this days March was not a Bove 3 Miles, from here I 
sent Back two Sick men. 

4 Our Course in general from the mouth of the river to this place, 
has been from North, to North East, from here we Steer N : W. . to 
Norrigwalk, which is Twelve miles to where we arrived to night, the 
River here is not very rapid, Except Two bad falls, the Land on the 
North side of the river is very good, where there are 2 or 3 families 
settled, at Norrigwalk, is to be seen the ruins of an Indian Town, also 
a fort, a Chapel, and a Large Tract of Clear Land but not very good, 
there is but one family here at present Half a Mile above this old fort, 
is a Great fall, where there is a Carrying place of one Mile and a 

5 We haled up our Batteaus, and Clear'd them for overhauling, and 
repacked all our pork, and Bread, several Barrels of Bread was Spoiled, 
here we found Colo- Greens Division. 


6 After our Batteaus were repair'd, we Carry'd them a Cross 

the Carrying place, and Loaded them agaio, we put up the River two 
Miles and Encampt. 

7 We proceeded up the river nine miles and encampt. the Land we 
pass'd to day, was exceeding good, the Stream not. very rapid, it rained 
very heavy all night 

8 It rain'd some part of this morning, But we proceeded up the 
river Seven miles to Canitunkus-falls, where we arriv'd at 1 Clock, 
P: M: the Weather proved very rainy, here is a Carrying place of ( .'-"> 
Rods, we Carry'd a Cross and put up the river 3 miles, the water was 
very rapid, and encampt. 

9 We proceeded up the River, 9 miles the Water was very Rapid, 
the river is divided here into a Number of Channels, occasioned by 
small Islands, which Channel- are Shoal and rapid, it rain'd the Bige8t 
part of this day, We encamp'd at dusk, and I Catched Some fish before 

Id We proceeded up the River, T march'd by Land, the Weather 
Severely Cold, in Crossing a Small River on a Logg I slipt off and fell 
flat on my Back in the river, the Water not being more than four feet 
deep I waded out, But was obliged to Stop and Strike up a fire, to dry 
me, at 2.. O.. Clock we arrived at the great Carrying place, Where 
we found the three Rifle Companies, and Colo : Green's Division we Car- 
ryed one 'rum a Cross the Carrying place which is four miles, to a Pond. 

1 1 Lieutf Ilutchins and Ten of my men were order'd to assist Cap! 
M?Cob in Building a Block-House, here today, Our last Division has 
now arrived, Commanded by Colo . . Enos — We Carry ed the Chief of 
our Baggage and Boats To-day. 

12 This morning we took the remainder of our Baggage and march'. 1 
a Cross the Car'ying place to the Pond, which is one mile wide But 
we Cannot Cross it today by reason of the winds blowing very hard, 
here we Catch'd plenty of . . . trout. 1 

13 We Cross'd the pond and Came to another Carrying Place half 
a mile a Cross, where our first division had Built a Block-house and left 
some Sick men under the Care of Doctor Erving. We Carryed over 
the Carrying place to a pond, We Cross'd the pond, 1-J Miles and 
Came to a Carrying place, one mile and three Quarters, We Carry'd 
half a mile and encampt. 

14 ... We Carry'd a Cross the Carrying Place, to a Pond three 
miles over, we Cross'd the pond and Came to a Carrying place, four 
miles over a Very-high-IIill, and the last mile a Spruce Swamp Knee 
deep in mire all the way, We Carry'd one mile over this Carrying place 
and then Encampt, from here I sent three sick-men Back. 

1 The word "fishes" is erased, and " trout," in Captain Dearborn's hand, 


15 We Carry'd a Cross the Carrying place to a Small Stream within 
half a mile of the dead River, we went down this Stream into the River, 
and proceeded one Mile up said River and then encampt, the water here 
Yery deep and Still, the Land where we Encampt was very good. 

16 At 12 . . Clock we proceeded up the River ten miles to a Small 
Carrying place 7 Rods a Cross and then encampt. 

17 We proceeded up the River 10 miles and Came to an Indian 
Wig- Warn, Said to belong to an old Indian Called Nattannas it Stands 
on a Point of Land Beautifully situated, there is a Number of acres 1 of 
Clear'd Land a Bout it, . . . the river is very Still, and good Land on 
each side of it a Considerable part of the way, To day we proceeded up 
the River 5 miles farther, and found Colo : Arnold, and Colo : Green 
with their Divisions, making up Cartri d ges, here we Encampt. 

18 . . The weather is very rainy To day. My men had their 
Powder-Horns filled with Powder . . . Joseph Thomas is appointed my 
Ensign, By Colo : Arnold this day, I had a | Quarter of Beef Served 
to my Company today. 

19 . . The weather Rainy, at 2 . . O . . Clock A : M: We Set off: 
from this place proceeded up the River five miles, pass'd several Small 
falls and then Encampt. 

20 Proceeded up the River, pass'd by Several small falls, one Carry- 
ing place, thirteen rods, the Weather rainy all day we Suppose this 
days March to be 13 Miles. 

21 We proceeded up the River 3 Miles to a Carrying place 35 Rods 
Carry'd a Cross and Continued our Rout up the River two miles to a 
Porlag 30 Rods a Cross and Encampt. — it Rained very fast all Night, 
the River rose fast. 

22 . . The River has Risen eight or Nine feet, Which renders it very 
bad getting up, We pass'd three Carrying places To'day 74 Rods Each, 
our whole March To-day is not more than four miles, the River Rising 
so much, fills the Low ground so full of Water, that our Men on Shore 
have found it very difficult and Tedious Marching. 

23 We Continued our March, tho. very slow by reason of the Rapid- 
ity of the Stream, a very unlucky accident happen'd to us today, the 
most of our men by land 2 miss'd their way and marched up a Small river, 
Which Comes into the Dead River, a few Miles a Bove where we en- 
campt last night, We fancied they took a Wrong Course, I Sent my Bat- 
teau up that four miles (where they that went in it) found the foot people 
had Cross'd the River on a Tree, and had Struck a Cross for the dead 
River, my Batteau Came Back, and we proceeded up the River to a 

1 The word " farms " is erased, and " acres," in the hand of Captain Dearborn, 

2 The words " by land " are interlined in a different hand, — probably Captain 

: Arnold's expedition to Quebec. 281 

Carrying place, where we found our foot-men at the foot of these Falls, 
Several Batteaus overset, which were entirety lost, a Considerable 
quantity of ( lloatbing, ( oms, and Provisions, our march to-day we Judge, 
to be, about * miles — here we held a Counsel, in ( Consequence of which 
Sent Cap! Hanchel and 50 Men forward to Shadear as an advanced 
party, and Sent Back 26 . . Sick-men under the Command, or Care of 
an officer and 1 doctor. 

24 At 10 . . 0, Clock, we proceeded up the River, tho with a greal 
deal of difficulty, the River being very rapid, This days march don't. 

• d four miles. 

25 Continued our Rout up the River, the Stream very rapid. We 
pass*d three Carrying places. Two of them four Rods and the other 90, 
our march to-day 6 miles and then Encampt, . . . This Night I was 
Seized with a Violent Head-Ach and fever, Charles gathered me some 
herbs in the woods, and made me Tea of them, I drank very Hearty of 
it and next morning fell much Better. 

26 Continued our Rout and Came to a Pond 2 miles a Cross and 
then Came to a narrow gut ' 2 Rod wide, and four rod Long, and then 
to another Pond one mile over, then to a narrow Streight, 1! miles 
Long, Then a third Pond 3 Miles over, Then pass'd another Streight 
halt' a mile Long, and then euter'd a fourth Pond a Bout a quarter of a 
Mile Wide, then entered a Narrow gut 4 Miles in Length, and then 
Came to a Carrying place 15 Rods a Cross, Here we Encampt. 

21 . . . Cross'd the Carrying Place to a pond half a mile over, Came 
to a Cairying Place, one Mile, also to a Pond % Mile Wide, then to a 
Carrying place 1 1 Rod, to a Pond 2 Miles Wide and Cross'd it. — and 
Came to the- Carrying place into Chaudear pond 8 4 \ Miles a Cross, we 
received orders here to Leave our Batteaus, and all march by Land, 
We here Divided our Provisions and gave every man his part, we 
march'd a Bout half a mile, and then encampt. Here I found a fine 
Birch Canoe Carefully Laid up, I Suppose by the Indian's. 

Here a Very unhappy Circumstance happened to us, in our March, 
Which proved very fatal and Mortifying to us all, Viz 1 — 

When we were at the great Carrying place (just mention d ) from the 
Dead River to Shodeer Pond we had the unhappy Xews of Colo, Enos, 
and the three Company's in his Division, being BO Imprudent as to return 
hack Two or three days before which disheartned and discouraged our 
men very much, as they Carri'd Hack more than their part, or quota of 
Provision, and Ammunition, and our Detachment, before being but 
Small, and now loosing these three Companies, We were Small, indeed, 
to think of entering such a place as Quebec, Put being now almost out 

1 This word is in a different band from that of the copyist. 

2 "A" is erased and " the " inserted by Captain Dearborn. 

3 " Into Chaudear pond " is interlined, apparently by Captain Dearborn. 


of Provisions we were Sure to die if we attempted to Return Back. — and 
We Could be in no Worse Situation if we proceeded on our rout — Our 
men made a General Prayer, that Colo : Enos and all his men, might 
die by the way, or meet with some disaster, Equal to the Cowardly 
dastardly and unfriendly Spirit they disco ver'd in returning Back with- 
out orders, in such a manner as they had done, And then we proceeded 

28 Very early in the morning my Company marched one MT 
Ayres, the Cap 1 of our Pioneers a Gree'd to go with me in the Canoe, 
We took it on our Backs, and Car'y'd it a Cross the Carrying place, to 
a Small Stream, which led into Shodeer Pond, we put our Cauoe in, 
Went down the Stream, my men marched down by Land — When we 
Came to the Pond, I found Cap* Goodrich's Company, who Could not 
proceed by reason of finding a River which leads into the Pond, which 
they Could find no way to Cross, my Company Came up and had thoughts 
of Building a raft — I told them I would go with my Canoe, and See 
if I could not find some place to Cross the River, going into the Pond 
and round an Island, where Cap 1 Goodrich was with Some of his Men 
who had Waded on, He informed me that he had made a thorough 
Search, and that there was no way to pass the River without Boats, 
the Land round here was all a Sunken Swamp for a Great distance, 
Cap* Goodrich, informed me also, that one of his Sergeants and another 
man, who were not well, had gone forward with a Batteau, and he did 
not doubt but I could find it not far off it now Began to be Dark, We 
discover'd a Light on Shore which Seem'd to be 3 Miles from us, Cap* 
Goodrich was almost perished with the Cold, having Waded Several 
Miles Backwards, and forwards, Sometimes to his Arm-pits in Water 
& Ice, endeavouring to find some place to Cross this River, I took him 
into my Canoe, and Carryed him over, and When we arrived where we 
Discover'd the Light, we found a good Bark- House with one man in it 
who was Left by our advanced Party for want of Provision to join his 
Company, We warmed ourselves but not finding Cap! Goodrich's Batteau 
here, we Sent my Canoe farther on to find it, if Possible, after being 
gone an Hour and a half, they return'd but had not found the Batteau, 
Cap* Goodrich and I were very uneasy all Night a Bout our men. 

29 As Soon as it was Light we went to our Men and Began to Carry 
them over in my Canoe, But Lucky for us Cap* Smith's Batteau arrived 
which we hired to Carry our Men over, But after we had got them over 
this river, we had not marched above 50 Rod before we Came to Another 
River, Geting a Cross these Two rivers took up the Chief of the day, 
Before Sun Set we all arrived at the Bark-House Safe, where I slept 
last Night, But the men were very much fatigued here we encampt. 

30 We Marched very early in the Morning, our Provisions [torn~] 
to be very Scant, Some Companies had but one pint of Flour for Each 

1886.] AKNold's EXPEDITION TO QUEBEC. 288 

Man and no Meat at all, M! Ayres and I went down tin; Pond, in our 
Canoe, this Pond is 18 Miles Long, at the Lower end of the Pond, 
I met my Company where we found the Mouth of Shodeer River, 
Which Looked very wild, Here I Choose to walk by Land, and ac- 
cordingly did a Bout Eight Miles, I was at this time very unwell, we 
encamp'd near a fall, where all the Boats that had attempted to Come 
down had overset except Colo, Arnolds, and mine, The Number of 
Boats that was overset here was Ten, one man was Drowu'd, and a 
great Quantity ot Baggage and (inns were lost 

81 We Started very early this morning, I am Still more unwell, 
than I was yesterday, We Carry'd our Canoe over a Carrying place of 
a Bout Half a mile, and put it into the River, the Same is very Rapid, 
Shole and Rocky, We pass'd another Carrying place' to-day, we went 
down about 28 miles, then went on shore and Enca'p'd, I saw Some of 
the men on foot to-night who I find are almost famished for want of 

Nov. . . 1 This morning we new Pitched our Canoe she being Some- 
what Leaky, we have run several times on the Pocks going down falls, 
where I expected to have Stove her to pieces, we put her in and pro- 
ceeded down the river, which Remains very rapid, and a Pounding in 
falls, we got down a Pout 30 Miles, by which time our Canoe got to be 
worn out, we went on shore and Encamp'd, Here I saw Some of the 
foot-men who were almost Starved, This day Cap* Goodrich's Com- 
pany Kill'd my Dog, and another dog, and Eat them, I remain very 

2 Mf Ayres my Shipmate, Said he would Try to go down a Little 
further, in the Canoe and Carry our Baggage, I conclude to march by 
Land, I set out and marched about four miles and met some French- 
men with 5 oxen & Two Horses going to meet our People, although, I 
wanted no Provision myself, yet knowing, how the Poor men were suf- 
fering for want & * seeing we were like, to Come to some Inhabitants, 
it Cans'? the Tears to Start from my Eyes, before I was apprized, I 
proceeded about four miles farther, and Came to a Large fall, where 
we found a good Canoe, Here was a Carrying place one Mile long, We 
Carrved a Cross the Carrying place, and put in. below the falls, where 
we found Two Indians with Some Provisions for our men, they left 
their Provision with some of our men, and went down with us, I got 
into their Canoe, and one of them into our's, the river being very rapid, 
& Shoal, we found it very difficult to pass. — we run down about eight 
miles, and to our Great Joy Espy'd a House, wdiere we arrived at 4 . . 
O . . Clock P. . M : at 5 . . . O . . . Clock Lieu 4 Hutchins, Ensign. Thomas 
and 50 of my men arriv'd, with Cap! Smith's Company which were the 

1 "& " is inserted by Captain Dearborn. 


first Company that arrived, Here, Colo — 3 x Arnold had Provided pro- 
visions for us against we arriv^ We Stay'd here one night, this morn- 
ing our men proceed'd down the River, tho, in poor Circumstances, for 
Travelling, a Great Number of them being Barefoot, and the Weather 
Cold and Snowy, many of our men died within the last three days, 2 from 
here to Quebec, is Seventy miles, I hir'd an Indian to Carry me down 
the River 6 miles to where Colo: Arnold was, where I found 22 In- 
dians who Engaged with Colo: Arnold for 40 / A month, here I Stay'd 
all night, By Colo: Arnolds advice being Snowy, I took a Puke this 
night which did not operate much. 

4 The Weather Snowy I Stay'd here to-day, Major Biggellow, Doc- 
tor Senter, and some others stay'd here Likewise all night. 

5 The Weather is very Clear and pleasant for this season of the 
year, Major Biggaloe, and I hir'd each of us a Horse to go down the 
River 6 miles, and Came to a Tavern, where we had Provisions Served 
out for the Men, the Country here is Tolerable good Land, and Con- 
siderably Settled on Both sides of the River, the People are very Igno- 
rant, but 3 seem to be very kind to us, at evening Charles Hilton, and 
Charles Burget, a French Lad, Inlisted, at Fort Western, who was a 
native of Canady, Came back for me with Two Horses, we Stay'd here 
all night. 

6 I hir'd an Indian to Carry me down the River, 9 Miles, to one 
Sonsosees, a French-mans, one of Charles Burgets relations, where I 
hir'd Lodgings and took my Bed Immediately, I was this time in a 
High fever. I kept the Two Charles? to take Care of me — I will now 
with my Pen follow our Main Body, they have now proceeded as far as 
SJ Mary's the middle Parish of what is Commonly Call'd Sattagan, here 
is a very good Church, and a pleasant Country — our people are Sup- 
ply'd with provisions at Several places By the way, but being in Great 
Hurry, and having but Little time to provide, necessaries, our men were 
but Very poorly supply'd in General, the Inhabitants appears to be 
very kind, but ask a very Great price for their Victuals. 

7 Our Troops 4 Proceeded as fast as possible, they 5 followed the river 
Shodear down from the first Inhabitants about 36 miles, and then 
Turn'd to the Eastward, and left the river, had to pass thro, a wood 15 
Miles where there is no Inhabitants, and at this time of the year it is 
Terrible Travelling, by reason of its being Low Swampy land, our 
people Carry'd Twenty Birch Canoes a Cross these woods, in order to 
Cross the River S! Laurence in. — as we Suppos'd the Boats near 

1 The date " 3 " stands in the margin before the word " Arnold." 

2 The last ten words are interlined by Captain Dearborn. 

3 " But " is interlined by Captain Dearborn. 

4 " Troops " is interlined by Captain Dearborn. 

5 « yy e " j s erase( j anc i « they " inserted by Captain Dearborn. 




I 18 

Arnold's expedition to Quebec. 285 

Quebec, would be In tbe Elands of our Enemies after we had got 
thro, these Woods, we arrived at S! Henry's, :i Considerable Parish 
with a Church, we pass'd several other Small parishes, before we ar- 
rived at Point. Levi, where the main Body of our Detachment, arrived 
the 9 ? Day of November, But so fatigued, tint they were very unlit for 
action, a Considerable number of our men arc hit on tin- road Sick or 
worn out with fatigue & hunger. 1 

On our arrival we found Two Men of war Lying in the river Be- 
tween Point-Levi, and Quebec, and Guard Boats passing all night, up 
and Down the River. 

Our men lay at Point Levi, nothing extraordinary happened 

except that a Deserter from Quebec Came to us who [nibrm'd 

US that Colo: M'/Lane had arrived from Sorrell, with his Regi- 
ment, and our men made A prisoner of a young Man, by 
the Name of MfKensey, Midshipman of the Hunter Sloop War — 
On the evening of the 1-5"' Our men Embarked on Board 35 Canoes, 
and by four of the Clock, in the morning we had Landed all our men 
that were lit for duty which was about 500.. at Woolfs Cove, entirely 
undiscovered, altho, we pass'd Between Two Men of War, who had 
Guard Boats Cruising all Night, after Parading our men, and sending 
a Reconitring party towards the City, and placing Some Small Guards, 
we marched a Cross the plains of Abraham, and took possession of a 
Large-House formerly own'd by General Murray, Now by Mgf Codl- 
wcll, and Mime Houses adjacent which made line quarters. 2 

1 I After reconitring, proper Guards being placed to Cut off all 
Communication from Between the Town and Country, at 12 . . . O. . 
Clock the Enemy surprized one of our Centinels, and made him Pris- 
oner, soon after our Main Body, Turn'd out and march'd within Half 
a mile of the Walls on the Height of Abraham, Immediately after 
being full in the'r view, we gave them Three Huzza's, but they 
did not Chose to Come out to meet us, this afternoon, the Enemy set 
fire to Several Houses in the Suburbs, at Sun set Colo: Arnold sent 
a Elag to Town Demanding the Possession of the Garrison in the 
Name, and in behalf of the united American Colonies, But the Flag 
being fired upon was obliged to Return, We lay Constantly upon our 
Arms to prevent a Surprize, We are by a Gentleman from Quebec in- 
form'd, that we may expect an attack very soon from the Garrison. 

L5 Colo: Arnold sent a flasx to Demand the Town asjain this morn- 
ing, thinking the Flag's being fir'd upon Yesterday was done thro. 
mistake, but was Treated in the Same manner, as yesterday, This 
morning an express was sent off to General Montgomery, at 12... 
O Clock we were alarmed by a report that the Troops in the — Gar- 

1 The last eight words are added by Captain Dearborn. 

2 The words " for our men " are erased hy a different pen. 


rison Were Coming out to attack us, we Turn'd out to meet them, 
but it Proved to be a false report. 

16 This Morning it is reported that Montreal surrendred to Gen! 
Montgomery last Sabbath, and that he had taken a Number of the 
enemys Ships, One of our Rifle Serg*. 8 was kill'd to day by a Cannon 
shot from the Town, we sent a Company of men To,day to take pos- 
session of the General Hospital, which is a very large Pile of Building 
a Bout three Quarters of a mile from the Walls of Qebec, in this 
Building is a Nunnery of the first order in Canada, where at present 
there are a Bout Thirty fine nuns — The Canadians are Constantly 
Coming to us, and are expressing the Greatest satisfaction at our 
Coming into the Country. 

17 A Soldier Came to us from Quebec, But brings no Extraordi- 
nary Intelligence, a Party of our men are gone over the River, to Bring 
over some of our men, who were not Come over before, also to bring 
some provisions, — The Weather is very pleasant for this Country, and 
the Season. 

18 Nothing Extraordinary To,day, the evening orders that are given 
is to Parade To-morrow Morning at 3 — of the Clock. 

19 . . Very early this morning we Decamp'd, and March'd up to Point 
Aux-Tremble, a Bout Seven Leagues from Quebec, the Country thro, 
which we marched is thick settled and pleasant, there are a Num- 
ber of Handsome Chapels by the way, we find the people very kind 
to us. 

20 . . . An Express arrived this morning from Gen! Montgomery, The 
Contents of which is that he's in full possession of Montreal, also of 
the shipping that are there, and that he intends to join us very Soon . . . 
We have sent an Express to Montreal To-day. 

21 The Curate of the Parish Dines at Head-quarters To-day. 

22 An Express arrived this day from Montreal, which informs that 
Gen! Montgomery's Army had taken 13 Vessels with a Large Quantity 
of Cloathing and provisions and that the General was a Bout Marching 
for Quebec. 

23 . . . This Morning an express arrived from Montreal which In- 
form, that Gen! Montgomery is on his March for this place, And that 
he has sent Cloathing forw$-for our Men. 

24 This Morning the Hunter Sloop of War, and three other Arin'd 
vessels appear'd in sight ; — An express is sent from us to meet the 
Troops from Montreal. 

25 The Hunter Sloop, a Large Snow, and an Arm'd Schooner Came 
to an Anchor Opposite our Quarters this Morning. Some of our men 
were sent up the River in a boat to meet the Troops which were 
Coming down from Montreal. 

26 A Number of Gentlemen Came in this morning from Quebec. 

1886.] arnold*s expedition to quebbo. ^ n 7 

27 We are informed thai the House belonging formerly to Maj r Cold- 
well, in which our Troops wen- Quarter'd before Quebec, is Burnt* down. 

28 Colo: Arnold is gone up to Jackerty, about 12 Miles above Point 
An\ Tremble, to hasten down the Ammunition 

29 . . Cap! Morgan who had been sent down Near Quebec, sent up 
Tw.. Prisoners which he took in the Suburbs. 

80 Cap! Duggan, has arrived from .Montreal with Provis'ons and 

Dec! 1 (im 1 Montgomery, arriv'd this day at 10.. O Clock with 
Three Arm'd Schooners, with men, Artillery, Ammunition, Provision 
,v Cloathing, to the Great Joy of our .Men, Towards evening our De- 
tachment turn'd out & march'd to the Gen 1 ? Quarters, where we were 
Rec*by the General, who Complimented us on the Goodness of our 

2 This morning our tield Artillery was sent down by Land and our 
Large Cannon by Water Near Quebec. — the Boats when they had 
Landed the Cannon were to go to Point Levi for the Ladders. 

3 Our men are drawing Cloathing this day, the Genera] has made a 
present of a Suit of Cloaths to all our Detachment which they were iu 
great need of. 

i At 12-0 Clock we marched for SJ Foys before Quebec, We 
March'd as far as Augustine, where we Tarry 'd all Night. 

5 In the Morning we proceeded on our March and about noon 
arrived at S' Foys — my Company were order'd into the General 
Hospital for quarters. 

6 Nothing extraordinary or remarkable to-day, the weather is at- 
tended with Snow Squalls. 

7 We are inform'd that a Company of our took a sloop with Pro- 
visions and Some quantity of Cash, not far from the Island of Orlean's. 

8 We receiv'd Some shot from the enemy to-day but no person 
InjurM thereby. 

9 Now I will give Some account of Matters respecting myself I Still 
remain sick at Sattagan at the House which I heretofore mentioned 
taking up Lodging at, from the 6*? Day of November to the 28* before 
I went out of the House, the first Ten days I had a Violent Fever, and 
was Delirious the Chief of the time, I had nothing to assist 1 Nature 
with, bin a Tea of Piggen plumb Roots, and Spruce, as there are no 
Doctors in these parts nor any Garden Herbs, my fever abated in 
some Degree, but did not leave me, I had a violent Cough, and lost 
my flesh to that Degree, that I was almost Reduced to a perfect Skel- 
eton, and so very Weak that when I first began to set up for Several 
• lavs, I could not go from the bed to the fire with a Staff without being 

1 " Assist," in the hand of Captain Dearborn, takes the place of a word 


held up, I heard that our people had got Possession of Quebec, and as 
I could not perceive that I gain'd any Strength, and my fever remain'd 
upon me very high, at this time I concluded to send Charles Burget, 
my french Lad to Quebec, to see if he could procure me something from 
an Apothecary to help my Cough and to assist 1 nature, in Carrying off 
my fever, he went and in four days return'd, but to my great mortifica- 
tion Brought nothing for me but bad News, which was, that our people 
had not got Possession of Quebec, but had March'd from Quebec up 
the River, towards Montreal, hearing this, Struck a damp upon my 
Spirits which reduced them something Low, But through the kind hand 
of Providence, I amend'd tho, very Slowly, the first day of December 
I rode out in a Carry'al with my Landlard, and found myself much 
The better for it, tho, I was so weak now that I Could not walk from 
the Carriall into the House without help, I now began to be very un- 
easy and wanted to be with the Army and the Seventh day I set out 
in a Carriall to Quebec, and the 9 th day I Cross'd the River S* Lau- 
rence, I join'd my Company who Seem'd \ery Glad to see me, they 
told me that they had been inform'd by one of our men that Came not 
many days since from Sattagan that I was Dead, and that he saw 
Charles Hilton, and Charles Burget making a Coffin for me. 

I will now return to Matters respecting our Army, We had a body 
of men that began to build a battery Last night on the height of Abra- 
ham about half a mile from S* Johns Gate, and we had five small mor- 
tars order'd into S? Roach's near the Walls of Quebec, to Heave Shells 
into the City To-Night the Artillery are to be Cover'd with 100 Men, 
they Threw about 30 Shells this Night. 

10 The enemy began a heavy Cannonade upon our Camp this morn- 
ing and Continued it all day, our people hove shells this Night from 
S* Rock's, & a party was to work on the Battery — The enemy return'd 
a few Shells to us last Night & Some Cannon Balls, but no person re- 
ceived any hurt except an old Canadian Woman who was shot thro : 
the Body with a 24 ft Shot. 

II This morning one of our men lost his way in the Storm and had 
got under the Walls and was flr'd upon by the Centinel before he knew 
where he was, and had received a Shott through the thigh, but got away 
and is in a fair way to recover. The enemy has kept up a faint Can- 
nonading all this day, this night our Train of Artillery Threw 45 Shells 
into the Town, and had a party to work on the Battery, the Enemy 
hove a few shot and Some shells at our people who were to work on the 
Battery, but did no damage, the Weather now is Exceeding Cold. 

12 The Platforms are almost ready for the Guns at the Battery, the 
Weather Still remains very Cold. 

1 "Assist," in the hand of Captain Dearborn, takes the place of a word 


18... 11 We hove open our Battery, have Bevera] men kill'd & 
wound 1 'This morning before Bun rise, our Battery, Began t<> Play 
upon the Town, we had 5 .. 1- Pounders and a Howeteer Mounted, 
ull very well attended, there w;i> a verj heavy fire from the Town upon 
our Battery — after our Battery had play'd one hour they Ceas'd and 
General Montgomery Bent a flag to the Town but it waa refus'd ad- 
mittance, Bui after some discourse with some officiera upon the Ram- 
part return*, at 2 .. () (lock P: M : our Battery began to play, again 
and our Mortars at the same time were al work in S' Rock's, we hove 
50. Shells into the Town to-day, there was a very heavy Cannonading 
kept up from the Town, we had Two men kill'd To-day al our Battery, 
and one of our (inns damaged and our Eioweteers dismounted, it is 
dow in agitation to Storm the Town, which it' resolved upon 1 hope 
will be undertaken, with a proper sense of the uature and Importance 
of Buch an attack and vigorously Executed. 

16 In the evening began to Cannonade, Colo: Arnold's quarters 
were Struck by Several Cannon shot, upon which he thought it best to 
remove to other quarters, one of our men was Shot through the body 
with a grape shot — to-day his life is dispair'd of, a Counsel was held 
this evening by all the Commission'd officiers belonging to Colo: Ar- 
nolds detachment. — A majority of which was for Storming the Garri- 
son of Quebec as soon as the men are well equip'd with good arms, 
Spears, hatchets, Hand, granades &c. 

17 Nothing extraordinary or remarkable, to-day the weather is very 
Cold and Snowy. 

18 Nothing extraordinary to-day the weather Still remains very 
Cold, my Company are order'd out of the Hospital, the room is wanted 
for a Hospital for the use of the sick, we took our quarters on the oppo- 
site Bide of the River S f Charles, at one M! Henry's, a presbyterian 
minister which place is about one mile from the Hospital. 

ID I began to recover my Strength again & have a fine appetite. 

2') The weather Continues Still Cold, preparation is making for the 
intended Storm, several of our men have the small Pox. 

21 We are order'd every man of us to wear a hemblock sprig in his 
Hat. to distinguish us from the enemy in the attack upon Ouebeck. 

'22 Blatters seem ripening fast for a storm, may the blessing of 
Heaven attend the enterprize. 

23 This evening all the officiers of our detachment met at and are 
visited by the Gen 1 at Colo: Arnolds Quarters. 

2 1 This evening the Rev' M r Spring preach'd a sermon in the Chapel 
in the Gen! Hospital, which is exceeding elegant inside, is Richly deco- 
rated with Carved and guilt work. 

25 Colo : Arnolds detachment is Paraded at 4 Clock P: M: Gen! 
Montgomery attended and address* d US on the Subject of making the 


attack upon the Walls of Quebec, in a very sensible Spirit'd manner 
which greatly animated ] our men. 

26 Nothing Material happen'd to day the weather is Still cold. 

27 This morning the Troops assembled by order of the General, 
with a design to attack the Town of Quebec, and were about to march, 
when there Came an order from the Gen! to return to our quarters 
by reason of the weather's clearing up which render'd it improper for 
the attack. 

28 The following Came out in Gen! orders this day — Viz* 

The Gen 1 had the most Sensible pleasure in seeing the good disposition 
with which the Troops last night moved to the attack, it was with the 
greatest reluctance he found himself Call'd upon by his duty to repress 
their ardor, but should hold himself answerable for the loss of those 
brave men whose lives might be Saved by waiting for a favourable 

29 . . . Nothing remarkable or extraordinary to-day. 

30 I have the Main-guard in St Rock's, I came on last evening our 
Artillery hove 30 Shells last night into Quebeck, which were answer'd 
by a few shells and Some Grape shott, early this morning the Garrison 
began a very heavy Cannonade upon all parts of our Camp within 
their Reach, Particularly on those quarter'd in S* Rock's, and upon the 
Guard-House which is within musquet 2 Shott of the Walls, but partly 
under the Cover of a hill — about sun'set this afternoon, the the Garri- 
son brought a gun to bear upon the Guard-house much more exact, and 
better level'd, than any that they shott heretofore, and within the Space 
of 15 minutes they knocked down the three Chimneys of the Guard- 
house over our heads, but could not get a shot into the lower Rooms 
where the Guard kept, at 10 . . Clock this evening I went home to 
my quarters. 

31 This morning at 4 . . O Clock I was inform'd by one of my men 
that there was orders from the Gen 1 for making the attack upon Que- 
bec this morning, I was surprized that I had not been inform'd or 
notified Sooner, But afterwards found it was owing to the neglect of the 
Serg! Major, who excus'd himself by saying he could not get across the 
River, by reason of the Tides being so exceeding High, however I gave 
orders to my men to prepare themselves immediately to march, but my 
Company being quarter'd in three different Houses, and the farthest a 
mile from my Quarters, and the weather very Stormy and the Snow 
deep, it was near an hour before I could get them all Paraded & Ready 
to March, at which time I found the attack was began by the Gen! 
party, near Cape Diamond, I had now two miles to march, before we 
Came to the place where the attack was made, The moment I march'd 

1 Two words are erased. 

2 " Musquet " is interlined in a different hand. 


I met the Serg! Major who inform*d me that Colo: Arnold, had march'd, 
and thai he cou'd not Convey intelligence to me Sooner, as there was no 
possibility of Crossing the River, we now march'd or rather ran as fast 
as we could, when I arrived at S! Rock's I met Colo: Arnold Wounded 

Borne, and brought away by Two men, lie Spoke to me and de-ir'd me 
to pU8h On forward, and said our people had possession of a I ( rUD Bat- 
tery. — and that we should Carry the Town, our Artillery were Inees- 

Bantly heaving Shells, with 5 Mortars from S' Rock's, and the Garrison 
were heaving shells and Balls of .-ill Sorts from every part of the. Town, 
my men Seem'd to he in high Spirits, we push'd forward as fast as pos- 
sible, we met the wounded nun very thick. 

We Soon found ourselves under a very brisk ' lire from the walls & 
Picketts, but it being very dark & Stormy, and the vvay we had to pass 

very Intricate & I an utter Stranger, to the way. we gol bcwilder'd, 
an altho, I met Several men, and Some officiers wdio said they knew 
where our people were, yet none of them would pilot us until] I met 
one of Colo: Arnolds Waiters who was endeavouring to forward some 
ladders who -.aid he would shew me the way, and altho, he was well ac- 
quainted with the way, he having lived some years in Quebec, he miss'd 
it and Carry'd ns quite wrong, hut when he found his mistake he de- 
clared he did not know, where we were, and he immediately left us, we 
were all this time harrass'd with a brisk fire from the Picketts, which 
we were Sometimes within a stones throw of, I now thought it best to 
retreat a little and then make a new attempt to find the way, I accord- 
ingly order'd Lieu! Hutchins who was in the Rear to retreat, to a Cer- 
tain place a few rods hack, he Accordingly retreated, and in retreating 
he had to pass very near the Picket, under a very brisk fire, it now 
began to grow a little light, the Garrison had discover'd us and Sent 
out Two hundred men, who took possession of Some houses which we 
had to pass before we could discover them, ami as Lieu 1 Ilutchins re- 
treated they Sallied down in a lane from the Wall. T divided my Com- 
pany about the middle, I 2 now again attempt' 1 to find the way to the 
main body, Tt being now so light that I thought T could find the way, T 
order'd that part of my men that were with me. to follow me, we pushed 
on as fast as possible, hut the enemy took some of my rear, and kept a 
brisk fire upon ns from the Houses, which we had pass'd, when I Came 
to a place where I could Cover my men a little, while I could discover 
where our main body was, I heard a Bhout in Town, which made me 
think that our people had got possession of the Same, the men were so 
thick within the Picketts, I was at a Stand to know whether They were 
our men, or the enemy, as they were dress', I like us. I was Just about 
to Hail them, when one of them hail'd me, he asked who I was (I was 

1 "Brisk" is interlined in n different hand. 
- " And " is erased, and " I " inserted. 


now within Six rods of the Picketts) I answer'd a friend, he asked ine 
who I was a friend to, I answer'd to liberty, he then reply'd God-damn 
you, and then rais'd himself partly above the Pickets, I Clapt up my 
Piece which was Charged with a ball and Ten Buck shott Certainly to 
give him his due. But to my great mortification my Gun did not go off, 
I new prim'd her, and flushed and Try'd her again, but neither I, nor 
one in Ten of my men could get off our Guns they being so exceeding 
wet, They fired very briskly upon us from the Picketts, here we found 
a great number of wounded men, and some dead, which did belong to 
our main body ; I order'd my men to go into a lower room of an house, 
and new Prime their Guns, and prick dry Powder into the Touch- 
holes, we Now found ourselves Surrounded by Six to one, I now find- 
ing no possibility of getting away, my Company were /livided, and our 
arms being in such bad order, I thought it best to Surrender after being 
promis'd good quarters and Tender usuage, I told my men, to make their 
escape, as many as possibly could, and in the Confusion a considerable 
Number did effect the Same, Some of them after they had given up 
their arms, we were now marched to Palace Gate, on my way there to 
my Surprize, I found Lieu* Hutchins, Ensign Thomas, & about 15 or 20 
of my 1 men under Guard, who were march'd to Palace-gate with me, we 
were Carried to a Large Convent and put under the Care of a strong 
Guard, on my way to this House I was inform'd that our people had 2 got 
possession of the Lower Town. 

It appears at this time, according to the following Arrangement, that 
my Comp'y which may be seen hereafter, in the 3 attack upon the Town 
was intended to be the second to the front. 3 

The Gen! gave orders last evening for the Troops to assemble at 
Two : Clock this morning in order to Make the attack, at 5 . . O . . Clock 
in the following manner viz* 

The Gen! with the first . . 2 . . & 3 . . Battalians of New-york Troops 
was to attack the Southerly part of the Lower Town, at a place Call'd 
the Pot-ash. 

Colo : Arnold with his detachment and part of Cap* Lambs Company 
of Artillery, with one Field-piece, was to march through S* Rock's 
down between the river Saint Charles, and the Picket of the Garrison 
to the North part of the Lower Town Call'd the South-ax-Matillo, and 
there attack a 4 Gun Barrier in the following order, a Subaltern with 
24 Men was to be an advanced party, Cap! Lambs Artillery next with a 
six pounder mounted on a Sled, then the main-body, Cap* Morgan first, 
my Company next, Then Cap* Smith's, then Captain Hanchet's, then 
Cap* Hubbard's, Then Cap! 4 Topham's, then Cap* Thayer, then Cap* 

i " Of my " is interlined. 2 " Had " is interlined. 

3 " In the " and " to be the second to the front " are interlined. Several lines 
are erased. 

4 The name " Thompson" is erased. 


Arnold's expedition to Quebec. 293 

Ward's, then Cap' Goodrich's, & then Cap' Hendrick's, Colo: Arnold 
id the Fronl Colo: Green and Maj! Biggellow in the Centre, and Maj? 
Meigs in the Rear. 

Colo: Levingston, & Maj' Brown with some of Maj Browns men & 
gome Canadians were to make a Feint npon the upper Town & at the 
Same time, were to Set fire to S! John's Gate with a Certain quantity 
of Combustibles prepar'd for that — purpose The Gen! with his 
Party began the attack, the Gen! with bis Aid-de-camp, and Cap! 
Shearman v.v the Carpenters, who served as Pioneers advanced in the 
front, The Carpenters Cut the Picketts, the Gen' with his own hands 
pull'd them down & enter'd. —alter the Gun 1 had enter'd, he Call'd to 
his men to Come on, they did not advance' as quick as he thought they 
might, lie Sp.-ke to them again in the following moving Terms, Baying 
come on my good Boldiers, your Gen! Calls upon you to Com.- on, The 
Gen! was now very near a Battery of Several Cannon Loaded with 
grape shott, Borne of which were unfortunately discharged, and which 
Cut down our Brave Gen!, his Aid-decamp, Cap! M?Ferson, Cap! Shear- 
man, & three or four Privates. 

The Guards immediately after firing the first Cannon quited their post 
and K'an, which gave our Troops a fair opportunity to enter, Hut instead 
of entering Colonel Campbell, who now took Command, order'd a re- 
treat, which was a very unlucky retreat for us, — A few minutes after 
the Gen! made the attack on his part, Col: Arnold made an attack with 
hi- party, but instead of making the attack in the manner proposed, 
which was, when the advanced party had got within musket shot of the 
Barrier, they were to Halt and then open to the right and left, and the 
Artillery to tire three shott, upon the Barrier and then the advanced 
party were to lire into the Port Holes, Cap! Morgan's Company to pass 
round a wharf on which the Barrier was Built, and Come in upon the 
hack of the Guard, while we Scall'd the Barrier with Ladders, hut the 
Snow being so deep and the way so difficult to pass — The Artillery 
were obliged to leave the Field piece behind, & Colo: Arnold, with the 
advanced party rushed up to the Barrier and kept such a hot fire in at 
the Port-holes, that the enemy Could fire but one of their Cannon, be- 
fore Cap! Morgan and some of his Company, and some others Sealed 
the Barrier, and took the Guards Prisoners Consisting of a Cap' & 30 
men, Colo : Arnold was wounded in the \a>^<j; in the first of the attack 
and was Carried Back, our men enter'd the Barrier as fast as possible. 
— But the Main body had not come up yet by reason of missing their 
way, and were obliged to Counter-march twice before they could get 
right, there was now a second Barrier to force, where there two Can- 
non placed. Charged with Grape'shott, our men who had enter'd the 
first Barrier, were now waiting foi the main-body to come up, but be- 
fore the main-body had got into the first Barrier, the enemy found that 


the Gen! Party had retreated, and the whole Garrison had Turn'd their 
attention upon our party, and had taken possession of the Houses almost 
all round us, and had maun'd the Barrier so strong that when our peo- 
ple made an attempt to force it, we were repulsed, and obliged to shel- 
ter ourselves in the Houses, as well as we could, I say, we altho, I was 
not at this place, but in order to distinguish our Troops from the Enemy, 
our people being Surround'd By Treble their Number, and was under a 
very hot fire, it was now Motion'd by some, whether or no, it would not 
be most advisable to retreat, others immediately repli'd who knows but 1 
our Gen 1 1 with his party, is in some part of the Town, and if we go, and 
leave him behind, he and his party will most certainly be Cut off, It 
was then concluded upon to send somebody off in order to learn what 
was become of our Gen 1 and his party, and agreed to make a stand 
while night, Immediately after entering the Barrier, Cap* Hendrick, 
Lieu! Humphrey's, and Lieu* Cooper, together with a number of Pri- 
vates was kill'd Just as this resolution took place, the same party that 
took me followed after our main-body, and Came upon their Rear, but 
our people finding the impracticability of a retreat, and hearing nothing 
from our Gen!'s party, & having lost about one hundred men out of less 
than five hundred, it was 2 thought it most prudent to surrender, upon 
the encouragement of being promis'd good quarters and Tender usage, It 
was by this time 10 : Clock A : M : . . . The officiers were Carried to the 
main Guard house and the Soldiers to the House where I was Carried 
first, I with my other officiers, were Carry'd to the main, guard-House to 
the other offic'ers, where we had a good Dinner, and a plenty of several 
sorts of wine, in the afternoon we were Carry'd to a Large Seminary, 
and put into a large room in the fourth Story from the ground. 

A List of the officiers that were killed. 

Brigade Gen! Montgomery 

M5 John Ml pherson Aid-decamp to the Gen! 

Cap* Cheasman of New-york 

Cap* W n ? Hendrick of Pensilvania 

Lieu: Humphry of Virginia 

Lieu* Sam! Cooper of Connecticut 

A list of the wounded officiers that was in the engoyi 

Colo, Benedict Arnold shot thro one of his Leggs 

Cap* John Lamb of New york shot in the Cheeck bone by which *) 

the sight of one of his Eyes i 

Cap*. Jonas Hubbard of Worcester shot thro, the ancle of which he died 
Lieu* Archibald Steel of Pensilvania two of his fingers shot off 

1 " But " is interlined. " Better than " and " who " are erased. 

2 " It was " is interlined in place of " we," erased. 



Lieu' Jam" Tindal of the Massachusetts Bay -hot thro, his right, 

The Sergeants, Corporals, and privates, kill'd & mounded according 
to the best accounts I could obtain, Amounted to a bout one Hundred 
men, the number kill'd on the Spot, about T> 

1 list of the officiera taken, but not wounded 


Daniel Morgan 
Lieu! William Heath 
Lieu. 1 Peter Brewin 
M Johu M '( ruyer Volunteer 
M! Char: Porterfield . . do . . 
Lieu! Archibold Steel . . . 
Lieu! Francis Nichols 
M r Mathew Duncan Volunteer 
M : John Henry Volunteer 
Lieu! Andrew Moody 
Majf Return Jona. Meigs 
Cap! Oliver Hanchet — 

Cap' Sam 1 Lockwood 
Lieu! Abijah Savage 
( lap! Aliezer Aswald Vol : 
Quar : Mas* Ben : Catlin 
L r Colo. Christopher Green 
Cap! John Topham 
Cap! Sam 1 Ward 
Cap 1 Simeon Thayer 
Lieu' James Webb 
Lieu! William Humphrys 
Lieu! Ivlw' 1 Slocam 
Lieu 1 Silvanus Shaw 
jMaj r Timothy Bigellow 
Cap 1 W". 1 Goodrich 
Lieu 1 Sam : Brown 
Lieu 1 John Cumston 
Lieu' John Clark 
Cap! Henry Dearborn 
Lieu! Nathan 1 llutchins 
Lieu! Ammi Andrews 
Lieu! Joseph Thomas 

Adju! Christian Febegerl The Number of Serg* Corporl" & Privates 
a Deanish officier ) Taken, but nol wounded, are about 300 

177t> January 1 T begun this year in very disagreeable Circum- 
stances, it being the first day I ever Spent in Confinement except by 





Rhode Island 

r Massachusets Bay 







I Iarnford 
New- Haven 
L Iladley 


sickness, but I hope I shall be enabled to bare it with a becoming forti- 
tude. Considering it to be the fortune of War. 

2 Gen! Montgomery's body was taken up to day, and brought into 

3 Gen! Carlton gave Major Meigs Leave to go out after our Baggage 

As the Small pox is prevalent in this Town, it is thought best for as 
many of us, as had not had the Small Pox to be Innoculated imme- 
diately . . . Accordingly sixteen of us Concluded to apply to some 
Physician to innoculate us, Docty Bullen was recommended to us as 
being skilful in Innoculation, whom we apply'd to, to day, & he 
engag* to Innoculate us, and gave us some preparatory Medicines 
to day. 

4 . . We were this day Innoculated, . . . Gen! Montgomery's body 
Was Interr? to-day, in a very decent manner by order of Gen! Carlton. 

5 We that have been innoculated, are removed to-day into another 
Room, & have the liberty of walking into another room adjoining to 
that we Lodge in. 

6 . . . Maj. Meigs return'd to-day, with some part of our Baggage 
but a Considerable part of it is not Brought in . . four of our men are 
tolerated to wait upon us. 

7 . . . We purchas'd some poor mutton to make Soop of at one 
Pistereen ^ pound. 

8 We had a very good Collection of Books sent us by several friends 
in Town, in the perusal of which, we pass many of of our dull hours. 

9 To,day I wrote a letter to send to my wife, but find no opportunity 
of sending it. 

10 This day M r Levius, who was formerly a Judge of our Court, 
came to see me, and offer'd to supply me with any thing I stood in need 
of, that was in his power, he furnish'd me with some Cash, and Two 
shirts, and said he would have me let him know, if I should hereafter 
be in want of any thing, as he would be ready to oblige me therewith if 
within the Sphere of his Influence. 

11 . . 12 ... 13 Nothing extraordinary. — The Field officier of each 
day, Generally visits us, the Guard that is set over us, is a subaltern and 
Twelve men — Our mens Baggage is sent for to-day. 

also I begin to feel the simptoms of the small Pox. 

Lieu* Savage, who was one that was Innoculated with me, for the 
Small pox, has it the natural way, he having taken it before he Came 
into Quebec, & is very bad. 

14 1 begin to break out with the Small Pox. 

15.. 16. .17. .18:19 Nothing extraordinary the Small Pox is Turn- 
ing, the greatest of my suffering is hunger since I was Innoculated, one 
of our Waiters who was Innoculated after he Came to wait upon us has 



had it the Natural way, he having lia<l it before and broke out with it 
in two days, after he wad [nnoculated. — and is dead, Lieu' Savage is 
getting better, Nothing very extraordinary happens from this time to 
the 10* of February — when Major Mti-s is Carried to the Hottel- 
,li,. u — which is a nunnery &c Hospital, he having a swelling under his 
arm, and the remainder of us who have had the small pox are removed 

into the room which we were firsl pin into with the other officier8, we 
Spend our time in reading in the forenoon, and at Cards in the afternoon, 

and eudeavour to make ourselves as happy as possible under our present 
disagreeable Circumstances, We hear a great deal of had News, hut 

none that's good We are told that General Washington, with his 
army made an attempt to Storm Boston, bul had lost 1000 men, >ome 
kill'd and the P68l were drown'd, we have heen inl'orm'd of Montreal's 
being retaken by the Canadians four or live times — We are told that 
Gen 1 Lee, in marchiug t<> New york with 3000 men lost them all to 300, 

by dissertion for want of Cloathing. 

We are inform'd that Gen! Amherst is arrived at New-york with 
12000 Troops, we are likewis 6 told that the paper Currency has lost its 
value, and that the Congress is impeached with dishonesty by the people, 
but we -jive no Credit to any such Rumours. 

March 1" We had a Bquare of Glass put into the door that opens 
into our room, and two Centinels stands looking in all the time, and a 
lamp is kept burning all eight — in our room, and Two Centinels stands 
under our window who are order'd to fire upon any of us who at- 
tempted to to open either of tin 1 windows in the night, no person is 
allowed to come into our room hut the Field ofiicT of the day, and the 
officier of the Guard — not even our washer-woman. 

16 Being indispos'd I got liberty to go to the Hottel-dieu to day. 

I remained at the Hottel-dieu, until the 31 8t day of March nothing 
very extraordinary happen'd during this time, I recover d my health in 
a few days after I got here, I saw one of my men here wdio inform'd me 
that all my Company has had the Small Pox, and not one of them died 
with it, which I think is something remarkable, we are all, now order'd 
to the Seminary, we are told for want of wood in the Garrison. 

April 1 We are informd that our men who are prisoners in this 
Town, were last night detected in the execution of a plan in order to 
make their Escape, for which reason, they are all put in Irons — We 
have two Small Bed-rooms allow'd us to Bleep in being too: much 
Crouded in one room. 

I This day our people open'd a four Gun-Battery, at Point Levi and 
play'd upon the Town. — there was now a very heavy Cannonading from 
the Town, upon our Battery every day, there was six or seven Balls shot 
from our Battery into the Garden under our window, & three or 4 of 
them struck againsl the Seminary. 



25 In the Course of this month there has been two or three alarms 
in Town, the Garrison thought that our people were about making an 

Cap* Thayer was detected by the officier of the guard to-day in at- 
tempting to open a door that led from the Passage to the necessary, into 
an upper loft, and was Carried on board a vessel and put in Irons there 
is Bolts & Locks put upon our doors and we are order'd not to go out of 
our respective Lodging Rooms after dark until sometime after sun-rise. 

28 This day Colo : M c Lane, M. r Lanodear the Gen! Aid-decamp and 
several other officiers, Came into our room & took Cap* Lockwood, 
& Cap 1 Hanchet and Carried them off, witho't saying any thing to 
them, but we heard since it was reported that they had Tamper'd with 
a Cintinel, they were likewise put in Irons on Board the Vessel where 
Cap* Thayer was — 

29 Our people open'd a Two Gun Battery to-day upon the opposite 
side of the Town from Point Levi a Cross the river S*. Charles and 
play'd upon the Town, we are likewise inform'd that they are about 
opening another Battery on the height of Abraham, there is a Constant 
Cannonading on both sides every day. 

May 4 As I was laying down my book this evening about Ten of 
the Clock, preparing for bed, I heard a Centinel hale a ship, which 
very much surprized me, as I expected some relief had arrived, But I 
soon was undeceived by a brisk fire of Cannon, and Small arms, & the 
ringing of the alarm Bell, as also hearing a great confusion in all parts 
of the Town, we now Concluded, that our people made an attack upon 
the Town, we soon discover'd a fire ship in the River, near the Lower 
Town, which was sent as we since heard, in order to set fire to the 
shi'ping in the Lower Town, & which must Consequently set fire to the 
Lower Town, & at the same time we heard Gen 1 Worster with his 
Troops had drawn up near the Town, with their Ladders ready to Scale 
the walls, when ever the Lower Town was on fire, but as the fireship 
fail'd the attack was not made. 

6 This day forenoon, three ships arrived from England to the Great 
Joy of the Garrison, but much to our mortification as we now gave over 
all hopes of being retaken, and Consequently of seeing our families 
again until we had first taken a Voyage to England and there Tryed 
for rebels, as we have often been told by the officiers of the Garrison, 
that, that, would be the case. 

The ships that have arrived Brought the 29 th Regiment with them, 
who landed, and at 12 . . O Clock, this Regim*. with 5 . . or 6 Hundred of 
the Garrison marched out of Town, and two of the Frigates which ar- 
rived to-day put up the River, and an arm'd Schooner. Towards Night, 
the Troops return'd back to Town, and said they drove all the Yankees 
off. — and took a large quantity of Cannon, ammunition, and Baggage 



from the Americans, which indeed proved too True, But from the 
accounts we have had since from Lieuten! M°Dougle, who was taken in 
a schooner at Point Anx Tremble by the Two Frigates ^v an armed 
Schooner, that went up the River the daj they arrived, we find that 
(Jen 1 Woosters Troops began to decamp, the day before the Troops ar- 
rived, by hearing there was a Large Fleet in the river, but what Bag- 
gage they left was not very Considerable, there are more or less Bhips 
coming in daily, we are inform'd thai there are L5000 Men destin'd for 
Canada, the 17 Regiment has arrived here from Boston, who bring 
Ace' that Gen! How, with his Troops lias evacuated Boston & Came to 

Hallifax, pursuant to orders received from home. 

10 A partv marched out to day towards Montreal, we have Liberty 
to walk the Seminary Garden for our recreation today, which which is 
a very excellent Garden for Canada. 

M.ij Meigs ha- obtained Liberty of the Gen! to go home to New- 
Kn"' 1 on his Parole. 


13 M: Levin- Came to see me to-day, & informd me, that if I 
would endeavour to assist him, in getting his family to him from Ports- 
month, he would use his influence w th the Gen 1 to get leave for me to 
go home with Maj r Meigs On Parole, but he told me I must not depend 
much upon going as he thought it very uncertain whether he should suc- 
ceed or not. notwithstanding I depended much upon going, as I thought 
his influence with the Gen! would be great, he being one of the Counsel, 
Judge of the Admiralty, & Judge of the Superior Court at Montreal. 

14 Major Meigs was sent for to wait upon the Gen! who inform'd 
him the Vessel would sail in a day or Two, in which he was to go to 
Hallifax, when the Major Came back, & I hearing nothing of M r Levi- 
us'a obtaining leave for me to go home, I then began to dispair, and ac- 
cordingly wrote a letter to my wife to send by the Major. 

16 At one O Clock P : 31 : M r Levius Came to see me, & to my 
Ureat Jov, inform'd me that the Gen! had mven his Consent for me to 
go home, on Parole, & that we should sail this afternoon, — at 5: of 
the Clock the Town Major Came for Major Meigs & myself, to go to 
the Lieu 1 Governor, to give our Parole, the verbal agreement we made 
was, that if ever there was an exchange of Prisoners, we were to have 
the benelit of it, and until then we were not, to take up arms against 
the King, after giving our Paroles from under our hands, we were 
Carried before the Gen 1 who appear'd to be a very humane tender- 
hearted man. after wishing us a good Voyage, & Saying he hoped 
to give the remainder of our ofheiers the Same Liberty, he desir'd the 
Town Major to Conduct as on Board, we desir'd leave to visit our men 
in prison but could not obtain it. 

after getting our baggage & taking leave of our fellow prisoners we 
went on board a schooner, which we are to go to Hallifax in, but as she 


did not sail today, we were invited on Board the Admirals ship, where 
we were very genteely used, and Tarried all night. 

17 We SailYl this morning, 10 .. .. Clock, we fell down to the 
lower end of the Island, of Orleans, the wind being a head we were 
obliged to Cast Anchor, at Two of the Clock P : M : we went on shore 
upon Orleans, bought some Fowl & eggs, Orleans is a very pleasant 
Island, but the Inhabitants are extremely Ignorant. 

18 We weighed Anchor at 4 this morning, & had a fine breeze at 
2 Clock we Struck on the Rocks off against the Isle of Caudre, which 
is eighteen Leagues from Quebec, we ware in great danger of stav- 
ing to pieces. — But Lucky for us we got off, here we Saw a great many 
white Porpuses which were very large — We came to an Anchor this 
Night by Hare-Island, which is 36 Leagues from Quebec. 

19 We hove up at 4 this morning, we have but very little wind the 
River here is 5 Leagues in Weadth, we fell down to the Isle of Beak, 
which is 50 Leagues from Quebec, where we found his Majesty's Ship 
Niger, which is a 32 Gun Frigate, and an arm'cl schooner lying at 
Anchor, we Cast our Anchor here at sunset. 

20 We weighed Anchor here this morning at 4 . . we had a small 
Breeze & some rain, and a very large sea. at six a Clock we had both 
our Masts sprung, which were barely saved from going overboard, we 
made a signal of distress to the above mention'd Vessels, which we were 
in sight of. who gave us immediate relief, we put back to the ship as 
fast & well as we could, and after the Schooner was examin'd by the 
Carpenters, it was order'd back to Quebec, and we were put on Board the 
Niger, which was now going to sail, bound for Hallifax. — at 10 . . O 
Clock this evening we met with Two Men of war and several Transports. 

21 This morning we met 32 Transports with Troops on Board under 
Command of Gen 1 Burgoyne, said to be 6000 Troops in the whole on 
Board this Fleet. 

22 We enter'd the Gulph of S* Laurence this afternoon, at 5 in the 
afternoon we pass'd Bonaventura. 

23 at Twelve of the Clock we pass'd the Magdolen Islands. 

24 This morning we made the Isle of S? Johns, this afternoon we 
made the Isle of Cape Briton. 

25 at 2 - Clock P : M : we enter'd the gut of Canso, pass'd half way 
through it, having no wind we Cast Anchor. 

26 Having no wind we Catched plenty offish. 

27 We hove up this morning at 9 O Clock, & had a fresh breeze, at 
12 . . O . . Clock we enter'd the Atlantick. 

28 This day we have a fair wind, but a very thick fogg. 

29 We made Land within 15 Leagues of Hallifax, the wind is Contrary. 

30 This morninsr we enter'd the mouth of Hallifax, Harbour, as we 
pass'd up the Town has a very handsome appearance, at 12.. O. . 


Arnold's expedition to Quebec. 301 

Clock we Came to Anchor, Dear the Town & at Two. We went on 
shore, the Land on which this Town is Built rises Gradually until it 
forms a beautiful eminence, Call'd the Citadel-Hill, the Town is band- 
Bomely laid out, the Building are but small, in general, at the upper 
end of the Town there is a very good Dock, yard, handsomely built 
with Stone and Lime in which there are Borne handsome buildings, 
Major Meigs & I waited on his Excellency Gen! How this afternoon, 
with some dispatches from Gen! Carlton. 

June..] Gen! Howe after some Conversation desir'd us to wait on 
him again, on Monday Next, & he promis'd us he would inform us 
when and how we >hould have a passage to New England, I visited 
some officiers, and others who were prisoners in Hallil'ax. \ \/.\ Cap! 
Mortingdell, of Rhode, Island who was taken in a privateer, Lieu' Scott 
who was taken at Bunker Hill, the IT'" of June last and a number 
of Others amounting in the whole to 20 ..persons — this day we took 
Lodgings at one Riders Tavern. 

2 ..:).. 1 . . 5 We remainded on shore, untill 3 . . O.. Clock this after- 
noon, then we embark'd on Board his Majesties Ship Scarborough. 

(') Lord Piercy din'd on hoard the Scarborough, at his Coming on 
Board he was saluted by 13 Guns from this ship, & the same number 
from Beveral ships that lay near us, 1 went ashore to. day and found an 
opportunity of writing to my fellow prisoners in Quebec, which I gladly 

7 . .8 . . 9 We Still remain here expecting every day to sail. 

10 at 10. .0. . Clock this morning we sailVl, we had a fair brisk 

11 Little wind to day. 

12 The wind is not fair, we are beating of Cape Sables. 

13 The wind is Contrary we are beating off . . d° 

1 4 This morning we enter'd the Bay Fundy, at 3 . . . . Clock P : M : 
we pass'd Falmouth, a small Village I am inform'd 15 . . or 18 . . sail 
of Vessels own'd at six o . . Clock we were abreast of Long Island, 
the wind is fair & fresh, we pass'd a number of small Islands, & Rocks 
to day, particularly Gannets Rock, which was CoveFd with white Fowl 
in such Numbers, that at a distance it looks like a small Hill, Cover'd 
with Snow, These Fowd are Call'd Gannets or Solen Geese, they are 
almost as large as our Common Geese. 

1 ") The wind X : K . . we pass'd Peteet, Passage, to day. 

16 We pass'd high Islands the wind is fair for us to go to Cumber- 
land, where we are order'd. 

17 At 10 . . Clock A . . M : we Came to Anchor in Cumberland Bay 
about 1 Miles from the Town . the Country has a very pleasant appear- 
ance from where we lye, I am in a disagreeable Situation to-day. but 
there is not such a scence of Slaughter, and Blood shed, as I was in this 
day 12 Mouths. 


18 This day we apply 'd to the Cap* for leave to go on shore but 
were refus'd. 

19 We sent on Shore, & Bought 2 . . Fowl at 3^ Lawful, dear indeed. 

20 We understand we are to sail the first fair wind, we had a fine 
dinner to-day, one Fowl roasted, and another Boil'd, with some pork 
and Potatoes, I made the best meal that I had made for about six- 
months past, some of the Inhabitants Brought some sheep along side 
to-day for which they asked 48 / % piece for — New : England Rum 
here is 21 s /4 d Lawful f Gallon. 

21 This is the first day that has looked like summer since I came to 
Hallifax, we expect to sail from here tomorrow, if the wind do favour us, 
every day seems a month to me, I am very anxious to see my dear 
family once more. 

22 We hove up to day, and attempted to go down the Bay, but the 
wind was so fresh against us that we were obliged to Come to Anchor 
again, after falling down about 2 . . Leagues. 

23 The wind blows very Strong & Contrary against us. 

24 We had a heavy gale of wind at S . . W . . last night, it was sup- 
pos'd that we were in great danger, of driving on shore, but by letting 
go another Anchor, we Rode it out without any damage, the wind re- 
mains Still Contrary. 

25 At 12.. O.. Clock to,day we sail'd from Cumberland with a 
fresh Breeze. 

26 at 8 . . O Clock this morning we came to Anchor at the mouth of 
Anapolis Harbour, seven Leagues from the Town, from Fort Cumber- 
land to this place is 30 Leagues, Anapolis lays on the east side of the 
Bay of Fundy, the Land at the Mouth of the Harbour, is very Moun- 
tanious, and Barren, as is almost all the Land on this Coast which I 
have seen, — at 3 . . O . . Clock P : M : we weighed Anchor and put up 
the River, and at 6 . . of the Clock, Came to Anchor at Anoplis Town, 
which appears to have 50 . . or 60 Houses in it, and a fortification ; sev- 
eral miles before we come to the Town, there are some Inhabitants, 
On both sides the River, where there is several very good Orchards, the 
Land in general, is Cold, spruce bad looking Land, but there is very fine 
Marshes here, which makes a very pretty appearance, as we Sailed up 
the River. 

27 We apply 'd for leave to go ashore to-day, but was refus'd the 
weather is very pleasant . . . This afternoon I was seized with a violent 
pain in my head, and soon afterwards, I was seized with a sickness in 
my Stomach, after vomiting very heartily, I felt some rilief at my 
stomach, but the pain in my head increas'd, I was visited by the Sur- 
geon of the ship, who said I was in a high fever, & urged me to take a 
puke, which Operated very well upon me, after heaving up a large quan- 
tity of Bile, I found myself much better, and a tolerable Nights Rest. 

28 I find myself very weak and something feverish, I have had 


l)looil let, after which I fell much better, T am now in hopes of escaping 
:i fever, which las! Night, I waa much afraid of. 

29 The weather i> very fine, we heard to day, thai the Milford ship 
of 28 (inn-, has taken a Privateer of 18 'inn-, belonging to Newbury 
Port, Commanded by one Tracy, we Bough I some Veal to-day al 6 d 
Sterling V. pound, which ia very Cheap, call'd here, at 7 OClock we 
l.'ft the Scarborough (P..M) This morning we come to Sail with a 
good Breeze, we are extremely well Treated by Cap! Graves, and the 
other officiere on Board at 7 OClock this evening we are abreasl of 
( rrand Manan. 

July 1 We have very little wind, the weather is very Cloudy, at 12 . . 
().. Clock We have a brisk Breeze and a thick Fogg. 

2 The weather remains Foggy, we have a light Breeze; our Gen- 
eral (our-'- is S..S..W..but as the weather is thick, and we not 
willing to tall in with the Land, until! it is Clearer, we keep running off 
and on waiting for the weather to Clear up. 

8 The weather is Clear, we are in sight of .Mount desert, we have 
sh Breeze at N : W . . We are Stearing for Machias, at 3.. 

(). . CIo 'k, as we were about entering Machias harhour, we espied throe 
small -ail to windward, the Cap! sent a Barge after them, at 6.. OClock 
the Barge Return'd with a small fishing Schooner as a prize, they 
informed the Cap 1 that there was a small privateer along shore, which 
fired Beveral shot at them, at seven O Clock the Cap? order' 1 about 20.. 
hands on board the Schooner — Which they had taken, with some Blun- 
der-Busses and ther arm-, and sent thern off, after the Privateer, which 
was in Bight when the Schooner left the ship, which was about sun'set. 

I We are Cruising up and down from Mount Desart to Machias 
waiting for the Schooner which went after the Privater last Night, the 
weather is very line — -at 2 . . O. . Clock P : M: the Boats return'd with 
] -mall fishing boats and two men we Anchor'd this Night by an 
Island, Called Mespecky. 

5 about three Leagues from Machias Harbour, the boats were sent 
out this morning, and took a Small fishing schooner Laded with fish 
belonging to Portsmouth, one Fumell Master, by the writing found on 
Board, the people all left her, and went off in a Canoe, when they found 
they were like to be taken, we lay at anchor here all day. 

6 This morning Cap! Graves gave two of the men, who were taken 
in Borne oi the fishing Boats liberty to take one of the Same, (by the 
name of Wallas: o^ Dyer) belonging to Narriguagos, a few leagues 
below Mount Desart; upon their promising to Carry Major Meigs, & 
myself to Casco, Bay, and at 10.. O.. Clock, we left the ship and went 
op as far as Narriguagos, which is about 5 Leagues, and went on shore, 
to one Cap: Wallas's where we were very genteelly entertained. 

7 This day being Sunday, we went to meeting, the weather is very 
warm, we found the people all in arms, to oppose any boats from the 


men of War, that attempted to land — as they were apprehensive of 
their Coming to plunder for fresh Meat. 

8 At seven O . . Clock in the morning we sailed for Casco : Bay, we 
made no Harbour this Night, we are off, abreast of Mount-Besart. 

9 We have a light Breeze this morning at S . . W . . we pass'd the 
Bay, of Jericho this forenoon, this afternoon, we pass'd the Isle, of 
Holt, we saw a Number of very Large whales to day, at 5 . . O . . Clock 
this afternoon, we pass'd Ponabscutt Harbour, a few Leagues without 
this Harbour, is a number of small Islands, CalPd the Silley Islands, 
at 9 . . O . . Clock this evening, we came to an Anchor in a small bay — 
Called Talland Harbour, where there are several families — it is on the 
West side of Ponobscut Bay. 

10 This morning we set sail at Sun -rise, but the Fogg being very 
thick we were obliged to put back to the same Harbour again — we 
went on shore and got some milk and Greens, at 9 . . O . . Clock the 
weather Cleared up a little and we put to sea, but soon after we put out, 
it came on very foggy again, it was so Foggy and Calm, that we con- 
cluded to go back into the Harbour again . . . where we came to Anchor 
at 2 . . O . . Clock P : M : Maj r Meigs & I agree'd to take our Land-Tacks 
on board and quit the Boat . . We walked 2 miles & Came to a river, 
Called George's River, we Cross'd the same and Came, to a Village 
Called George's Town, we walked Two miles, and Came to a river Call'd 
Madumcook, which we Cross'd and Came to a Village call'd Madam- 
cook, where there lives 40 families, we Tarried here one Night. 

1 1 We started this morning for Broad Bay, which is six miles dis- 
tant from here, at 9 . . Clock we arrived at said Bay — where there is 
fine settlements, the inhabitants seems to live very well ; we were very 
Genteely Treated by Esq r Thomas, of said place, who I found was 
Nephew to Gen! Thomas in the Continental Army, said Thomas 
favour'd us with his Horse to Carry our Packs as far as Damascoty 
which is eight Miles, we Cross'd, Bemoscoty River & walked Two miles 
to one Barkers Tavern, in a place Called Newcastle, here Stayed all night. 

12 We hired Horses to go to Sheepscutt River, where we we arrived 
at 9 O . . Clock, we sent the Horses back again and Cross'd the River 
called Sheepscut, and walked one mile, and met some people to work 
on the High : way, we were asked into a house to eat some dinner, here 
we hired Two Horses to go to Kennebeck River, which is 15 miles, we 
Cross'd Kennebeck River, at sun-set & walked one mile, then Lodged 
at M r Lamberts Tavern. 

13 We hired said Lamberts Brother & Horses to Carry us to^Fal- 
mouth, at 9 . . .. Clock we Started, at 11 .. . . Clock, we Cross'd Browns 
Ferry on Stephen's River, at 12 . . O . . Clock we arrived At Brumswick 
which is 30 Miles from Casco, he we dined, here are a number of ele- 
gant Buildings, & the ruin of an old Fort, Called Brumswick Fort, at 
4 . . . . Clock P M . . we left Brumswick, after passing thro, Yarmouth 



w |g, which is 10 Miles, we pass'd through North- Yarmouth, and al 

Sun'sel we arrived at Nights Tavern, which is 5 Miles to the eastward 
of Falmouth, and there put ujp and Tarryed all night 

l i We Btarted early this morning for Falmouth, when we arrived at 
Falmouth, there we found a Bloop ready to Bail, in \\ hich several Masters 
of Vessels belonging to New England, who came from Hallifax, were 
going Passengers We also embarked on Board said Bloop, & at 10.. 
().. Clock Bailed for Portsmouth, having but very little wind & that 
quite Contrary, we made but small headway. 

15 'This morning we are a Breast of Wood-Island, at 5.. O.. Clock 
P. . M : we arc abreast of old york, and the wind ahead. 

16 This morning we arc a Breast of the Esle-of Shoals, we have a 
small Breeze and arc Running for the Light-house in Portsmouth- 
Harbour, which place rejoiced me very much to see once more, at 10.. 
0.. Clock, A: M: I arrived at Portsmouth to my Great joy, and at 

sunset arrived safe at my own House, at Nottingham, & found my wile 
well, m\ Children alive, lV. my friends in General, well. 

M lr< a 26* 1777. 

Dr. Everett, Dr. Clarke, and Judge Chamberlain men- 
tioned several anecdotes concerning Aaron Burr and Alexander 
I [amilton. 

Mr. R. C. WlNTHROP, Jr., presented a memoir of the late 
Hon. David Sears. 

The Rev. E. F. Slafter presented a memoir of the late 
Rev. William S. Bartlet. 

Mr. Charles C. Perkins communicated to the Society a 
manuscript which he had annotated, containing a narrative 
of the events which happened during the insurrection in St. 
Domingo, from January, 1785, to December, 1704, written by 
his great-uncle Samuel Gr. Perkins, Esq., of whom he gave the 
following biographical sketch: — 

Samuel G. Perkins, third son of James and Elizabeth Per- 
kins, was born in Boston, May ^4, 1707. At the age of four- 
teen, his father being dead, and his mother having a large 
family to educate and support, he was sent to sea, as was the 
fashion in those days, to make his own way in the world. 
After many trying experiences of which no record is pre- 
served, as the account which he wrote of them was burned in 
the great Boston fire of 1871, together with the original maiiu- 



script of the Sketches and other papers belonging to his son 
Stephen, he went to St. Domingo in 1785, and assisted in car- 
rying on the business of the house of Perkins, Burling, & Co., 
which, after his elder brother James's return to Boston in 
1793, devolved upon Mr. Burling and himself. The Sketches, 
now first printed from a copy made by his great-niece Miss 
Sarah Paine Perkins in 1837, 1 give an interesting account of 
the writer's residence at the Cape, and bear abundant witness 
to his courage, resolution, and strength of character. In the 
account of his homeward voyage, after the destruction of Cape 
Francais, — here printed after the Sketches, — Mr. Perkins 
says that one of his reasons for embarking "on the slow and 
heavily laden brig William for Boston" was his engagement 
to be married. " The attractive power which lay East," as he 
quaintly puts it, was Miss Barbara C. Higginson, to whom he 
was united on the 19th of March, 1795. Later he became a 
partner in the house of Higginson & Co., and after he retired 
from business was the president of an insurance company. 

During the winter he lived in High Street, Boston, and in the 
summer at Brookline, where about 1803 he bought several acres 
of land from Mr. George Cabot, and built the house recently 
occupied by the late eminent architect Mr. H. H. Bichardson. 
Here he made his reputation as a successful pomologist and 
horticulturalist, and spent many happy years in cultivating his 
garden, whose espalier pear-trees were famed for their delicious 
fruit. In importing them from France Mr. Perkins under- 
went many difficulties which he was fond of recounting. The 
first importation was lost at sea ; and the second, which arrived 
off the port of Boston during the British embargo, was seized 
and destroyed. The third reached him safely, and became 
the first espalier trees grown in New England, if not in the 
United States. After the death of their owner they were sold 
at large prices, and transported to the gardens of Dr. J. C. 
Warren and other neighbors. In the latter part of his life Mr. 
Perkins lost his eyesight ; but his knowledge of pear texture 
was so accurate that he would instantly recognize any species 
of pear by the touch, and as he picked a Bon Chretien, a 
Duchesse, or a Seckel, would give it its correct name without 

1 This copy was presented to the Library of the Historical Society by Mr. 
Stephen Perkins. N. B. The notes within quotation marks are the author's; the 
others are the editor's. 



He died on his birthday, May 24, 1847, at the age of eighty. 
Knowing it to be his birthday, he frequently asked during the 
day, " Is it .still the 24th?" and having repeated the question 
for the last time shortly before midnight he peacefully expired, 
leaving behind him the goodly record of a well-spent life, 

whose years of trial and adversity, DO less than those of 
prosperity and happiness, had proved his strength of character, 

intelligence, and never-failing kindliness of heart. , 

Ho- ion, December, 1S.V). 
To Fh \nm .in Dex ii k. Esq. 

Dear Sir, — Agreeably to your request I have committed to paper 
a rough sketch of the events of the insurrection and subsequent emanci- 
pation of the slaves of St. Domingo, with an account of the destruction 
of Cape Francais and the massacre of its inhabitants, to which I have 
added some account of the state of the planters, and of society generally 
prior to that period. 

I have introduced some private anecdotes which, although strictly 
conformable to fact, may not possess much interest to those who were 
not actors in the scenes described ; but as they are in some measure 
connected with the general events of the revolt, and form a part of the 
general machinery of the revolution, I have mentioned them as coming 
within the reminiscences of those days. As these papers have been 
written from time to time, when I could find leisure to attend to them, 
and as they now appear iu the undressed and simple garb in which they 
were first attired, they are defective in many respects. Such as they 
are, however, I send them to you as a true representation of the facts 
that came within my knowledge. 

Very truly and respectfully your humble servant, 

S. G. Perkins. 

Sketches of St. Domingo from January, 1785, to December, 1704, written 
by a Resident Merchant at the Request of a Friend, December, 1835. 


At the time I arrived in St. Domingo in January. 1785. and for four 
or five years subsequent, the flourishing state of trade and the pros- 
perity of its inhabitants were without a parallel perhaps in the world ; 
for here there were no poor. I may say. either white or black, — for 
even among the latter those who were slaves were taken care of, fed and 
clothed, and well sheltered by their masters, and those that were free 
were able to get a living without excessive labor. If they were too old 


to work or otherwise incapacitated, they were provided for by their 
friends and relations. This was shown by the fact that there were no 
beggars in the streets and no poor houses in the cities ; and I do not 
recollect that I ever saw a free negro or mulatto above the age of ten 
years that was not decently and comfortably clad, until after the revolu- 
tion or insurrection of the blacks. As respected the whites, the only 
poor were the unfortunate gamblers ; and they were not in a state of 
suffering, for when penniless they had free quarters at the gambling- 
houses, where they could get plenty of good food and good wine to 
carry them through the day. Indeed it may truly be said that every- 
thing and everybody bore the marks of comfort and prosperity ; there 
were no taxes on the inhabitants of any sort, and every one was free to 
seek his bread in his own way. 

The harbors of Port au Prince and Cape Francais, which were the 
two principal ports of entry, were always filled with ships either loading 
or unloading their cargoes, and the sound of the negroes' labor song 
while at the tackle-fall was always cheering and pleasant. These ports 
were on the north and west, and Aux Cayes, the other port of entry, 
was on the south side of the island. The town or city of Cape Fran- 
cais contained about thirty thousand inhabitants — white, colored, and 
black — of which three quarters were slaves. 1 This town was the 
capital of the Northern Department, with a governor appointed by the 
mother country. One regiment of French troops of the line of in- 
fantry and one of artillery, besides a well-armed and well-organized 
body of national guards or militia, made up of the white inhabitants 
and a few mulattoes, composed the military force of the north. The 
seat of government was Port au Prince 2 on the west, where the 
governor-general and intendant-general resided ; here also was a mili- 
tary force of the same nature as that at the Cape. The mulattoes, 
formed into separate regiments, commanded by white officers, were in 

1 Bryan Edwards (Historical Survey of St. Domingo, p. 159) says that there 
were 8,000 free inhabitants of all colors, exclusive of the king's troops and sea- 
faring people, and 12,000 domestic slaves. He describes Cape Francais as a well- 
built town, containing between eight and nine hundred houses of stone and brick, 
besides shops and warehouses ; two fine squares with fountains, a church, gov- 
ernment house, barrack for troops, a royal arsenal or prison, a play-house, and 
two hospitals. The town owed its prosperity to the excellence of its harbor, and 
the extreme fertility of the plain adjoining it to the east. This plain, fifty miles 
long and twelve broad, was exclusively devoted to the cultivation of sugar-canes. 
" It yielded greater returns than perhaps any other spot of the same extent in 
the habitable globe." 

2 Port au Prince, the metropolis of the colony, contained in 1790 about 2,754 
whites, 4,000 mulattoes, and 8,000 slaves. In the plain to the east, called Cul de 
Sac, which was from thirty to forty miles in length by nine in breadth, there were 
one hundred and fifty sugar plantations. (Historical Survey of St. Domingo, 
p. 162.) 


general very fine troops; handsome, tall, straight, and beautiful men. 
Bat as the country was in a perfect Btate of peace from one end of the 
French settlement to the other, the services of these troops were Qever 
called for, except at processions and public reviews, until after the 
news of tin; French revolution reached St. Domingo. The spirit of 
the revolution which was going on in France had, however, gained 

ground in the colonies, and insubordination among the troops of the 
line had been manifested at an early period at Port au I'rince, where 
the colonel of the regiment a .Mi'. Mauduit, 1 I think — was murdered 
on the parade by his troops. Until that period the most perfect harmony, 
good feeling, and social intercourse existed among the inhabitants, and 

the most perfect good-will and mutual confidence was evident between 
the whites and their slaves. The only notorious and open violation 
of the law was the practice of duelling, which was not only an every-day 
sport among the young and dissipated, who were satisfied by a scratch 
or Blight wound on either Bide, but the combatants, having shown their 
prowess in the morning, supped together in the evening in closer 
friendship than ever. 

The event- oi' the latter part of the year 1789 and the year 1790 
were confined to the disorderly conduct of some of the militia, the 
revolt of the free mulattoes under the famous Oge,' 2 and their final 
dispersion, with the capture and execution of their leaders, a detailed 
account of which will appear in the course of these Sketches. 

But it may be proper to explain the origin and leading causes of this 
spirit of revolt, as it has been little known in this country and little 
attended to in France, wdiere it originated, and whence it was trans- 
planted to the colonies by the revolutionary assemblies of that country 
through the agency of the free educated mulattoes who were in France 
at the commencement of the revolution. These men, sons of planters 
of fortune, had received the best instruction that France could afford, 
and were daily witnesses of the violent and injudicious measures 
adopted by the National Assembly. They knew and felt that although 
born free men, protected in their property and in the enjoyment of per- 
sonal security, they possessed no political rights whatever, and were 
denied even the privilege of defending themselves against the wdiites 
unless their lives were endangered. They could, to be sure, prosecute 

1 M. le Chevalier de Mauduit came to St. Domingo in 1700, and sided with the 
mulattoes against the Government. His death is thus descrihed in the appendix 
to Bryan Edwards' Historical Survey, p. 254: "Urged by his troops to ask par- 
don of the national guard on his knees, and persistently refusing to do so, lie 
was knocked down by a sabre cut in the face. His head was then cut off and 
carried on the end of a bayonet, while his body was dragged through the streets 
to his house by the soldiers and sailors, who gutted it completely and destroyed 
its contents." 

- See note 2, p. 31G. 


and recover damages for injuries received; but if any one of them re- 
turned blow for blow, he knew that he would be condemned to have his 
right hand cut off by the common executioner. 1 I never heard of but 
one instance during my residence of this law being carried into effect. 
Such disabilities were of course a galling and never-ceasing canker in 
the minds of the free colored people ; and when they heard it declared 
by the leaders of the French people that all men are born free and 
equal, their active minds soon matured a plan by which they expected 
to compel the whites in the colonies to acknowledge their political 
rights as well as their birthright to freedom. Oge was then in France, 
and being a man of talent and consideration among them he was de- 
spatched, via the United States, to St. Domingo, for the purpose of 
accomplishing this desired object. How he succeeded will be seen 

Thus the causes of the insurrection and final revolution of the free 
mulattoes and slaves of St. Domingo must be sought in the National 
Assembly of France. The precipitate measures and rash and untried 
schemes adopted without due consideration or competent knowledge 
of the subject in the mother country, were well calculated to produce 
the results which followed. They were foreseen by the famous Bar- 
nave, who was at one time President of that Assembly, and were 
denounced by that distinguished leader as involving the fortunes of the 

" The declaration of the rights of man, without any distinction of coun- 
try or color, by a nation holding extensive colonies, cultivated by slaves, 
while it still determined to hold them with the full intention of reaping all 
customary advantages from them, without providing any substitutes for the 
slaves, or making any indemnity to their owners, must be deemed a rash 
and hasty as well as an improvident measure ; but neither these consider- 
ations nor the eloquence and warning of Barnave could resist the democratic 
rage for liberty and equality which then prevailed." 

Such is the language of the writers of that period. 
There was then in France a society under the title of " Les Amis des 
Noirs," 2 or " The Friends of the Negroes," which issued publications in 

1 The penalty exacted from a white man who struck a mulatto was an incon- 
siderable fine. The French mulattoes were liable to three years' service in the 
so-called marechausse, after which they had to serve in the militia without pay, 
providing arms and ammunition at their own expense. They were not allowed to 
hold any public office or to exercise any liberal profession. The privileges of the 
whites were not allowed in the French colonies to the descendants of an African, 
however far removed, whereas in the British colonies they were acquired after 
the third generation. 

2 Brissot, Lafayette, and Robespierre were the leaders of this society, which 
demanded the abolition of slavery and the slave-trade, whereas the English aboli- 
tionists limited their demands to any further introduction of slaves into the British 



favor of the oppressed Africans^ and caused them to be circulated in 
the West [ndies. The planters had complained to the king of the dan- 
gers to which they were exposed through the proceedings of this society; 
and although he did oot favor their application his ministers did j and 
Necker in particular laid it down as an incontrovertible axiom, " That 
the nation which sets the example of abolishing the slave-trade will become 
the dupe of its own generosity" "The effects of the promulgation of 
the doctrines of universal liberty and equality among the colonists," 
i contemporary writer, " were first felt in the beautiful island of 
St. Domingo, the finest parts of which were inhabited by a number of 
the most flourishing, rich, and happy colonists perhaps in the world: 
and she became the greatest, the most lasting, and the most deplorable 
victim to the ensuing calamities." To these causes we may look for the 

3 ma le by the free nmlattoes, who, though by birth free men with 
• to person and property, were not allowed by law to share in the 
civil government 

'• In the process of time," says the same author, ''commissioners were 
repeatedly sent from France; but these carrying out with them the violent 
political prejudices which they had imbibed at home, and being generally men 

devoid <>i principle, it not of abilities, instead of attempting to heal differ- 
encea on their arrival, trusted to the chances which length of time, distance, 
and tic uncertain state of government in the mother country might pro- 
duce in their favm\ and looked only to procure immediate power and con- 
Bequence by placing themselves at the head of some of the contending 
factions. Thus, rushing at once as principals into all the rage and fury of 
civil discord, they increased to its utmost pitch that confusion and mischief 
which they were intended to remedy." 

Ne?er was there a truer paragraph penned than this, and never were 
the rights, the properties, and the lives of a people more wantonly 
sported with than were those of the whites of St. Domingo under the 
reign of the last commissioners. 

Hut to begin at the beginning, T must go back to the time when I 
first took up my residence in this island, and give a short account of the 
general situation of its inhabitants, and of the relations of the planters 
and -laves to each other. I state no fictions for the purpose of making 
an impression, but simple facts, all of which were well known to myself, 
as many of them passed under my own eye. and those that did not were 
matters of notoriety throughout the country. Indeed, such was their 
nature and such were the effects they produced on me at the time, that 
they are as fresh and as visible to my mind's eye now as they were then 
to my natural and unimpaired vision. 

W -• Indian Colonics. Bryan Edwards {op. rit. p. 87. note) says that Lafayette 
sold his plantation at Cayenne in ITS', with seventy negro slaves, wichout making 
any stipulations concerning them. 


As early as the latter part of the month of January, 1785, 1 arrived at 
Cape Francais, where, as already stated, I became a resident. The state 
of the colony (I speak of the French part of the island) of St. Domingo 
at this time was, as I have before said, the most flourishing, peaceful, 
and happy that can be imagined. Everything and everybody pros- 
pered. There were few or no criminals ; no complaints that reached 
the public ear, and no apparent distress (except such as our nature is 
liable to everywhere) existed throughout the French settlements in the 
island. The security of person and property was as perfect as it is in 
New England, and much more so in fact, for street or highway rob- 
beries, shoplifting, and house-breaking were crimes unknown throughout 
the island. Any man might travel, night or day, alone and unprotected 
from one end of the French settlements to the other, without fear of 
interruption or insult of any kind. 

There were no public houses on the high-roads, and the traveller who 
was transported in the carriages of the planters from one estate to the 
other was everywhere received with the greatest hospitality and kind- 
ness, and entertained, without ceremony, in the most friendly and 
sumptuous manner until he wished to go his way. A carriage was then 
immediately brought to the door, and he was conveyed by a black 
driver to the next estate, at a suitable distance on the road. In this 
way he arrived at the end of his journey, free of expense, free of 
trouble, and delighted with everything he saw. He was charmed with 
the humanity, kind-heartedness, and paternal care which he everywhere 
observed in the masters towards their slaves, and with the good order, 
cleanly habitations, well-cultivated gardens, domestic comforts, and con- 
tented faces of the blacks. In this island, as in every other country on 
the face of the earth, brutes in human form were occasionally to be met 
with ; but on the French estates this was seldom the case, and if such 
existed they were principally among the free colored people, many of 
whom were proprietors of plantations. 

To confine myself, however, to what I have myself seen on planta- 
tions where I have resided for several days together, I beg leave to 
mention certain facts which show that the most perfect harmony, mutual 
confidence, and kindly feelings may exist between the master and his 

Having become acquainted with some of the most distinguished plant- 
ers in the neighborhood of the Cape, I had occasionally an opportunity 
of visiting their plantations, and otherwise making myself acquainted 
with the feelings that mutually existed between them and their slaves. 
I am not going to speak of my opinions, but of facts within my knowl- 
edge, having remained in the island many years and for many months 
after the general emancipation of the slaves in the Northern Depart- 
ments and the final destruction of the Cape. My object is to show 


how the Blaves were treated by their owners, bo far as I was acquainted 
with them; and I have reason to believe that the proprietors in general 
were equally indulgent and kind. Where this was not the case, public 
opinion frowned on the delinquents, of whom there were bul few. 

The Chevalier Dupe>ier, the Comte d'Hautval, the Chevalier Dugre's, 
tlic Comte de Corbier, Monsieur Duplessis, and others with whom I was 
acquainted, resided on their plantations, and were the objects of the most 
devoted affection <>n the part of their .slaves. 

Being unwell or Blightly indisposed, the first of these gentlemen had 

the g Iness to invite me to pass a Few days with him on his estate. 

While I was there, 1 was Btruck with the perfect eider and regular 
system with which everything was dene both indoors and out. The 
hospital was kept in the most cleanly state, and attended by the most 

experienced QU 1*868. Warm or tepid haths were provided for the Bick, 
on whom a physician attended once a day, or as often in the day as the 

case required. 

The master himself often visited the patients several times in the 
course ^i twenty-four hours to see that they were kept clean, and treated 
kindly. The convalescents were supplied from his own table with the 
most delicate and nutritions food, morning, noon, and night. If there 
was a disobedient or a sluggish slave to be punished, a complaint was 
made by the negro driver, or superintendent of the lield-work, to the 
overseer, and by the overseer to the attorney or proprietor. The delin- 
quent was brought to the hall, and there the facts and circumstances 
were inquired into by the master, and the punishment, if any, was pro- 
portioned to the degree of crime. Oue of these examinations happened 
to lie going on when I arrived at the plantation ; it was not interrupted 
by my presence, and I had an opportunity of witnessing the strict justice 
and merciful judgment of this amiable man. 

Nothing could be more interesting than the morning and evening 
regulations for the children on one of these plantations. An old black 
woman, dressed as cleanly as a good New England housewife, seated 
If in the gallery with a basket of bread cut into large thick slices. 
The children under working aire were then marched in, in single file. 
When the leader of the file arrived at the place where the old nurse 
Bat, >he examined it. from head to foot to see that it was clean and in 
good condition. The child then received a slice of bread, and was 
marched on to give place to the next, until all the children had been 
examined and fed. If any one seemed particularly careful of itself, it 
was caressed by the good dame, or received special marks of her ap- 
probation ; if, on the contrary, there was evident neglect, she mani- 
fested her displeasure, or threatened punishment if the offence was 
repeated. The houses or lints of the negroes were so arranged as to 
give to those who had families a separate house with a garden attached 



to it. These gardens were cultivated by the occupants at hours allotted 
for that purpose, and the product was carried to the market town on 
Sundays by the slave who had raised it, and there sold for his own 

The planters were seldom without company ; and as they were al- 
ways obliged to provide enough daily for the hospital as well as for the 
family, any one arriving at the hour of dinner found a splendid repast. 
The house servants were always kept in the most cleanly state, well 
dressed and well mannered, and were treated with the utmost kindness. 
This was the life of a planter of St. Domingo from 1784 to 1791. His 
slaves were well fed and clad, and as contented and happy, so far as I 
could judge, as any class of laboring people in Europe. 1 But the de- 
stroyer came among them ; first to render them discontented with their 
lot, and then to urge them to revolt. This took place in the summer 
of ninety-one (1791), through the instrumentality of white and mulatto 
commissions sent out from France, and aided by the free mulattoes of 
the island, who had revolted the preceding year. But the history of this 
revolt, and the horrible consequences which followed, both to the whites 
and to the blacks, must be reserved for another chapter. 


In which the Reminiscences of an Old Inhabitant of St. Domingo are 


The French revolution took place in 1789. "When the news of this 
event was received at St. Domingo, there was great commotion among 
the inhabitants. Some rejoiced and others lamented at the news. 
Cockades (red and blue) were distributed everywhere and to every- 
body who had a white face, and whether they liked it or not they were 

1 Our author paints the condition of men of all colors and grades at St. Do- 
mingo, before society had been disintegrated by French republican doctrines, 
as absolutely felicitous. That of the masters, who lived luxuriously in a deli- 
cious climate, taking no thought for the morrow and untroubled by conscientious 
scruples as to their right to hold slave property, was exceptionally so; but life 
must have worn a very different aspect to the mulattoes, who were hated and op- 
pressed by the so-called pet its Wanes, overseers, tradesmen, and shopkeepers, and 
to the negroes who were always liable to be sold to cruel and brutal masters, 
against whose absolute power they had no hope of redress. Their condition 
in 1790 had, however, greatly improved within the past fifty years, if the Pere 
Xavier de Charlevois is to be trusted. In his History of St. Domingo, published 
in 1733, he describes them as mere beasts of burden, living in huts no better than 
the dens of wild animals, unpaid for their labor, and liable to receive twenty 
blows of the whip for the least fault. "To this condition," he adds, " have men 
who are not without intelligence, and who are not unaware that they are abso- 
lutely necessary to those who treat them so brutally, been reduced." 



forced to wear them when they went abroad. I mention this fact as 
oonnected with an event thai took place at the theatre on the firs! even- 
ing after the exeitrnieiit began, and to .show that it 18 because the firsl 

violation of the law is Buffered to pass without rebuke or punishment 
that the greatest crimes are frequently Licensed and established in 

1 have mentioned that highway robbery was unknown in the colony, 
an«l that everything and every person passed without tear of interrup- 
tion throughout the country. This was true until the French revolution 
sanctioned all crimes, and brought upon this island the disgrace of having 

the mail stopped on its way from Port an Prince to the Cape. News 
had been received during the day that the mail had been robbed. Such 
an event was so novel and unexpected that everybody in the city was 
astounded. The perpetrator, whoever he might he. was considered as 
tie- boldest villain that had shown himself in the island since the days 
of the buccaneers, and the execration of the people was roused against 
him. In the evening, in the middle of the play, a shout was raised, and 
the delinquent having been brought on to the stage, surrounded by some 
of the hot-headed young men of the place, was pronounced the frst 
patriot of the colony. lie announced to the public that he had stopped 
the mail to examine the despatches from the governor-general at Port 
an Prince to the governor of the Northern Department, that he had 
found important communications which interested the welfare of the 
inhabitants, and justified the violence he had committed. Shouts from 
every part of the house encouraged him, and he went on to make some 
unimportant disclosures that were received with enthusiasm. Every- 
body, Bcldiers as well as citizens, who had not mounted the national 
cockade, were compelled to do it at the moment, and tumult and disorder 
prevailed throughout the night. 1 

1 "Our family had all repaired to the theatre without cockades, not choosing 
to make ourselves a party to the political disputes of the town, and my partner 
(Mr. Burling) and myself had taken our seats in what was called the amphi- 
theatre, where the young men of family usually sat. After the fellow who had 
Mopped the mail had told his story and was being applauded throughout the 
house, a cry was raised to mount the national cockade. A young man full of 
enthusiasm, Beeing that Hurling had no cockade in his hat. asked him the reason 
in a tone that did not suit Butting's pride, and he accordingly answered tartly 
that it was because he did not choose to assume it. To this the Frenchman, 
who was one of the young Creoles of family and a high blood, made an insolent 
reply, and Burling immediately struck him with his fist full on the breast. This 
was death by the laws of honor, and Burling invited the other party to follow 
him. and immediately left the amphitheatre. As I was not near when this fray 
took place. I knew nothing of it until Burling called to me to go out with him ; 
and when the whole thing was explained, and a Mr. Paigot. a gentleman well 
known to us, came Dp and told Burling that the person he had struck was a 
friend of his, and he begged that time and place might be named for c meeting 


This was the beginning of a disorganization which led to mistrust and 
jealousy between the Government and the citizens, and ended in revolt 
and massacre among the whites themselves. 

Hitherto the people of color had remained quiet ; nor was there any 
manifestation of revolt until the next year, 17 C J0, when a young man, a 
free mulatto of education, arrived in the island from France, via Charles- 
ton, South Carolina. His name was Oge. This person soon collected 
a body of free colored people, to the number of twelve or fifteen hundred, 
with arms, at a place called La Grande Riviere. 1 

The Government troops, aided by the National Guards, or militia of 
the town, after great loss of men by sickness, dispersed the rebels, and 
drove their leaders into the Spanish territory, where they were arrested 
and sent to the Cape by water. They were, I think, twenty-one in 
number, — a white priest, the commander Oge, his lieutenant Marc Cha- 
vanne, and eighteen others. The two chiefs were broken on the wheel, 
and the priest and the rest were hung in the Church Square. 2 I shall 

in the morning, Burling referred him to me and went home, and I agreed to meet 
Paigot the next morning at five o'clock in his lodgings, as all was now noise and 
bustle, to settle these points. Accordingly at five I was at Mr. Paigot's house ; 
but he was not up, and on being called by his servant he came into the hall in 
his dressing-gown, and said he had been up all night with the mail-robber carous- 
ing and playing the fool, and had forgotten his engagement, but he would send 
for his friend and consult with him, although he wished the affair could be made 
up, as the young man would he a loss to his friends, and he knew Burling would 
shoot him. This gave me an opportunity to say that the whole thing lay with 
them, — they had given the challenge, and if they chose to withdraw it we were 
satisfied, as the saddle was on their shoulders. ' My friend/ said Mr. Paigot, 
' est brave comme le poudre a canon ; but as every one was excited last evening the 
affair had better be dropped.' " 

1 " At the time this insurrection broke out I belonged to a corps of young men, 
called the Volunteers, under the command of the Comte de Grasse. This corps 
was ordered into the country to join the army at La Grande Eiviere, and the 
members who had horses were allowed to go on horseback to avoid the fatigue of 
marching on foot to headquarters, which was of itself enough to break down one 
half the company. The rendezvous in town was announced to the members, 
and they were ordered to be on the ground at nine o'clock in the evening. It 
rained with a violence seldom seen even in that climate, and after supping I filled 
my canteen with some old rum, took leave of my friends, whom I never ex- 
pected to see again, and mounting my horse started for the place of meeting. I 
had not proceeded a hundred yards when I was addressed by a negro who in- 
quired my residence. On asking his errand, he gave me a letter, which I read by 
the aid of a lamp, countermanding the order. You may be sure my heart leaped 
for joy ; for had we proceeded, not one third of us would have returned 

2 Jacques Oge, son of a white planter and a mulatto woman, returned from 
Prance, where he had been sent to be educated, filled with the hope of avenging 
the wrongs of his class. Landing secretly at the Cape, he was joined by two or 
three hundred mulattoes, who, as related in the text, were defeated in their first 
encounter with the Government troops. Oge' and his lieutenant Marc Chavanne, 

1886.] tNSUBBBCTION in ST. DOMINGO. ol7 

not here attempt to give any detailed description of this appalling spec- 
tacle, because it would be disgusting, although it was rend, red imposing 
in the highest degree, and most awful by tin' preparations, tin- circum- 
stances, and the forms which preceded the execution. Two regiments 
of free colored troops were drawn up on one Bide the Bquare with their 
arms loaded : on the other three- Bides were the militia and Government 

troops. Intimations had been circulated that tin- free mulattocs would 

attempt a rescue; but as the Government did not choose to show any 
distrust <»f them, they were ordered on duty. The troops, assembled at 

eight o'clock in the morning, were obliged to remain in a burning Min 
until twelve at noon before the prisoners were brought out. The 
battalion was now called to order, and a proclamation was read by tin; 
assistant general declaring that if any person Bhould attempt to signify 

a Wish that the culprit should he pardoned, or that the execution 
should he BUSpended, whether such manifestation was made by word, 
act. or gesture, he ,-dionld be instantly shot dead on the spot without 
form of trial. 

The suffering of the troops was great from thirst and exhaustion, and 
great murmuring had arisen among them on account of the length of 
time they had already been kept on the ground in a line, before the 
prisoners arrived. A glass of water was not to be obtained at any cost 
or by any means, and a faintness prevailed throughout the whole line 
of the militia, which was greatly increased by the sight of so many 
fellow-beings brought before them for execution. The expectation that 
the corps of mulattoes, composed of about twelve hundred men, would 
revolt, did not diminish their sufferings or strengthen their sinews ; but 
the moment the proclamation was finished, every man throughout the 
line on the four sides of the square was as fixed as if he had been 
bound to a bar of iron. 

The first Btep on the part of the colored people to produce a general 
insurrection having failed, and peace being restored for a while, the 
whites became supine, and confident of their own power to control 

a quadroon like himself, Bed to the Spanish territory, where they were seized 
and given up to their enemies. Early in March, 1791, they were tried, and con- 
demned to do penance, kneeling in their shirts, bareheaded, with heavy waxen 
torches in their hands, before tin' door of the church at the Cape ; to confess and 
a>k pardon of God, the king, ami justice: to he broken on the wheel in the Place 
d'Armes. and to have their heads cut off and exposed on stakes. Although Ogc 
made a full confession of the plot in which he had been engaged, he was put to 
death with (havanne on the 9th of March in the cruel manner prescribed. Two 
days later, Vincent Oge*, Jacques' brother, shared his fate; twenty-one of their 
followers were hanged, and thirteen were condemned to the galleys for life. 
The barbarous treatment of these unhappy men excited a storm of indignation 
in France, and led to the decree of the General Assembly, on May 16, which 
gave the privileges of French citizens to all men of color in her West Indian 


them. 1 But they were not aware that the ease with which they sup- 
pressed the first insurrection was one of the causes of the complete suc- 
cess of those who were preparing a second. The Abbe Gregoire had 
published in France an inflammatory pamphlet on the emancipation of 
the slaves in the French colonies, 2 which had been brought out to St. 
Domingo and circulated among the free mulattoes, and its contents dis- 
cussed with great vehemence by the planters and slaveholders generally, 
at their own tables and elsewhere, in the presence of their house ser- 
vants, who could not long remain ignorant of the fears and weakness of 
their masters. However well they were treated, their imagination soon 
became excited, and that real or imaginary love of liberty which is 
inherent in our nature broke loose, and was fanned into a flame by their 
masters, who, while they were cursing the Abbe Gregoire for writing 
on the subject of negro emancipation, were wearing the cap of liberty 
themselves, talking of the rights of man before their own slaves, and by 
their republican opposition to the old Government encouraging their 
slaves to rise against them. 

However culpable the Abbe Gregoire may have been in attempting 
to rouse the slave against his master, the planters and slaveholders gen- 
erally were not less so in vaunting their own success in destroying the 
ancient government of France. Their own freedom was the daily sub- 
ject discussed at dinner, and the violent means by which it was obtained 
was justified and applauded. How could slaves who had any percep- 
tions stand by and hear such conversations between their masters and 
not feel that the arguments were as good for them as they were for 
those who, claiming the right as men to be free, insisted on enslaving 
others ? 3 

It was then the publication of tracts on emancipation, aided and 
enforced by the imprudence of the planters and other white inhabitants 

1 They supposed that all danger had ceased in consequence of Oge's barbarous 
punishment ; but, to use the expression of Mirabeau, " they were sleeping on the 
margin of Vesuvius, and the first jets of the volcano were not sufficient to awaken 

2 Letter of the Abbe' Gregoire, Bishop of the Department of Loire at Cher, 
Deputy of the National Assembly, to the Citizens of Color in the French West 
Indies, concerning the Decree of the 15th of May, 1791. 

3 A writer in the " Quarterly Review," vol. xxi., 1819, speaks of the frenzy 
which seized on the minds of the more wealthy part of the colonists at this time : 
" With a population of slaves outnumbering the rest of the inhabitants in the 
proportion of seven to one (Edwards says sixteen to one ; see preface to op. cit.), 
they planted the tree of liberty, pulled down the legitimate authorities, and set 
up the pernicious doctrine of equality and the rights of man. Their madness 
moved the negroes but little ; but the free people of color, equal to the whites in 
number, set up their claim to an equality of rights." According to Edwards, 
chap. 1, pp. 26 and 36, the French part of the island contained thirty thousand 
whites, twenty-four thousand mulattoes, and four hundred and eighty thousand 


of the island, joined to the secret arts of the free mulattos, which 
brought about the insurrection of 1791. 

When this insurrection broke out (middle of August) I was in the 

United States, hut embarked immediately on hearing the news, as a 
pari of m\ immediate family as well as my partners in business re- 
mained at the Cape, one of whom, Mr. Burling, had been already 

severely wounded in the first severe conflict that took place between 

the whites and the insurgents. 1 

1 " When the Insurrection first broke out the Government sent a small party of 
regular loldien to put it .loan, but they were repulsed by numbers ami returned 
to town. The Government then sent Colonel Touzard with some regular troops 
ud a body of cavalry formed of the citizens of the town. My partner, Mr. Hur- 
ling, belonged to this corps and went out with them. There was also a .Mr. Sellee 
(a friend of ours who was a sub-officer Of the company), a man six feet two, ami 
of great muscular power, from whom I had the following account of the attack 
and overthrow of the Macks at that time. Colonel Touzard had lost his right 

arm at Rhode bland during the Revolutionary War under Rochambeau, and was 

at this time lieutenant-colonel of the Cape, commanded by Colonel the Baron de 
Champford. 'As the cavalry came to a turn in the road,' said Selles, 'we met 
our semts riding back with great haste to inform us that there was a large body 
of eight or nine hundred blacks and mulattoes on the road, with three pieces of 
cannon which they had planted in front of them, one of which was a very large 
piece placed in the middle of the highway and pointed directly towards us. They 
added that a great part of these people were well mounted, and that their matches 
were lighted to lire the cannon, should we approach them, by those who had 
Charge of the guns, the shot of which must, from the dense mass of our corps 
confined in a narrow road, mow down half the company, when the mounted 
mulattoes would charge the flying remnant and cut them to pieces, and therefore 
recommended immediate retreat until the infantry came to their aid. Colonel 
Touzard, however, chose to see the enemy himself, and ordered the corps to 
advance. One of the soldiers or citizens who was in the first rank at this junc- 
ture found out that he was not in his proper place, and said it was not, and fell 
back into the third or fourth rank. Burling saw this movement, and immediately 
dapped spurs to his horse and took the place the other had left, which brought 
him within two or three of the file leader in the front rank and near to Colonel 
Touzard. When the corps, which was composed of about forty or fifty men at 
most, came in full view of the enemy, Touzard ordered a halt, and made a short 
address to the little troop, exhorting them to be firm and steady in their charge, 
which was now their only chance of escape, as retreat was inevitable death. 
" Close your ranks firmly, draw your swords, and move forward on a quick 
trot ; and when I give the word to char<:p, give spur to your horses nnd dash into 
the cannon's mouth." When the troop had arrived so near that they could see 
the preparation made to fire off the three pieces of cannon at once, the colonel 
cried, '• Attention 1 Charge* " As soon as the word to charr/e was given, Touzard 
clapped his reins in his mouth, and with his left hand plucked out his sword with 
inch sleight of hand that .Mr. Burling, who had his eye upon him, could hardly 
see the motion. The moment the blacks saw the horse charge they fired the 
three pieces which had been loaded with nil sort of implements that they could 
pick up or extract from the copper boilers, among which the broaddicaded copper 
spikes were the most abundant About a dozen of the troop fell from their 
horses, and the rest dashed past the canuon and into the thickest of the insur- 


On my arrival I found Mr. Burling still confined with his wound, 
and the Cape in a state of siege. 1 The insurgents or revolted slaves, 

gents' horsemen, who were waiting- for the smoke to clear off that they might 
see the effect of their fire, and take advantage of the discomfiture and flight of 
the whites. I saw Burling,' said Selles, ' make at a mulatto whose head was 
covered with plumes, and who was doubtless one of their chiefs, as he was re- 
markably well mounted; but no sooner had he approached him than another 
mulatto chief rode up, and was in the act of cutting him down when Burling saw 
him, and received his blow on the back of his broadsword, and at the same 
moment plunged the blade into the fellow's body, and he fell down from his 
horse to the ground. Burling now turned to look for his first assailant ; but he 
had turned to fly with his troops, who were broken and scampering in all direc- 
tions. Burling followed, but the mulatto was better mounted; and Burling, see- 
ing he could not overtake him, drew his pistol, and laying his reins on his horse's 
neck shot the man dead. The mulatto fell forward over his horse's head, and 
Burling, who was close behind at full speed, leaped over his body in pursuit of 
others. The bugle had sounded the repeal to prevent the whites getting too 
far away from each other, and Selles was in pursuit to rally them when he over, 
took Burling and called to him to stop.' ' Well, what do you want? ' said Bur- 
ling. 'The men are recalled,' said Selles, 'and you must go back.' ' When I 
have knocked that fellow off his horse I '11 go back,' said Burling. ' Why, man, 
are you wounded ? ' said Selles. ' Not I,' said Burling, and he put spurs to his 
horse ; but the moment of inaction he had had, showed him Selles was right, for 
one of his legs was stiff", and on looking down he found his boot was full of blood. 
He accordingly returned with Selles, and was with the other wounded men put 
on board a boat to be sent to the Cape. There was one poor fellow by the 
name of Le Sage who had received a copper spike in his knee from which he 
suffered excessive pain. When they were landed, the surgeon, Valentine, a 
friend of ours, came to Burling first; but he would not let the doctor touch him 
till he had relieved Le Sage, who, poor fellow ! died that night." 

1 " At the time the insurrection broke out my brother James was on a visit 
with his wife and child to the Marquis de Rouvry on his plantation near Fort 
Dauphin. The following account, taken from his widow lady, who is still living, 
may be depended on as fact : — 

" ' We had been passing a fortnight with the Comte d'Hautval on his plantation, 
and on our way home had engaged to dine with the Marchioness de Rouvry, and 
then go on to the house of M. Obeluc, the procurator of the Plantation Galifet, 
where the insurrection first broke out. On our arrival at the De Rouvry planta- 
tion shortly before the dinner-hour in company with M. Baury de Bellerive and 
his lady and child, who also came from the Comte d'Hautval's, we were told that 
Madame had gone to a neighboring plantation, but that she expected us, and 
would be home in season for dinner. On her return she informed us that she had 
ascertained on inquiry that the whole country was in a state of insurrection ; that 
as yet her slaves were ignorant of the fact, though it was to be feared they would 
know it soon, as there was a general alarm, and people began to fly in all direc- 
tions. We then held a council to decide what course we had best pursue, and 
determined to leave the plantation that night at twelve o'clock for Fort Dauphin. 
In the evening a slave passed through the estate, and informed the negroes that 
their fellows were burning and destroying everything. We soon discovered 
what had happened by the changed manners of the slaves, — their insolence and 
bravado, their noise and general deportment, — but we nevertheless sat down to 
dinner from a rich service of plate, though we ate little, and spent but a short 



oommanded by ;i Mack named Jean Francois, 1 had possession of the 

whole plain for sixty miles along the coast, ami were still burning and 
plundering the country. 

time nt table in gloomy silence. The membert of Madame de Rouvry's family 
then at home were her daughter, r beautiful girl of sixteen ; a young lady, her in- 
structress ; ami a lady who had escaped from one of the neighboring estates that 
afternoon. The Marquis was in the mountains en business. The lady of the 
bouse packed up her plate, and ordered the carriages to lie got ready and brought 
to the door just before midnight There were evident marks of discontent on the 
laces of the servants, and some money was necessary to bribe the coachmen to 

harness their hones and get ready to Mart. At twelve o'clock we left tin- house 

in three carriages. The Marchioness and her daughter and instructress were in 

the first carriage, with the plate; myself and child, with Madame Baury ami her 
chilil, were in the second; and Mr. Perkins and the lady who had escaped as 

above stated, were in the third. M. Baury was on horseback. As we were ap- 
prehensive of being Btopped if we met any of the insurgents, the drivers were 

Ordered to avoid a village which was in our route ; hut before their intention was 
discovered they had gone so far on the road that led to it, that we could not turn 
back without Bhowing them our fears, and it was judged best to let them go on. 
Mr. Perkins and M. Baury had agreed, in case the drivers refused to proceed, to put 
them both to death, and to mount their horses and drive the carriages themselves. 
These gentlemen were both armed; and as all our lives depended on getting to 
Fort Dauphin there was no other alternative. When we arrived at the village we 
found the houses tilled with lights, and the slaves howling and dancing through- 
out the place. On reaching the centre of the village Madame de Rouvry's pos- 
tilion drew up and stopped the whole party. We now gave ourselves up for lost, 
but felt the necessity of keeping silent as long as we could, for fear of alarming 
the blacks by whom we were surrounded, and wdio were evidently rejoicing over 
the events of the day. Madame de Bouvry, who was a woman of great courage 
and wdio was much feared by her slaves, ordered the fellow to proceed instantly 
or she would have him punished in the severest manner. The man hesitated ; but 
her voice, which he had been accustomed to obey, drove him from his purpose, 
ami he proceeded through the hamlet so quietly that the insurgents, who were 
all in the houses dancing and beating their drums, never discovered us. The 
presence of M. Baury, who was on horseback and armed with a sword, un- 
doubtedly influenced the postilion's decision to go on rather than run the risk 
of being put to death." The fugitives arrived safely at Fort Dauphin about 
four o'clock in the morning, to the great surprise of the inhabitants. A gentle- 
man of that place, to whose house they drove, assured them that the fears of 
the regular troops there were so great that they could not be prevailed on to 
march into the country even a few miles. A ' droger ' was procured, and the 
party embarked in her for the Cape, a distance of about forty miles. A mattress 
was 1 iid on the ballast of the vessel for Mrs. Perkins and her child to rest upon 
during the passage." 

1 Jean Francois took the title of Grand Admiral of France, and his lieutenant 
Beasaon that of Generalissimo of the conquered districts. 

" In this account of the escape of Madame if' Rouvry and her guests nutliinc: is said of 
the faithful slave who warned them <>f their danger and facilitated their flight. In 
1785, six years before the breaking <<nt of the Insurrection, this poor fellow was landed at 
Cape Franeals from a slave-ship, and taken t" the slave-market in an apparently < 1 > i i > l: con- 
dition. One of the brothers Perkins, happening to pass by, observed bis pitiful condition, 
remonstrated with the slave-dealer on his Inhumanity, and on being told with an oath 



The unhappy whites, male and female, who had fallen into their 
hands were in the most deplorable condition that the imagination can 
conceive. The women, old and young, were collected together on the 
floor of a church about twelve or fifteen miles from the Cape, where 
many of them fortunately died under the brutality to which they were 
subjected. Such were the shocking accounts received of the sufferings 
and degradation of these unfortunate ladies that the Government thought 
proper to fit out an expedition under the command of the late gallant 
Colonel Touzard, 1 whom the negroes had named Manchot because he 
had but one arm, the force of which they had felt in the first conflict. 
This gallant officer, who had lost his right arm in this country during 
the Revolutionary War, stormed their position, destroyed many hun- 
dreds of them, and brought off all the whites that remained alive ; 
but many of the females afterwards sank under their sufferings and 
mortifications, and were relieved by death from an insupportable 

The first person of any distinction who fell by the hands of the in- 
surgents was M. Obeluc, 2 proctor of the Plantation Galifet, one of the 
most amiable and virtuous men in the colony. Himself and all his 
family, except one young man who made his escape, were murdered 
and outraged in the most barbarous manner. 

1 Colonel Touzard marched with a body of militia and troops of the line to the 
plantation of M. Latour, and attacked a body of about four thousand negroes. 
Overwhelmed by numbers, he was at length obliged to retreat. Had the negroes 
dared to follow him to Cape Francais, they might easily have destroyed the 

2 M. Obeluc, the overseer of the Galifet plantation, where the kindness 
shown to the negroes was proverbial, was so firmly persuaded of their fidelity 
that he ventured to return there with a few soldiers, and paid the penalty of his 
rash confidence by death at their hands. 

that the poor devil was not worth caring for, and could be bought for half a Joe (doubloon), 
paid the money, and sent the unfortunate African to the hospital, where he eventually 
recovered. Mousse was then employed in the counting-house, where he soon gained the 
confidence of his masters. In 1791 he went with Mr. James Perkins to Madame de 
Rouvry's, and by giving him timely information of the proceedings of the slaves probably 
saved the lives of the whole party. Mousse then returned to Mr. Samuel Perkins, who men- 
tions him in the narrative (p. 39) as one of the blacks in his house when the town was destroyed. 
Mr. Perkins's only surviving daughter states that when her father was obliged to fly for his 
life from St. Domingo, Mousse refused to be left behind, swam out to the boats, and insisted 
on being taken on board. From the time of his arrival in Boston until his death in August, 
1831, Mousse lived in Mr. James Perkins's house as a valued servant. An obituary notice 
of him which appeared in a Boston daily paper of the 13th of August speaks of Mousse's 
warm attachment to all the members of the household, and of the esteem in which he was 
held by old and young for his honesty, independence of character, and warmth of heart. 
" His remains,'' says the same notice, " were yesterday deposited in the family vault under 
St. Paul's Church by the side of those of his late master, who was fondly attached to him." 
It is said that the name of Mousse, a corruption of Monsieur, was given to him by his fellow- 
slaves in acknowledgment of his dignified deportment and superiority of character. He 
gave his real name as Deyaha. and said that after he had been captured by slave-dealers 
while tending sheep with his father in the interior of Africa, he was a month on his march 
to the coast. 


This, reader, was the consequence of the first Btep taken by the 
abolitionists in disseminating their philanthropic tracts in the Inland 

Of St. Domingo I I I i 

Reminiscences of St, Domingo, continued. 

Tin: period at which the lasl chapter closed was the autumn of 1791. 

Several plantations within the range of country nominally under the 
control of the insurgents were still in possession of their owners at 
this period, who defended their canes and sugar works as well as their 
dwellings, aided by their own slaves, against the ravages and incendiary 
projects of the revolted blacks. 

The fidelity of the slaves in many instances was so great towards 
their masters that no persuasion and no threats on the part of the in- 
surgents could tempt them to revolt ; and at the risk of their own lives 
they maintained and protected the estates from injury. This course of 
conduct was not confined to those plantations where the proprietors re- 
sided, hut was successfully followed up by the slaves themselves in one 
instance at least, within my own knowledge, for several years, and until 
tranquillity was finally restored in 1704. This remarkable case I shall 
take the liberty of relating in the course of my narrative, as it shows a 
devotion on the part of the slaves towards their master and his interest 
and prosperity, long after he ceased to be a proprietor, and for several 
years after he had quitted the island and resided in this country (Charles- 
ton, South Carolina), which has but few, if any parallel in history. The 
proprietor of this plantation was a M. Lefevre. an elderly gentleman of 
great respectability and large fortune. Other cases of strong attachment 
ami affectionate regard were shown by the blacks towards the proprie- 
tors and their families that reflect the greatest honor upon, and mark the 
distinguished gratitude and benevolence of these unhappy people, who, but 
for the ruthless pretenders to a philanthropic spirit, might have remained 
in peace and contentment to the end of their days. The Chevalier 
Duperier, whom I have before mentioned as having always distin- 
guished himself among the wise and humane proprietors, was at home 
when the revolt began to show itself. As it spread, it approached his 
plantation, and his -laves were invited to join in the general insurrec- 
tion. Of this they informed their master ; and as he had no means of 

1 It i3 said that within two months after the breaking out of the insurrection, 
two thousand whites had been massacred, one hundred and eighty sugar and 
nine hundred coffee and indigo plantations destroyed, and twelve hundred Chris- 
tian families reduced to beggary. Ten thousand inhabitants had perished by 
famine and the sword, and several hundreds by the hand of the executioner. 


defence against the great mass of the revolted, he found it necessary to 
abandon his estate, and make the best retreat he could to the town. 
With this intention, he ordered his carriage, intending to save his life, if 
he could, by the sacrifice of everything else. As soon as it was known 
among his slaves that he was about to leave them and to abandon his 
plate and other valuables, they assembled in a body and insisted on 
going with him as an escort to protect him against the revolted negroes. 
Not contented with this mark of their attachment, they collected the 
carts and mules, and loaded them with the valuable movable furni- 
ture of the house, placed all his plate in his carriage, and surrounding 
him in a body, armed with clubs, brought him safe to the city. This is 
only one instance out of many of the same nature which occurred dur- 
ing the first excesses of the insurrection. 1 M. Duplessis, a descendant 
of one of the first families in Europe and a large proprietor in St. 
Domingo, his mother, wife, and child, were escorted in the same man- 
ner through the midst of the revolted blacks by his slaves, who actually 
defended them at the risk of their own lives against the insurgents, who 
made every effort in their power to detain them. 2 Immediately after 

1 One of the most striking stories of negro fidelity is that of a slave belonging 
to M. Baillou, the proprietor of a mountain plantation, about thirty miles from 
Cape Francois, who concealed his master's family in the woods, fed them with 
provisions from the rebel camp for nineteen nights, and then brought them safely 
to Port Margot. (Bryan Edwards, op. cit. p. 100.) After Colonel Mauduit's 
assassination (p. 309), his scattered limbs were collected by a black servant 
named Pierre, who gave them burial, " and, having washed them with his tears, 
made that tomb which his piety had raised his own funeral pile." (Lacroix, 
quoted in " Quarterly Review," 1819, p. 437.) 

2 " When this gentleman, M. Duplessis, found that the negroes of the neigh- 
boring plantation were all in insurrection, he determined to quit his residence and 
endeavor to reach the Cape with his family. He accordingly picked up what 
plate he had at hand, and with his wife and child, his wife's mother, and the 
child's black nurse, started for the city, he mounted on horseback, and the family 
in a cabriolet dragged by three mules. His blacks insisted on accompanying the 
carriage for the protection of its inmates ; and they accordingly surrounded it, 
and the whole cavalcade set off for the Cape. As the carriage could not move 
faster than the slaves who had volunteered to protect it, the insurgents were not 
long in overtaking and surrounding it, threatening to put the postilion to death 
if he did not stop. The old lady — mother of Madame Duplessis — was a 
woman of strong character, very pious and very amiable ; she was beloved by 
the slaves for her gentleness and benevolence, and was well known throughout 
that quarter of the plain for her just and kind treatment, as well as her absolute 
control over the blacks with whom she was brought in contact. 

" The first step of the insurgents, after stopping the carriage, was to take out 
the black nurse and the child, the latter of whom was immediately seized by one 
of the men with a view to destroy it, as appeared by his language and attitudes. 
The mother had fainted, and the father was at a great distance ahead of the car- 
riage, so that there was none but this old lady to protect the party ; for their own 
slaves were unable to resist, both for the want of arms, with which the insurgents 
were furnished, and from their limited numbers compared with the incendiaries. 


fche destruction of the Cape, M. Dapleasia, then between sixty and 
seventy years of age, came to this country with his family, and Bold 
milk in the city of New York for their support, which he himself carried 
round to his customers, preserving his good-humor and gentlemanly 
manners towards every one he dealt with. 

I remember that a friend of mine who had known him in the days of 
his fortune told me that being out early in one of the Btreets in New 
Yoik he passed an old man, whose white Locks firsl attracted his atten- 
tion, leading a horse and crying, " Milk for sale !" At the moment he 
spoke my friend Btopped, -truck with bis foreign accent and fine coun- 
tenance, which he thought resembled that of some one whom he had 
before seen. The milkman took from his panniers a tin vessel, and 
entered a kitchen door of one of the houses. There was BOmething in 
the face, the tone of the voice, the long white hair that covered his 
head, and the general movement of this person that riveted my friend 
to the spot where lie stood, until the old gentleman again came forth. 
lb- could not tell why, hut there was .something in the appearance of 
the milkman that drew my friend towards him, intending to ask for a 
cup of milk, by way of introduction to a further conversation. When 
they came nearer, they both looked with eagerness at each other for 
a moment and then exclaimed simultaneously, " Good God ! is this 

The plantations were in flames on all sides of them, and the hands of the negroes 
-till wet with the blood of their late proprietors. 'Take him into the field,' 
saitl one of the s i\ ages, ' and cut his head off witli a bill-hook.' ' Arretez, Mal- 
heureux ! ' exclaimed the old lady, ' n'avcz-vous pas d'enfans vous meme ? 
[Stop, wretch! have you no child of your own?] Have you no fear of God, 
who sees what you are doing, and will repay on the heads of your own children 
the evil you inflict on this innocent child i What has he done to your race that 
you should destroy him ? If you wish for blood and for vengeance on one wdio has 
held you in bondage, take my life, but spare the life of the unoffending infant. 
And you, wench ! ' (addressing one of their women) ' how dare you suffer those 
wretches to commit this horrible crime 1 Have you no religion, no hope in God's 
mercy, no love tor your own offspring, that you see an innocent baby sacrificed 
without cause, without object, and without any possible good to yourselves? Fly ! 
quick! for I see the tear of compunction in your eyes. Fly, and save the child, 
and save your own soul by restoring him to his mother and his nurse unharmed ; 
and great shall be your reward hereafter! ' A universal shout arose among the 
women of the insurgents, and they ran in a body to the spot where the child 
had been carried. In the mean time, M. Duplessia had discovered that the car- 
riage had been Btopped, and he was returning full speed to see what was the 
difficulty, when his mother-in-law ordered the postilion to make signs to him to 
proceed on and not return to them, knowing his life would be endangered. This 
the postilion did, and at the same time pointed out a party of insurgents who 
wire running across a field to cut off his escape. M. Duplessis saw the danger, 
and putting spurs to his Spanish jennet soon left his pursuers in the rear. lie 
then stopped to watch the movements of the carriage, and soon had the satis- 
faction to see it move on to join him. The harangue of the old lady had pro- 
duced the desired effect on the females of the hand. The child was restored 
unharmed, and the carriage permitted to proceed." 


M. Duplessis? Is this Mr. P ?" A few minutes served to explain 

to my friend the situation of this worthy old gentleman, who said that 
he had taken a small farm in the neighborhood, where he kept four or 
five cows, which furnished him with milk enough to keep the family 
from starving ; that he had two or three slaves that chose to follow him 
to this country, who aided by their labor on the farm ; that his wife 
took care of the dairy, and he brought the milk to town to sell ; that 
he had a good farm that would easily maintain four or five cows more 
if he had the means of buying them, but that he had no reason to com- 
plain, for his family were all in good health, and were constantly em- 
ployed, so that when night came they enjoyed a refreshing sleep which 
enabled them to pursue their daily routine of labor without much suf- 
fering ; but, said he, " if I had four or five cows more, I should be the 
most independent man in the country, for I should have all I want this 
side the grave." " That you shall not want long," said my friend ; 
" come with me and you shall have the means of buying the cows if that 
will make you happy." He presented the old gentleman five hundred 
dollars in cash, which the latter declared made him as rich as a Jew, 
and would make his wife as happy as a queen. 

I have related this anecdote because it shows that a good and well- 
balanced mind can be happy even in poverty ; that, however elevated 
our situation may have been, if we have a proper view of our depend- 
ence and uncertain state in this life and a due and proper confidence in 
the Almighty, we cannot be degraded by the accidental loss of our 


Recollections of St. Domingo, continued. 

As the exclusive object of these Sketches is to show the effects and 
consequences of the revolt and insurrection of the blacks of St. Domingo, 
I have purposely omitted a variety of interesting and touching circum- 
stances relating to the disputes between the citizens, the soldiers, and 
the local Government, and the massacres that ensued ; but there is one 
fact which, although not necessarily allied to my general plan, is in 
some degree connected with the events I am recording, and as it for- 
cibly illustrates a trait in human nature (not unknown nor unacknowl- 
edged by men of observation), I may be excused for relating it. 

The government of the Northern Department of the island, of which 
the Cape was the principal city, had made a stand against the outbreak- 
ings of the people in favor of the French revolution, and many of the 
most respectable citizens had thought it their duty, for the purpose of 
maintaining order, to side with the ancient authorities in preserving the 


e of the community. Although the Government had neither vio- 
lated nor intrenched on the rights <>r privileges of the citizens, there was 
a jealousy existing between them which onlj required a bold and des- 
perate spirit to inflame it into wild hatred and open violence. 1 Such a 
one was found in a young man of a Jewish family of respectability, who 
had been discarded by his father for his dissipated and abandoned 
habits. This young man, with much art and address, had by false 
representations and a show of ingenuousness, gained the friendship of 
M. Cagnon, a merchant of high Btanding and large fortune, who had 
ministered to bis wants, supplied him with money for his support and 

comfort, and in all things contributed, as far as in his power, to restore 

him to the favor of his indignant parent, who was a man of character 

and substance; hut he eventually discovered that his bounty was wasted 
on a profligate, and he ceased to supply him any farther. 

This gentleman, who was one of the most noble-spirited men in the 
city, beloved by everybody who knew him for his benevolent nature 
and amiable manners, commanded a company of cavalry, composed of 
merchants and other men of character and respectability. At a general 
review of the militia of the town, he had been despatched with his corps 
to the Government House on duty. The uniform of this company was 
yellow, and had been such for many years before the revolution. This 
coh.r, it seems, was obnoxious in the eyes of the young Jew, as he 
alleged to his comrades in the line where he was placed under arms, be- 
cause it was the same color as that worn by the Regiment d'Artois in 
France. This pretext was doubtless set up with a view to rouse the in- 
dignation of those around him, having, as was believed, determined on 
ridding the city of his old benefactor, whose purse he could no longer 
command. When M. Cagnon (for that was the officer's name) returned 
with his troop to join the militia, the young Jew stepped out of the 
ranks as the other approached him on the march, and ordered the 
captain to strip off his coat, which he said was the badge of aristocracy. 
The officer, finding himself thus addressed by a young man whom he had 
saved from starvation and prison, was for a moment utterly astounded, 
but recovering himself he asked by what right he called on him to do an 
act bo humiliating. The answer was : " By the right of the voice of your 
fellow-citizens. Off with your coat at once, or I will strip it off for 
you!" Xl. Cagnon replied with great gentleness that if his uniform 

1 "It must ho owned that some of the nobility were very indiscreet in censur- 
ing and laughing at the bourgeois. Madame la Marquise de Rouvry used to say 
publicly that formerly under the old regime the soldiers password when on duty 
K - l'lvnez garde a vous!' ('Take care of yourself!') corresponding to the 
English cry of, ' All 's well,' but now, under the republican system, the password 
eras, ' l'renez garde a moi ' (' Take care of me'). Such things naturally irritated 
the citizens, and produced ill-will towards the higher classes." 


was offensive to his fellow-citizens, he would retire to his house and 
change his dress to gratify them. " No, citizen ; off with it here on the 
spot ! " replied the miscreant, presenting his musket at the breast of his 
benefactor, " or take the consequence of your refusal." " Never," said 
Cagnon, " while I live, shall my name be disgraced by an act so de- 
grading to an officer and a gentleman ! " The words had scarcely 
passed his lips before he was shot dead by this vile assassin, and a gen- 
eral massacre of the corps which he had commanded immediately com- 
menced. 1 How many were destroyed I know not, but I saw several of 
them flying, laid prostrate on their horses, to save themselves from the 
fate they had just seen their comrades suffer. After this act of cruel 
and cool barbarity, the militia marched through the town with pieces of 
the coats of the troops that they had just murdered hanging to their 
bayonets. There is no doubt that most of the militia abhorred the act 
that they had not presence of mind or nerve enough to prevent ; but 
the effect was nevertheless most encouraging to the blacks, who could 
not but rejoice at seeing their masters cutting each other's throats. 

The base ingratitude and barbarous spirit of the young assassin was 
universally spoken of with horror ; but there were many who had joined 
him in the attack on these unhappy men, and some who applauded the 
act, but soon it was forgotten by the occurrence of new scenes of blood 
and insurrection, and was overlooked and forgotten, 

This was previous to the insurrection of the slaves, and was one of 
the encouraging circumstances which led to that event, but it was not 
the only evil that resulted from the disorganized state of society and the 
consequent laxity in the discipline of the troops of the line. About 
this time a whole regiment of artillery, which had command of the 

1 " M. Cagnon, with about sixteen followers, went into the body of their 
enemy to deliver themselves up. M. Lavard, commandant of the lately arrived 
dragoons, met him in a friendly and proper manner, begged him to quit his 
coat, as it was displeasing to the troops, and assured him of his protection. It 
was too humiliating for the commandant of so respectable a corps, and a man 
who on all occasions had behaved so well as M. Cagnon to be obliged to strip 
himself in the street ; he would go home and do it, but not there. While they 
were discussing the point, a pistol was fired by one of Cagnon's party, and 
immediately four of them were shot dead, among which the lamented Cagnon 
fell. Had their fury stopped there, they might be forgiven ; but no, they must 
add barbarity to murder. They cut off his head, stabbed his dead body in sev- 
eral places, cut his jacket to pieces, dipping them in his blood, and wore them in 
their shoes and on the end of their swords as trophies of victory." — Extract from 
a letter written by S. G. Perkins to his brother James, dated Cape, Oct. 20, 1792. 

" Poor Cagnon is lamented by all the town. It is certain he did not fire at 
all, but sacrificed his life rather than submit to be stripped in the street. As 
commandant of a respectable corps, I think him right. He had rather die than 
be disgraced. At present there is a momentary calm, but I fear much it will not 
long continue. The public stores are in want of every kind of provisions, and 
no means of obtaining them." — Do., dated Cape, Oct. 26, 1792. 


powder magazine and the park of artillery, revolted and turned their 
officers out of their quarters. 

When the Government called out the regular infantry and the militia 
of the town to b ul )d uf them, their chief told the commander of the troops 
that were assembled round their quarters thai the first gun thai was 
fired would be the signal to fire the magazine, which would blow him, 
his troops, and the whole city to atoms along with themselves. From 

the character Of the man, this was known to be no empty threat, and 

was no halm to the Buffering of the citizens who were drawn up under 
arms on the spot. There was no doubt as to the extent of the evil that 
would follow the least indiscretion on the part of the commander of the 

assembled troops, who was the colonel of the regular regiment of in- 
fantry. He .stood firm, however, although it was whispered that his 

own regiment was wavering. "Go,'' said he to his soldiers, — ''go, 
comrades, any who are disaffected or disinclined to act in the subju- 
gation of the rebels, — go to your quarters ; you have my free consent 
tt> hide your heads from this threatened danger, or rather this holy duty. 
/ .shall stay to complete the work I came to accomplish, and bring the 
LEADERS of this revolt to punishment (for it is only a few of the regi- 
ment who are guilty), even should I remain by myself." A shout of 
" Vive Champford, nous vous Buivrons a la mort ! " extended through- 
out the line of his troops, and in a moment all was silent again. 

All this passed within the hearing of the insurgents, wdio had shut 
themselves up within the high iron railing which surrounded the artil- 
lery park, where they were formed in line with twenty pieces of loaded 
cannon pointed towards the surrounding troops, and with lighted torches 
in their bauds. 

The well-pointed emphasis on the word leaders, and the intimation 
that he considered that there w r ere but few of the regiment who were 
guilty, was not lost on those who had been led into the revolt against 
their own inclinations. " Soldiers of the artillery," cried Colonel Champ- 
ford, addressing himself to the insurgents, " am 1 mistaken in my con- 
jectures? Is it not true that the great body of your corps has been led 
away by the few factious spirits among you? Your hitherto excellent 
discipline and soldier-like conduct and marked bravery in the field as- 
sures me that you cannot, as a body, have turned traitors to your coun- 
try. It is only the criminal leaders of this revolt that will be made 
answerable to the laws ; and I pledge myself to you as an officer whose 
word was never doubted, that those among you who have been led away 
by the influence of the chiefs of the revolt shall be pardoned and re- 
stored to your ranks without stain. Deliver up your chiefs therefore, 
and surrender yourselves prisoners to the Government." 

The leader of the revolt, who was a desperate and bold villain, 
looked round on his troop to see what effect this speech had made ou 



them, when, seeing them hesitate, he attempted to apply his torch to 
the gun immediately under his command as a signal to fire the maga- 
zine ; but he was seized before he could effect his object, as were the 
other leaders by their own comrades, and the whole regiment was 
marched out under the guard of the troops and lodged in the church, 
where they were kept until they had been tried and sentenced. 

This happy termination of one of the most daring and alarming 
revolts ever known was owing to the skill and spirit of the Baron de 
Champford, colonel of the regiment of the Cape, — a brave and discreet 
officer, and an amiable and excellent man. The Baron kept his word : 
the leaders were punished in proportion to their relative degrees of 
crime, and the rest were restored to their ranks, and were drawn up on 
the Place d'Armes to witness the degradation and the execution of the 
two principal leaders of the revolt. The minor criminals were sent to 
the galleys. 1 

These events are not to be forgotten by one who was an eye-witness 
to the various scenes herein described, and who had to perform the 
duties of a common soldier during this dreadful and alarming crisis. 

1 " The form or ceremony of the degradation was very solemn. The square of 
the Place d'Armes was surrounded with troops. On one side was the regiment 
of the Cape, or regular troops of the line ; opposite to them was the mulatto regi- 
ment ; on the side to the right of the regulars were the citizens under arms, and 
opposite to them were the artillery-men, who had been brought out with their 
side arms to witness the punishment of their comrades. The two principal 
leaders were placed in the centre of the square in full uniform and unbound ; 
they were both sergeants, daring in their appearance, and reckless in their man- 
ner. The only thing that seemed to disturb them was the scaffold, which was 
erected under a gallows large enough for both. Their comrades, who had been 
sentenced to a milder punishment, were drawn up opposite to them, with their 
arms bound behind them, without arms or uniform. A small detachment was 
drawn out as a guard over them, and their sentence was then read. As soon as 
this was done, the adjutant-general, placing himself in the centre of the square, 
ordered silence, and then read a proclamation that any person who should ask 
for the pardon of the criminals, or suggest by word or deed a desire to save them 
or to mitigate their punishment, should be shot dead on the spot. One of the 
sub-officers of the regiment then advanced and stripped off, first, the sword from 
the side of the principal criminal, then his worsted epaulets, then his hat and 
coat, and then with the butt end of a musket struck him on the breech as a mark 
of official degradation. When this ceremony had been performed also on the 
other soldier, they were furnished with white caps and led to the scaffold. One 
of them appeared depressed and humiliated ; but the leader never lost his insolent 
and audacious manner, and when placed under the drop attempted to address 
the soldiers, beginning with threats and denunciation against the officers of the 
troops generally ; but his voice was soon drowned by the drums and trumpets of 
the guard, and they were both launched into eternity." 


Recollections oi St. Domingo i continual. 

From the autumn of 1~'.*1 until the summer of 1798 the town of 
Cape Francaia was besieged by the black army of revolted slaves, and 

frequent attacks were made on its outposts by the troops of dean 


The inhabitants of the city were all, even to the foreign residents, 1 
obliged to keep a Btricl guard to prevent surprise. The country 
afforded ample supplies to the besiegers, and the harbor was entered 

by all Dation8, who brought the means of support to its inhabitants. 
Some few plantations iu the neighborhood of the city and the rising or 

mountain ground behind it were still free; from the depredations of the 

blacks; and among these the Letcvre plantation, which was defended 
by the slaves to whom it had been abandoned by its owner, to whom 
its revenues were regularly transmitted. Iii the beginning of the 
revolt other plantations were preserved by the judicious conduct of 
tin- proprietors, and among the rest that of the Comte de Corbier, 
which was defended tor a long time by its spirited and energetic owner, 
who at the time of the revolt was confined to his bed by a rheumatic 
fever. His first care was to send off his wife and children to the city; 
his next was to assemble his slaves around his bed, and to communi- 
cate to them his determination to defend his property. M. de Cor- 
bier, although not old, was iu the decline of life, and so infirm that 
he could not stand without support, and then with great suffering. 
His Blaves gave him assurances of their fidelity, and offered to sacrifice 
themselves in his defence. He had on his plantation two small brass 
pieces of ordnance, which he caused to be put in good condition to 
oppose the enemy, who were in the neighborhood. Scouts and out- 
posts were established, and reports were made to him as the insurgents 
changed their position. Though everything was in flames around him 
he still remained tranquilly in his bed. When at length the tide of 
sedition began to flow towards his own estate, and he was assured by 
his people that his plantation was their object, he caused himself to be 
placed on a litter, and to be transported to the entrance of the road 
by which the infuriated mob was approaching. Here he ordered the 

1 " The Americans had a ^uarddiouse assigned to them, where they were obliged 
to keep a regular watch every night. The guard was commanded by my brother 
James, and I acted as his lieutenant. We drew our forces from the American 
shipping as well as from the residents in the city. The arms and ammunition 
were kept at our house, ami my brother, as captain, was accountable to the (iov- 
ernment or military commander. We had some laughable scenes at this station, 
and one that came very near having a tragic ending/ 1 


cannon placed on either side of him as he lay stretched on his pallet, his 
body raised by pillows so as to see the operations of the combat. With 
a drawn sword in his right hand and a pair of pistols at his side, he con- 
ducted the defence of his estate in so masterly a manner that the insur- 
gents were not only beaten off, but so roughly handled that he was left 
in peace until his crop had been gathered in and his sugar transported 
to the city. He then himself withdrew to the town, where I saw him 
stretched on his bed in extreme suffering. He afterwards came to this 
country with his family, and placed his eldest son under the care of one 
of my brothers. 

I mention these facts as evidences of the sincere attachment of some 
of the slaves to their masters, and the little inclination they had to com- 
mit any outrage on them or to seek to obtain their freedom by violent 
means when uninfluenced by the misrepresentations and acts of the 
French philanthropists. But these very slaves, when once led into 
deeds of violence and crime by their black companions, became as 
daring and as reckless as the worst among them, and in some instances 
more so. How any virtuous mind, knowing these facts, can suppose 
that the flood of destruction when once raised to a head can be stopped 
by the friends of humanity, I cannot conceive. When once the passions 
are roused to desperation, the better feelings of men are lost in the 
general vortex and tumult of action. Slaves who would have died in 
defence of their masters but a short time before under such circum- 
stances were the first to massacre them ; and the only resource left to 
the whites, where there was any equality of force, was a war of 

But let us follow the course of events as far as our recollections 
serve us. The Government of the Northern Department had under- 
gone several changes. Commissioners had been sent out from France 
under pretence of tranquillizing the colony. One set had been recalled, 
or had returned to Europe without effecting any important end. 1 A 
new governor (Despaches) had been sent out with fresh troops from 
France, but their efforts were of no avail against a people who had no 
local habitation. They were here to-day and to-morrow in the moun- 
tain passes, while the European forces were dying by hundreds on the 
burning plains without even the consolation of having signalized them- 
selves by one deed of daring. They had no enemy to contend with 
but the climate, no effort to make but against disease, no excitement 
to rouse their failing energies but the sad duty of burying their com- 
rades in the trenches that were left open for their reception. This 

1 The arrival of the commissioners Mirbeek, Roome, and St. Leger in Janu- 
ary, 1792, caused great terror in the island, as it was supposed that it would be 
followed by a general emancipation of the slaves. The commissioners returned 
to France in March or April. 

1886.] DffSXTRRBOTION in ST. DOMINGO. 833 

oonld not last long: the troops were recalled to the city or its outposts, 
and the blacks had again full command of the plains. 1 

1 " A body <>f several thousand troopi had been scut out from France under the 
command of General Rochambaud, and they were billeted or quartered on the 
citizens. We had four of them at different times in our family, although we 
were foreigners. In general they dined with the master of tin- house where they 
were lodged; but with us they ate by themselves. These forces cleared the 
plains for a time of the insurgents, who retired to the mountains to watch their 

foes as they were daily .sinking under the influence of the climate. Such was the 
mortality among them that one half the whole army perished without seeing an 
enemy to encourage and animate them. As soon as these troops were recalled 
to the city the I. lacks rushed again to the plains with renewed confidence, and 
bearded the inhabitants at the entrance of the town, which they now invested and 

attacked almost nightly. Every white inhabitant was a soldier attached to some 

OOrps, and even the Americans were obliged to do duty whether they were resi- 
dents or not. On recurring to this fact I am reminded of a laughable circum- 
stance that took place one oight when 1 had the command of the guard. There 
ST8J a sail-maker — a French white man — who lived next door to us, who was 

in the habit of getting drunk every week or so, and making a threat noise so as to 
disturb the neighborhood. My sister, Mrs. James Perkins, being quite unwell, 
1 was requested by her or some one to silence this noisy fellow, whose cries and 

oaths were such as to annoy every one within hearing. I went to his door, hut it 
was fastened, anil 1 could not obtain an entrance. He was then bawling and 
howling like a maniac. I accordingly went for a guard of French soldiers, 
whom I brought to the spot, where we found our man in the street stark naked, 
attacking every one and alarming the whole neighborhood. When he saw the 
guard he attempted to escape; but as they presented their bayonets on every 
side he was obliged to surrender. As he had no clothes on, and very short hair, 
it was difficult to secure him, as he slipped through their hands whenever they 
attempted to seize him. I accordingly procured a wide board, to which, when 
some negroes had caught him, he was tied on his back, and carried through the 
streets to prison, where he was detained a week or more, and then on promise of 
good behavior released. This frightened him so much that he kept quite sober 
for a long while, always avoiding me, drunk or sober, as he would an evil spirit. 
One night, however, some time after the event just related, when I had charge of 
the guard, one of my sailor soldiers who had been posted as a sentinel at some 
distance from the guard-house and near the residence of the sail-maker came run- 
ning to the guard-house without his musket, frightened out of his senses, and 
said that he had been surprised, had had his gun taken from him by a man who 
•rk naked, and who appeared to be mad. I knew at once that this must be 
my sail-maker, and taking two men with me, armed with muskets, and arming 
myself with my Bword, we approached the quarter very cautiously, hoping if pos- 
sible to BUrprise the fellow should he be still in the street. As we looked round 
the corner of a house near the spot, we saw our man marching back wards and 
forwards like a sentry, with his gun on his shoulder. At the least noise he would 
cry out, " Qui vive ? ' and present his musket in the direction of the sound. As the 
gun was loaded with ball it was necessary to he cautious. We therefore got as near 
him as possible without being seen, and as he turned from me to walk back to his 
limit I sprang from behind the wall of the house with my sword upraised, crying, 
' Down with the traitor! ' No sooner did he hear my voice than he dropped his 
musket, and throwing himself on the pavement, face downwards, began to beg 
that I would spare his life. I put my foot ou his back, and let him feel the point 


At this period the Northern Department was commanded by Gen- 
eral Galbaud, who was governor of the Cape. The troops had been 
fed principally by the American merchants at the Cape, who furnished 
provisions to the Government, — first for money, then for drafts on 
France. When these were refused payment, as was the case, bills on 
the French minister at Philadelphia were proffered, and in some in- 
stances accepted, in payment for the articles required for the soldiers. 
My drafts on M. de Ternant, then minister at Philadelphia, for 
twenty thousand dollars were at first refused payment, though subse- 
quently paid. Orders were, however, given to make no more drafts on 
him, and the Government was nonplussed. 

Forced loans had been tried before the drafts on France had been 
issued ; the inhabitants were discouraged, and an earthquake had shat- 
tered almost all the buildings throughout the town. 1 The fear of a 
revolt among the slaves in the city compelled such of the white inhabi- 
tants as were not on military duty to keep guard before their houses 
during the night, relieving each other every four hours. The regular 
troops, who were in want of food, swore that unless some measures 
were taken to relieve them they would plunder the city. All was 
despair and distrust, and efforts were made to collect what remained 
from the depredations of the insurgents and to ship it off to this 

In this state of things the governor called a meeting of the French 
merchants, to whom he represented the condition of the troops and the 
necessity of providing some means for their relief. At this meeting it 
was agreed, and unanimously voted, that if the American merchants 
would furnish the necessary provisions to the Government to satisfy 
the soldiers, they, the French merchants, would pay for the same at 
fixed prices in the produce of the island, which they daily received by 
coasting-vessels from places to which the revolt had not spread. This 
engagement was solemnly entered into by the merchants, and confirmed 
by the governor, who caused the American Board of Commerce to be 
notified of the fact. On receiving the notification the Board undertook 
to supply the funds needed, and without hesitation fulfilled their engage- 
ment to the amount of between eight and nine hundred thousand livres, 

of my sword in his loins ; then made him promise never to appear naked again in 
the street, and that he would in future be a quiet and good citizen." 

1 " About this time an earthquake took place which shattered the houses, which 
were built of irregularly shaped stones, to such a degree that it appeared impos- 
sible they could stand another shock. The like had never taken place before since 
the settlement of the Cape. The first shock was at in the morning. It 
would be difficult to describe the terror of the inhabitants on this occasion. The 
second shock, which occurred in the afternoon of the same day, was much more 
formidable and alarming than the first, and seemed to us the precursor of some 
great evil, as it proved to be." 


of which amount the house with which I was connected furnished up- 
wards of one hundred and eighty thousand. When the provisions 
promised by the American merchants had hern delivered, they found 
that the French warehouses which a few days before had been well 
stocked with BUgar, coffee, cotton, cocoa, etc., were empty with the 
exception '^( a few belonging to the more honorable and respectable 
merchants. The goods had, as was supposed, been reshipped on board 
the coasters or the European Bhips that lay in port ; and none from the 
had been Bent to replace them. 
There was nothing left to pay for the goods that had been delivered, 
and those who had emptied their magazines professed themselves unable 
to comply with the requisition. A representation of the facts was ac- 
cordingly made to Governor Galbaud, and he felt it Ins duty to desig- 
nate a number of merchants who had been present at the meeting as the 
responsible parties, and to direct the company of the public magazines 
to draw orders on them for their respective shares. This was done 
accordingly, and some goods were delivered in the early part of the 
morning of Monday the loth of June, 1793; but the French merchants 
after breakfast on the same day generally refused to deliver anything 
more, without giving any reasons whatever for so doing. Some of 
them had indeed delivered their full quota agreeably to their original 
engagement; but this amounted to a small portion of the whole debt. 
It was soon rumored abroad that new commissioners, Polverel and 
Santhonax, had arrived from Port au Prince, the seat of the General 
Government, where they had been to quell a rebellion. 1 Dissatisfied 
with what they called the dictatorial ordinance of Governor Galbaud in 
forcing them to pay a debt which they had solemnly contracted, the 
French merchants resolved on applying to these all-powerful rep- 
resentatives of the nation for redress of their grievances. This they 
accordingly did ; and on June loth General Galbaud, arrested by 
the commissioners, was sent prisoner on board the ship of war " La 
Normandie " to be transported to France for trial. ~ 

1 The new commissioners were three Jacobins, Santhonax, Polverel, and A il- 
haud. The latter was sent back to France in 1793, leaving his colleagues abso- 
lute masters of the colony. Santhonax soon after got rid of Polverel by sending 
him home as bearer of despatches, and disembarrassed himself of General llo- 
chambeau, who had arrived as commander-in-chief, by ordering him on board a 
corvette. He then nominated Toussaint l'Ouverture to fill his place. (Quar- 
terly Review, 1819, p. 441.) 

- In the attack on the Government House by twelve hundred seamen, Gal- 
haud's brother was taken prisoner, while one of Commissioner Polverel's sons fell 
into the hands of the Government party. An exchange was proposed by the 
latter ; but the commissioner refused to allow it, saying " that his son knew his 
duty, and was prepared to die in the service of the Republic." (Edwards, op. rit. 
p. 144.) On leaving St. Domingo, General Galbaud took refuge in the United 


On Tuesday morning the American Board of Commerce sent a depu- 
tation to the commissioners with a memorial representing the facts, and 
asking payment of their debt in such manner as might appear just under 
the circumstances. The memorial was received by M. (or, as he was 
called, Citizen) Santhonax, who ordered the committee to return the next 
morning for their answer. On Wednesday morning, when, at the hour 
appointed, the deputation returned to the Government House for their 
answer, Citizen Santhonax placed in the hands of the chairman of the 
committee a printed document, ordering thirty-six merchants therein 
designated, jointly and severally, to pay the debt due to the Americans 
forthwith; and in default of payment on the first application the credit- 
ors were directed to apply to the procurator-general for redress. This 
officer was ordered by the same document to seize the property of the 
said merchants wherever it was to be found, and to sell as much of 
the same at public auction as was necessary to discharge the balance 
due the American merchants ; and in case there was not property suffi- 
cient to be found, to seize the persons of the said merchants, and hold 
them in prison until the money was forthcoming. 

On looking over the names designated, the chairman saw one or two 
names of gentlemen who had already paid their full quota, and he men- 
tioned the fact to the commissary, considering it an injustice that they 
who had so honorably and promptly done their duty already, should be 
called on again to pay. " Withdraw, citizens," was the reply of this 
petty despot, " you have your answer " (" Retirez-vous, citoyens, vous 
avez votre reponse "). 

One of the gentlemen who had paid his portion without hesitation 
on the first demand was a M. Pousset, a merchant of the first class 
and standing in all respects. The committee thought it their duty 
to call on him immediately to show him the ordinance, and consult 
with him as to the course they had best take under the circumstances. 
The partner of M. Pousset, a gentleman whose name I now forget, 
read the paper with astonishment, but he said, with the greatest frank- 
ness, that the merchants of the Cape had rendered themselves responsi- 
ble, and it was their duty to make good their engagements ; that he 
could give no other advice to us than that we should see those who had 
not paid and show them the ordinance, and if they still persisted in re- 
fusal, to apply, as directed, to the attorney-general for aid. The whole of 
this day (Wednesday) was employed in hunting up the delinquents. As 
those whom we could find, absolutely refused to do anything, and others 
kept themselves out of our reach, we were obliged to call another meet- 
ing of the creditors to decide what w r as to be done. At this meeting it 

States. The preceding governor, M. de Blanchelande, who came out in 1790, 
was guillotined in France, Aug. 9, 1793, and his son shared the same fate in July 
of the following year. 



w:i> agreed that the committee Bhould call on the attorney-general the 
next day, and lay the subject before him. 

Accordingly od Thursday morning, June 19, the committee pro- 
ceeded to the house of the public functionary who was charged with the 
execution of the decree. H<^ was no! at home; but on their way to his 
house thej saw the ordinance pasted on the walla of the houses, where 
it bad been put the day before. Returning home they found the stores 
everywhere shut. The most gloomy silence prevailed in the Btreeta, and 
the inhabitants, who were collected at various places in small knots or 
groups, eyed the committee as they passed, and showed evidently that 
they were speaking of them or their measures. Being acquainted with 
many of these persons, and Beeing that something important was in 

agitation, I Btepped Up to one of those who had paid a portion of Ills 

quota and asked him the cause of all this gloom, and why the stores 
were shut. He replied. •• You will know presently." The committee 
then proceeded to the Bay, as the street was called where their houses 

and stores were situated. Here a very different scene presented itself. 
All was hurtle and agitation. The balconies were filled with persons 
armed with spy-glasses, looking attentively at the ships of war, and 
; i - k i 1 1 lt each other in loud tones what all this meant. Arrived at my 
house I was called up into the balcony, and a spy-glass was put into my 
hand. " See," said my partner, " the ships of war are getting springs on 
their cables, and have brought their broadsides against the town ; what 
can all this mean?" I then related what we had seen in the upper 
streets; ami we no longer doubted that some serious attack was in- 
tended, and that the merchants of the place were privy to the fact. 
The truth undoubtedly was that the French merchants, outraged by the 
arbitrary decree of the commissioners, whom they had but a day or two 
before petitioned to relieve them from the obnoxious Galbaud. and 
the still more obnoxious debt due to the American Board of Commerce, 
had now solicited protection from Galbaud himself and the French 
admiral against the still more obnoxious commissioners. Of this I 
have never had the least doubt, although I have no other evidence of 
the fact than the circumstances themselves. It has been said that an 
affront offered to some of the naval olueers by the commissary or 
some of his mulatto troop-, was the cause of the ships taking sides 
against the Government, but of this I know nothing. Be it as it may, 
we had not looked many minutes at the ships of war when we saw their 
large boats hauled alongside, and tilled with armed men to the number 
of seven or eight hundred. There was no longer any doubt on our 
minds as to their object, and as we were well convinced that serious 
consequences would ensue, and perhaps the town be battered down, we 
sent off our books and valuable papers, together with such specie as we 
had on hand, on board a brig which was consigned to the house, whose 



captain happened to be on shore with his boat, and was fortunately with 
us at the house. 1 

In the mean time the armed sailors from the ships were landed and 
marched to the Government House, where the commissioners resided. 
This body of undisciplined men was headed by a brother of General 
Galbaud's, who had embarked with him. He bore the commission of a 
major in the army, as I was informed, and was considered a brave and 
good officer. As soon as this rabble, for it can be called by no other 
name, arrived in sight of the Government House and within shot of a 
battalion composed of two regiments of mulatto infantry, which was 
drawn up in front of it, two colored officers of rank from these regi- 
ments advanced, and demanded a parley with the leaders of the sailors. 
Galbaud ordered his people to halt, and immediately stepped forward 
with another officer to hear what they had to say. While saluting 
each other with profound respect, the mulattoes dropped their hats, and 
seized " Massa Galbaud " in their arms, while at the same moment a 
portion of the line of infantry discharged their pieces into the body of the 
sailors as they were standing huddled together, without any suspicion of 
treachery, awaiting the termination of the conference. 2 Many were killed 
dead on the spot, and many wounded ; the rest fled at full speed to their 
boats, which still remained at the wharves, but so closely were they 
pursued by the mulattoes that few reached their ships in safety. Many 
of those who were in the rear, finding the boats had put off with those 
that arrived first, jumped into the water. Such as could swim were 
picked up and carried on board their ships, but many were drowned. 
The loss of men in this way was altogether great; but it formed only a 
portion of the total loss, which included those who were butchered on 
the occasion. 

The commissioners had been doubtless informed of everything that 
was going forward, and knew that many of the citizens of the town who 
probably intended to join the sailors had been the movers in this fool- 
ish and inconsiderate measure. Doubtless an order had been given to 
massacre all the whites that were found in the streets, and it was most 
faithfully executed. 3 

1 " It was fortunate for us that we decided as we did at once ; for had we wasted 
half an hour, or even twenty minutes, it would have been too late, and we should 
have lost all our books and money. We had about fifteen thousand dollars on 
hand at the time in silver in bags. Scarcely was it placed in the boat when we 
heard the sound, and soon caught sight of a large body of regular troops ; and the 
boat had not got half-way to the shipping when the whole street was lined with 
soldiers to prevent all communication between the shipping and the shore. No 
opportunity offered after this to save anything." 

2 " This fact was related to me by an eye-witness when I returned to the Cape 
six weeks afterwards, at which time Major Galbaud was confined in chains in 
prison. What finally became of him I never knew." 

3 " A clerk of ours named Dubeau, a very athletic young man, told me that he 

1886.] IN8UBRB0TI0N IN ST. DOMINGO. :):!(! 

No Booner was this massacre ended than another scene of carnage 
commenced at the Government House, or in the gardens and square in 
front of it. A corps of young men of the firsi families, called the 
"Volunteers," composed of about three hundred high-spirited gentlemen, 

attacked the mulattoes, and attempted to enter the Government House 

was one of the man \ spectators of the Bcene at the Government House, and that 
he Bed \\ ith the rest down the Btreet Leading to the King's Wharf. Finding himself 
ressed by the mulattoes, and numbers of merchants, as well as sailors, fall- 
ing about him under the shot of the pursuers, who did not Btop to examine the 
bodies, but followed the flying, he thought his only chance was to fall with the 
next volley. This be did, and as soon as the soldiers had passed over him in 
pursuit, he sprang on his feet and entered a house, where he Becreted himself 

until he found an opportunity in the evening to get ofE to the shipping. I cannot 
in inclination to relate as briefly as possible an anecdote of this young man, 
Dubeau, which made a strong impression on my mind at the time it occurred. A 
gentleman whoee name I now forget, hut a man of some consequence, ami a mem- 
ber of the Assembly, Owed the house >ome two or three hundred dollars, and not 

haviug called to pay it as was expected, I sent M. Dubeau to him to collect 
the money. Dubeau returned without it, saying that the gentleman was un- 
well and could not lie seen. Some time after I told Dubeau to go again; but 
he made some excuse, ami showed such an aversion to going that I went myself 
to the house, and having inquired for the person was introduced to his chamber, 
wlnre I found him walking the room. On making my business known, he 
I pardon for not having paid the debt before, but said he had been con- 
fined for some weeks to his room, having been bitten by a mad dog, and that his 
physician had ordered him to remain indoors six weeks, when, if all was right, he 
might go out, anil he would then call and settle the account. On my return to 
tlu' counting-house, I mentioned the fact, and I observed Dubeau turn pale as 
ashes. A week or ten days elapsed when one day, while Dubeau was posting his 
books at a desk near the window that opened into the street, I turned towards 
the door and saw the gentleman in question, who had just arrived. Addressing 
him by his name, I asked him how he did. The moment his name was men- 
tioned, Dubeau dropped his pen, sprang out of the window into the street, and 
took to his heels as if the man had presented a pistol at his head. I saw nothing 
more of him during the day, and could not account for this extraordinary be- 
havior. The next day, when I called him to account for his conduct and absence 
from his duty, he related the following facts as an apology for his apparent 
derangement : ' Sir,' said the poor fellow, trembling from head to foot like a 
child, 'you will excuse me when you know the horror I feci at the name of a 
mail dog. My father died raving mad, having been bitten by my uncle, who had 
been bitten by a mad dog, and himself fell a victim to hydrophobia. I was 
young at the time, hut I saw my father while under the effects of his wound, 
and the awful and heart-rending scenes that it produced in my family made such 
an impression on my mind that the thought of it almost makes me mad myself. 
When I first went to his house and was told the facts, I was so much alarmed 
and affected that I could not return, or tell you the reason why I declined going 
again. When he arrived here and you called him by name, I was seized with an 
Indescribable terror, and the first impulse carried me out of the window and 
dr>ve me away from the house. His presence haunted me during the whole 
day, and I was afraid to return home while it was light. Indeed, I have thought 
of DOthing else since, and I hope the circumstances which I have related of my 
family misfortune may plead in my favor.'" 


and seize the commissioners. These, however, had made their escape 
into the country with a body of their guards ; but the blacks had been 
armed, and their liberty proclaimed, so that the numbers that were col- 
lected to oppose the whites left this unhappy battalion of volunteers no 
chance of success. The greater part were destroyed, but some brave 
fellows among them escaped and joined themselves to other armed 

They did not, however, die unrevenged, for their discipline was ex- 
cellent, having been trained under the Chevalier Dugres and the young 
Comte de Grasse ; and the efforts they made and the courage they dis- 
played brought double their number to the ground. The scene was 
horrible. At the same moment a general massacre of the white in- 
habitants commenced in the upper part of the town ; and as no boats 
could either come on shore or go off from it in consequence of the whole 
Bay being lined with white troops who were stationed there early in the 
afternoon to prevent all communication with the shipping, our house 
towards evening was filled with women who had fled from the emanci- 
pated slaves who were butchering all they could reach in the upper part 
of the town. Most of these were mulatto women, who fled with the 
rest when the massacre began. What became of them finally I know 
not, for as we ourselves had no means of escape they all left the house 
during the night, and sought safety elsewhere. 


Recollections of St. Domingo, continued. 

The Government House was distant about half a mile from the resi- 
dence of the American merchants; and the landing-place where the 
sailors had disembarked was nearly half that distance below them down 
the bay, but in full view from the balconies. A little further on was 
the Artillery Park, where a regiment was stationed. As the fighting 
was at some distance from the seaboard, we could only hear the rattling 
of the musketry, but could see none of the operations after the sailors 
had been driven into the sea, as the troops engaged were in the neigh- 
borhood of the Government residence. When the alarm among the 
inhabitants in our quarter had been raised to the highest pitch by the 
news that the commissioners had freed and armed the slaves, every one 
seized his firearms, and without concert placed himself at the corner of 
his street to defend his person and his property, or his family, if he had 
any, expecting momentarily that his own house servants would join in 
the massacres. Every moment accounts from the interior of the town 
were brought by the fugitives of the dreadful and deadly contention that 
was going on there between the white inhabitants and the armed slaves, 



who now considered themselves authorized l>\ the commissioners to corn- 
mil every species of outrage. While Borne were struggling with the 
whites in the street-, others were robbing the houses of their mosi pre* 
cious effects or committing acts a thousand times worse on the female in- 
mates. A constant and unceasing fire of musketry had been kepi up in 
the upper pari of the citj since the first attack of the mulatto regiments 
on the Bailors, bu! when nightfall arrived it extended everywhere, for the 
fears of the whites led them to dread every one who appeared, and as 
they could not distinguish between the whites and blacks in the dark, it 
was only a cry of " Who '•> there ? " and a Bhol followed the sound before 

the question could be answered. Thus, in the general panic whites de- 

Btroyed whites and blacks destroyed blacks throughout the night, and 
one constant and incessant tiring of musketry, with incessanl roaring of 

cannon, was heard in every direction and even at our own doors till 

daylight At this period a field-piece was planted at the corner of our 

house by some white soldiers, who began firing up the street, hut they 
were Boon driven from their position by other cannon at the head of it. 
The white troops that had in the early part of the afternoon been sta- 
tioned along the Beaboard to prevent communication witli the shipping 
had withdrawn before dark, and had mostly joined the whites in de- 
fence of the town, and were now involved in the general warfare, 
but as the brigands of the country had been let into the city, the troops 
had by degrees been driven to their quarters, or to the Artillery Park, 
where they made their stand. 

The quarter of the town where our house stood was entirely de- 
serted, not a soul was to be seen at sunrise, and no boat of any kind 
was in sight from the front balcony. The hot contest was carried on 
chiefly at a distance from us (although a musket ball did find its way 
into our room while we were at breakfast). AV r e were alone, and with- 
out Bupport, except from our own arms. 1 A\ r e felt the necessity of 
escape, but we had no means left us, as there were no boats or boat- 
men to be seen. The cannon at the head of the street still kept up 
a regular lire towards the bay for some time after the enemy had 
retired. Soon after it ceased we heard a cry in the street, and 
running to the window saw a merchant of the city, who had com- 
manded a troop of horse the day before, running swiftly to the water, 
with his sword drawn, and without his hat, crying as he went, " Sauvez- 
VOU8 ! tout est perdu !" Repeating these words with great vehemence, 
he plunged into the sea and swam towards the shipping. It, was now 
time to look about us; we breakfasted, however, and consulted with 

1 "The white persons in the house, all well armed, were Mr. Burling, Mr. J. 

Carter, Mr. . a French clerk of ours, whose name lias escaped me, a young 

man named Porter, an apprentice of ours, ami myself; the blacks, Tom, Sam- 
son, Plato, Moussa, Yblick, and Nancy the cook." 


each other as to the course to be pursued. Although well armed, we 
could not expect to defend ourselves long against the numbers that 
would soon be upon us, and it was determined to try to rouse one or more 
of the boatmen who might be skulking behind some of the large flat- 
boats anchored along the bay, that were employed to load the shipping. 
After repeated calls from the front balcony for a passage-boat, with all 
the force we could muster, we at last had the satisfaction of seeing a 
black head raised above the side of one of these vessels ; but all our ap- 
peals for help availed us nothing. The head was shaken in negation, 
and dropped out of sight. My partner, who was with us, was almost a 
cripple with the rheumatism. To attempt to swim to this boat was for 
him out of the question, and we could not and would not leave him, 
even if death had stared us in the face. Renewed calls for help brought 
up another black head and a friendly shake of assent. We all therefore 
left the house as we stood, without a second shirt to our backs, and even 
without carrying off our watches, which were left in our bedrooms, but 
armed with pistols for our defence. 1 

We had the greatest confidence in our blacks, to whose leader — a 
faithful slave, whom we had long owned — we gave the charge to keep 
the doors shut, and to open them to no one but ourselves, should we be 
fortunate enough to return. This man had informed us the night before 
that he had been promised his liberty if he would join the rebels. We 
were in a few minutes placed on board a vessel belonging to Baltimore, 
that happened to be nearest the shore. Scarcely had we time to thank 
God for our escape, when, looking with a glass towards our house, we 
saw that it was surrounded by a troop of black cavalry ; our doors were 
open, and our negroes were wading off towards the ships. I jumped 
into a boat with two sailors, and soon brought them all on board in 
safety. They told us that scarcely had we left the shore when they 
heard the tramp of the horses, and fearful of being obliged to join the 
insurgents, they quitted the house and made for the water, where they 
were hidden from the troops by the piles of lumber that covered the 
bay, or seaboard. This was on Friday morning, June 20. Our house 

1 " When we saw the means of relief before us, we were too much overjoyed to 
think of anything but the preservation of our lives, and our retreat was therefore 
rather precipitate. While the blacks were rowing us off we regretted our haste, 
and began to reproach ourselves that we had not stopped to take our watches 
and a change of clothes ; but had we done this we should doubtless have been all 
sacrificed. We might have defended the passage upstairs for a time, and could 
have done it against quadruple our numbers, but we must finally have been over- 
powered and put to death. Our confidence in our strength was great, because 
we had plenty of muskets and ammunition, twice as many as we had men; for 
the ammunition and the arms of the American Guard were kept at our house, 
and we had loaded them all. Fortunately we were too much alarmed to wait the 
issue of a battle, as we could expect no support from the whites, who had aban- 
doned our neighborhood on every side for the third of a mile." 

1886.] [NSURBEOTIOH in BT« DOMINGO. 343 

was soon filled with Mack-, like all other bouses <>n the bay, and a 
regular plunder began of the most valuable effects thai bad been left by 
their late occupants. Money, plate, watches, and jewels were the first 
objects that were Bought for. This we discovered afterwards, as will be 
seen by what follows. Transported od board one of our own vess Is 
that lav farther out in the harbor, we bad time for reflection, and leisure 
to inquire into our situation and wants. \\\- were without clothes, except 
the light linen dresses which we were accustomed to wear in the morning, 
and of these we had only what we had on our backs. Everybody we 
saw among the inhabitants who had escaped was in the same situation, 
and of course no relief could he looked tor from them. After due de- 
liberation, we determined to arm ourselves and land the next morning, 
with a view to get some clothes, and if possible to save some dry-goods 
of value belonging to our friends, that were in one of the hack rooms 
of the bouse. After having resolved on this course, we seated ourselves 
on the deck to watch the course of proceedings on Bhore. 

The firing had not ceased for one moment from the lime it first began 
on the preceding day at one o'clock, and as we approached we were 

able to see more distinctly where it was kept up with most vigor. At a 
small tort called the Picolet, which had been taken possession of by the 
few volunteers who had escaped from the massacre at the Government 
House and by some troops of the line who had abandoned the commis- 
sioner-, there was a rolling lire of musketry during the whole night, and 
in every quarter of the town the flashing of guns was to be seen in quick 
succession, sometimes one or two, and in some places several together, 
as if a desultory warfare was carried on by detached parties, or by in- 
dividuals who were destroying each other. This at the time we sup- 
posed to be a contest between the remaining whites wdio were defending 
themselves individually, or in small parties, against the slaves who had 
been let loose upon them, but we afterwards found it was a contest 
among the liberated slaves for the possession of the plunder which some 
were carrying away, while others who had been less fortunate in their 
search shot at them. Thousands of the blacks were supposed to have 
been destroyed in this way, for as soon as they had gotten rid of their 
masters, either by murdering them or by running away from them, they 
turned their arms against each other to secure the plunder that either or 
any of them possessed. This scene kept us on deck during the night, 
and however strange it may appear to those who have never been placed 
in circumstances of great peril, we were never distressed or discouraged. 
As soon as daylight permitted, we began our preparations for a descent, 
and having broken our fast we embarked in three boats with four sail- 
01*8 in each, and commanded, one by Captain (lark, one by my partner, 
and one by myself. We were all armed with mu.-kets and pistols and 
with a supply of cartridges. There were, besides, one or two volunteers 


to each boat, — among others, a Mr. Hunter, of Georgia, a high-spirited 
gentleman, who had made one of our family at the time of our flight. 
Our party was therefore composed of about eighteen or nineteen armed 
men, the leaders of whom were in too destitute a condition to hesitate 
about risking their lives in the hope to obtain wherewithal to cover 
their nakedness. 

As we passed on towards the shore we were hailed by the master 
of a small brig belonging to Charleston, South Carolina, the brave and 
amiable Captain Campbell, who has since commanded the frigate " Con- 
stitution," and desired to come alongside his vessel. This we at first 
refused to do, as we saw the coast was clear, and were afraid that by 
delay we might lose what appeared so good a chance to us of obtaining 
our object. This we stated to him, but he insisted on our compliance, 
and offered to accompany us ; we therefore rowed alongside his brig, 
and he called on his crew for volunteers to accompany him in his own 
boat. The call was met with three cheers both from his own crew 
and ours, and in a few minutes we had an accession of four stout sail- 
ors commanded by a cool, steady, and spirited officer. This gave us all 
our original force for fighting men, and left four men to take care of 
the four boats, so that our party was quite respectable as to force. We 
placed our boats' sterns to the shore with graplines at the head, and a 
sailor was left with each to steady them in this position, so that when 
we came down to the boats with our several loads of goods, we had only 
to wade off a short distance and place them in the stern-sheets, where they 
were stowed away by the boatguards. The sea-breeze had set in very 
strong, so that our clothes and a part of the goods got quite soaked with 
the spray which came over the bows. This arrangement was necessary, 
not only for the convenience of loading, but to have the boats in a posi- 
tion to facilitate our escape in case of need. The event showed the 
importance of this precaution. 

We appointed Captain Campbell commander of the sailors who were 
to form our defence, while we attempted to save some portion of our 
property. The streets being laid out at right angles, and the houses 
built in square blocks, our guards stationed at the entrance of the 
streets on either side the block in which our house and stores stood, 
could repel any small body that might get information of our landing. 
No opposition was made to it, and not a person of any kind was to be 
seen alive. The only impediment to effecting an entrance into our own 
house was a dead negro, who lay directly across the doorway with a 
bundle at his head. On removing him, we found he had been shot in 
the back, probably while running off with his plunder. I shall never 
forget with what nonchalance one of the sailors caught up the bundle, 
and threw it to one of his comrades who was behind him, crying out, 
" Hollo, Jack, catch this, and throw it into the boat, my boy ; here is 


line plunder for as \ H Other dead bodies were scattered about, but all 
of blacks. We rushed into our Beveral lodging-rooms, where we found 
our wardrobes untouched. The keys were in them, bul not an article 
appeared to be deranged. Our watches were gone, but we had what 
was more important to us left, — our clothes. Bach one Beized a 
Bheet, and filled it with whatever came first to hand; and as we 
always had a large stock of linen, we were not long in placing 
our bundles, filled with Bhirts, pantaloons, and other articles of dress, 
in the boats. As boob as this was done the goods-room was opened, 
and other Bheets were filled and placed on our Bhoulders to be carried 
to the boats. As we had to cross the open Btreet on the seaboard in 
going to the boats, we were Baluted from behind some piles of lumber 

up the hay by a tew mu>ketd>alls. which whistled by our ears, but 
we could Bee no one. As the party that was firing at US was BO hidden 
that we could not return the compliment with any effect, we continued 
our labors, starting as quickly as we could with our burden- across the 
street, until we arrived under the shelter of the piles of lumber in front 
of our own house on the seaboard. We knew that if the alarm was 
Once given, we should be Boon overpowered from the back part of the 
town, and in this we were not mistaken, for Campbell, who was lame 
in one leg, was put to his mettle to superintend the defence of the two 
posts where our guards were stationed. This, however, lie did do so 
effectually that the first assailants were driven for security behind the 
blocks of houses above us. Imt we were not left long undisturbed. 

Soon after the cessation of firing, a white man, dressed in soldier's 
clothes, rushed into one of the streets on horseback, crying to our party 
to save him. While pushing his horse full speed towards our lines, 
several muskets were tired at him by the blacks. We received him as 
a fugitive from the enemy. He had no arms, said he had been taken 
prisoner by the blacks, and had seized an opportunity to make his es- 
cape. Finding there were boats on shore with white people, he came 
to ask our protection and to be taken on board with us. lie asked 
the strength of our party, and was willing to take arms and lead us to 
attack the rebels if we had a few brave fellows to spare for the expe- 
dition. While we were listening to this fellow, my partner came up 
from the boats, and hearing wdiat he proposed, asked him a few ques- 
tion-, which evidently confused him, and made him look round as if 
desirous of escaping. He was still on horseback, and Mr. Burling, being 
Batisfied that he was a Bpy sent by the negroes to see what our force 
was, did not hesitate, but drawing a pistol from his belt would have shot 
the fellow dead had I not seized his arm and prevented him. This in- 
terference led to a warm altercation between us. in which the bystand- 
ers took sides. Meanwhile the fellow made his escape to the blacks, 
and in fifteen minutes after, we were attacked by a strong body of them 



in both streets, and our late distressed friend and fellow-sufferer was 
seen actively engaged in urging them on to the attack. Reinforcements 
were every moment arriving from the back part of the town, and a 
stronger body had taken their stand behind the boards above us on the 
bay, from whom we had every now and then a discharge. 

Retreat was necessary, as we saw we should soon be overpowered ; 
but we had made our arrangements so that the boats were manned, 
ready to pull off, while the guard, although diminished in numbers, kept 
up a brisk fire until all was prepared. As soon as this was announced, 
Captain Campbell drew off his battalion in a sailor-like manner, and 
made his retreat good to the boats, without the loss of any one except 
the French soldier who had stolen a march upon us. Scarcely had we 
put off when the blacks made their appearance, but not being able to 
see whether the boats were still all off-shore, they moved very cau- 
tiously, fearing an ambush, so. that we had made good progress before 
they were prepared to fire on us from the beach, and one or two well- 
directed shots from the boats soon dispersed them. 1 

These details may have little interest for general readers; but as 
they led to other results, and as they show the importance of system 
and organization, as well as of union of thought in all cases of a like 
nature, I have thought it proper to state them at the risk of taxing 
their patience. Had I not interfered to prevent the shooting of the 
soldier who came among us in the character of a suppliant for protec- 
tion, we never could have been sure that his fate was deserved, and 
we should have always deeply regretted the rashness that led to the 
catastrophe. At the time I was blamed, and perhaps justly, but I 
have never repented that I saved a fellow-being, though he proved him- 
self afterwards to be a spy and a traitor. It is better that ten guilty 
men should escape than that one innocent should suffer, either by Lynch 
or Statute law. 

As our persons were well known to most of the blacks of the part 

1 " My partner, Mr. Burling, who had been confined with severe rheumatism 
for a long time, and almost deprived of the use of his limbs before the events of 
the 19th, became as active as any of the party in consequence of the excitement 
and exertion that he was obliged to make. 

" When Captain Campbell announced the necessity of a retreat and all were 
ready to move, Burling stood at the door of the store facing the bay, ready also, 
as we supposed, as he had been called from the rooms above for the purpose, 
but at the moment when Campbell was about to draw off the guard, and the 
blacks were pressing on us with force, Burling cried out, ' Keep your guard, 
Campbell, while I run up and lock the goods-room door, we may have another 
chance at it yet,' — and back he ran upstairs and through the whole length of 
the building to lock this cursed door, while we were exposed to be overpowered 
by the brigands. Nothing could stop him, back he would go, and would have 
gone if the devil had stood on the stairs. He was the most fearless man I ever 



{ the town where we bad lived, it was Boon known among them that 
we had landed with arm-, and had Bhot BeveraJ negroes in defending 
ourselves from their attacks. This was treasured in the memory of 
some who hoped tor an opportunity to revenge themselves at some 
future period. 

Recollections of St. Domingo t continued. 

Hitherto tin- excitement of the Bcene that was passing before us, 
and th<- continued action of the morning, had kept up our Bpirits to their 
highest Btretch ; hut a- we had now attained our immediate object, and 
were out of danger from the attacks of our enemies, we had nothing 

more to gain or to hope for, as we were convinced 'that, we should never 
again he permitted to land, or to secure any more of our property. 
The Bilent gloom that succeeded, as we rowed forward to our ships, 

was Boon aroused by the cries and lamentations of the miserable beings 

who BtOOd on the decks of the vessels that we passed, all of whom had 
been watching our landing and anxious return in the frail hope that we 
might bring them tidings of their lost friends. Men, women, and chil- 
dren half naked (a most heart-rending sight), with uplifted hands were 
beseeching us to give them hope of safety, — some for their wives, some 
f»r their husbands, some for their children, and some for their parents. 
They mingled their tones of supplication and entreaty with such a show 
of wretchedness that the firmest hearts among us gave way to emotions 
that none but brutes could have resisted. We were overwhelmed with 
grief; and men who hut a few minutes before bad braved death without 
a sensation of fear or sense of suffering were now unmanned and as 
feeble as children. All that had passed before, and all that suc- 
ceeded this scene, until I arrived in the United States six mouths after- 
wards (and my sufferings were neither few nor light), were nothing to 
what I then felt. Forty-four years have passed since that period, and 
the facts are now as fresh and as marked on my memory as if they had 
occurred but yesterday. The wives and children of planters, of mer- 
chants, and of mechanics who had been murdered in their defence were 
now frantic with despair, for they had lost all, even their guardians and 
only earthly protectors. But the horror of the husbands, fathers, sons, 
and brothers who were inquiring for their female relatives was, if pos- 
sible, still more strongly depicted on their faces and in their agitated 
frames, for they felt that miseries worse than death had befallen 

Let those who advocate the immediate emancipation of the slaves in 
our own country reflect for a moment, and a^k themselves what would 


be their feelings had Heaven cast their lot in the Southern States, — their 
only patrimony the slaves that their fathers had inherited from their 
parents, — should the mistaken philanthropy of their neighbors pursue 
a course of measures calculated to produce the same effects on them 
and their families that I have witnessed, and have feebly described in 
these pages ? I say nothing of the violation of the compact that gives 
the Southern States the right by law to hold this property undisturbed ; 
I speak only of the effects that would necessarily be produced, and the 
misery that must follow the success of their plans, — misery not only 
to the innocent whites, but misery and tenfold wretchedness to the 
slaves themselves ; for this would as certainly follow a general rising 
of the blacks, or an immediate emancipation of them, as effect follows 
an operating cause. But let us proceed with our narrative. 

Scarcely had we arrived on board of our own vessel when she was 
surrounded with boats filled with the late inhabitants of the town, who 
came to have their inquiries satisfied, or to beg for a few clothes to 
protect them from the burning rays of the sun ; for hundreds who lived 
at a distance from the first outbreaking of the slaves, having retired to 
rest, had left their beds and fled with nothing but their night-clothes to 
cover them as the storm approached their own dwellings. Who could 
resist at such a moment to contribute a portion of their means to their 
suffering fellow-beino;s ? There were but few of us that were not soon 
reduced almost to as small a stock as that we possessed before we 
landed, particularly in shirts, for this garment served for either sex, 
and all were equally destitute. 

We had scarcely swallowed our dinner when we were called on deck 
to witness new scenes. The seaboard was now lined with black troops 
on horseback, with long lines of mules tied to each other by their tails, 
and accompanied by black drivers. These mules — which had been 
brought in from the country for the purpose, with their drivers, who 
were accustomed to this mode of transportation, coffee being brought 
to the town for sale in this manner - — were at once loaded with the dry- 
goods and other articles easily transported from our stores. When one 
set was charged and led off, another line was brought up and loaded, 
until all the articles from the stores and houses that could be thus car- 
ried away were sent off to the country. The whole bay for nearly 
three quarters of a mile was stripped of its merchandise ; and other 
parts of the town were doubtless plundered in the same manner, but 
this we could not see. 

We sat watching the plunderers till nightfall, but the darkness of 
the night had not long set in when we were attracted by a light which 
soon spread into a blaze, and in a few minutes the whole line of houses 
on the bay were on fire. This was immediately followed by a general 
conflagration of the interior of the town, amidst the rattling of mus- 



kctrv and the roaring of cannon ; for the lower part of the city and the 
forts were -till defended by Bnch whites as bad not been able to escape 
on board the Bhips. The nature of the merchandise in many of the 
French and American warehouses was such that it burned vividly, with 
occasional explosions, caused by the large quantities of brandy, nun, 
and other spirits left in them. Great quantities of oil , tar, and pitch 
contributed to feed and brighten the flame, so that all objects at a dis- 
tance were distinctly visible. 1 

The whole harbor was lighted up ; and the ships, with their miserable 
tenants, were do1 the least distressing objects before us. The Bight 
of a great city in flames, though awful, is sublime, and we Bat watch- 
ing the flames until daylight announced that something must be done 
for our own preservation and Bupport. The property that we had left 
in our stores, the debts that wore due to us for goods sold to the inhab- 
itants, were all lost forever; our only resource was in the commission- 
ers, whose act enforcing the payment of the goods delivered to the 
Government was doubtless the immediate cause of all the disasters 
and dreadful effects we have related. After consulting with such of 
the American merchants as could be collected together, it was deter- 
mined to send a flag of truce on shore at the ferry at the upper part of 
the town, in hope of gaining access to the commissioners, who were 
the now ruling and supreme power. 

But who would undertake this hazardous mission? The late Com- 
modore Barney, who commauded the ship "Samson," then in port, 
offered his barge, rowed by six men, with the American flag at her 
stern and a white flag at her bow. He would doubtless have been 
the hot man to have gone in her, but as no part of the debt was due 
to him, and as he had his ship to take care of, we could not with any 
propriety accept his offer. In this conjuncture, being the youngest of 
the party who were immediately concerned in the measure, I offered to 
go, provided I could obtain the company of a mulatto of respectability 
whom I knew and had seen on board one of the ships. Without this 
precaution it was deemed by all a desperate attempt. The boat was 
accordingly manned, the flags hoisted at the stern and stem of the barge, 
and I set forth to find my friend the mulatto. Fortunately for me, he 
scouted the idea of landing among a set of savages whose hands were 
still wet with the blood, not only of the wdiites and mulattoes who had 
fallen within them, but with that of their fellow-slaves, whom they had 
royed to possess their plunder. "My person or my color," said my 

1 " There was in our store a threat quantity of ruin and brandy, oil, candles, 
and other combustible merchandise, beside a quantity of gunpowder in one of 
our iron chests made into cartridges for the American Guard, so that we outshone 
them all; and our house was distinguished as exhibiting a finer display of fire- 
works than any along the whole bay. When it blew up there was a shout among 
us that on another occasion would have been taken for one of victory." 


judicious friend, " would afford you no protection whatever, even if / 
was spared ; and your flag would only be a signal for your own de- 
struction, since it must be well known that several American boats 
have landed with armed men, and yourself among them, and if any of 
the blacks were killed you would never be allowed to reach the com- 
missioners, but would be immediately sacrificed. For all the Govern- 
ment owe your merchants I would not risk my neck for one minute 
among them, — I, who have done them no harm ; and I advise you to 
return on board your ship." By the time I had reached the vessel 
where our party were, a new alarm had arisen. It was circulated 
among the shipping that the men of war, of which there were four or 
five in the harbor, were preparing to leave the port that evening as 
soon as the land-breeze should set off from the shore. I was accord- 
ingly despatched on board the Admiral's ship to ascertain the fact. I 
found everything indicating a movement on board, and soon learned 
that it was the intention of the men of war to get out of the harbor as 
soon as the wind would let them. 

This news was soon spread throughout the fleet, which amounted to 
three or four hundred vessels of all classes. 

The alarm spread that the blacks were preparing to come off and 
attack the shipping in the night ; and as the ships of war lay at the 
outer part of the harbor, and the merchant vessels within, it would in 
fact have required not a great effort on their part to have possessed 
themselves of all the shipping that was anchored nearest to the shore. 

The excitement and disorder that ensued throughout the vessels, and 
the panic that prevailed among them, can be better conceived than de- 
scribed. Many of the great French ships lay with their yards fore and 
aft unprepared to put to sea ; some were without ballast, some were 
under careen, — that is, were undergoing repairs, — and few had their 
sails bent ; many were without provisions or water for a voyage of any 
length, and they had every reason to fear that they would meet with 
but a poor reception in any other port in the Island. But necessity 
hath no law : the fear of the blacks was stronger than the fear of star- 
vation ; the danger from one was immediate, from the other remote. 
The signal was hoisted on the Admiral's ship for all vessels to get ready 
to leave the port, and the confusion was without parallel. 

The usual time to go to sea from this port is the morning, as soon 
as the objects that mark the channel can be seen ; but at sundown the 
ships of war dropped their topsails, and as soon as the land-wind blew 
they got under way. In these latitudes there is little or no twilight ; 
it was soon dark after the sun had disappeared, and the efforts to get 
forward were increased to such a degree by the fear of being left at the 
mercy of the blacks that every one set all the sail he could to pass 
his neighbor, by which reason the greatest disorder prevailed, and vessels 


nsikki:< tion in ST. DOMINGO. 851 

were constantly running into each other. The bawling and brail- 
ing of the masters, the cursing and iwearing of the Bailors, and the 
crying and moaning of the poor Inhabitants, who were going they knew 
not where, was enough to Bhake the resolution of any one who was a 
silent spectator of the Bcene. In the morning at daylight all the fleet 
were laying to the wind in Bight of each other off the harbor; boats 
were passing between the vessels, and friends joining each other to take 
their chance together; the city, full in Bight, was still burning with 
violence; and the harbor, with the exception of a few vessels that had 
been crowded on to the Bhore on either side of the channel, was desti- 
tute of Bhippiug. 

1 cannot refrain from mentioning an event that happened to my partner, 
who was on board the brig l< .Martha," belongiug to us, on her passage out 
i^i the harbor, A- he was a very passionate hut a very humane and brave 
. it made him extremely angry, while it caused the rest of us great 
amusement when he related the facts to us the next morning when we 
met off the harbor. As we were in different vessels, and had no time to 
consult with each other as to the course we should pursue, I borrowed 
the boat of the captain in whose brig I was passenger, and went on 
board the one where Mr. Burling was with our money and books. When 
I arrived I found him in bed, dressed in a red baize shirt and trousers 
which he had borrowed from one of the crew of his vessel. He was in 
great pain from head to foot with a fierce return of rheumatism. This 
did not surprise me, because he with the rest of us had got entirely 
wet when we went on shore on Saturday; and while the excitement 
was kept up he had escaped a relapse. But on questioning him as to 
the time when the pain returned he stated the following facts to me: 
u As we were passing near the shore on coming out of the harbor we 
heard a lamentable cry for help from the shore near the ' Picolet.' Every 
one said it was the cry of a woman in distress, and I accordingly ordered 
two sailors into the boat, and with a view to save the poor creature I got 
in myself, although quite stiff and beginning to feel a return of my dis- 
ci- . The difficulty of landing in the night among the breakers was very 
great, and I knew I must get drenched again. Still I could not bear the poor 
worn an's wailing, and I determined to rescue her if possible. She might, 
I thought, be BOme reputable female who was left by her friends, and who 
had escaped from the brutality of the insurgents. The captain tried to 
dissuade me from the attempt, but I had got my head full of the suffering 
of the woman, and the relief I should afford her. BO on we pushed into the 
breakers, when 1 not well soused before we struck the beach. It was ex- 
tremely dark, bur I could see the poor woman standing with outstretched 
arras awaiting her deliverance. As the distance between the boat and the 
shore was considerable, I called to her to wade off ami we would take her 
in; off she came, but what was my horror and indignation when, instead 
of a woman, a tall strapping soldier, without ids coat and in white trousers, 
presented himself alongside. ' Where is the woman,' I said. • whom I heard 
crying here?' ' Woman, sir! there has been no woman here: it was T that 


you heard! ' The traitor that escaped us on Saturday came full upon my 
mind, and I took up the tiller to knock the rascal's brains out, but he was 
out of my reach ; and I was so stiff I could not move a joint. « Push off the 
boat, men, and let the rascal remain where he is; he shan't come into the 
boat, — knock him down with your oars if he attempts it ! ' said I to the 
sailors. The men were about to comply, when the rascal, in the most 
humiliating tone and crouching down in the water, with both hands up- 
lifted in prayer, cried out, ' Pour P amour de Dieu, sauvez-moi, Monsieur! ' 
and I was fool enough to take him in." This scene occurred on Sunday, 
June 22, 1793. 

No one who has not been placed in a like situation can easily im- 
agine the feelings which overwhelm the mind when men are driven from 
their homes where they have passed a great part or perhaps all of 
their lives ; deprived, not only of their property, but of many of their 
nearest and dearest friends by the ruffian hands of licentious bandits ; 
not knowing where they are to go, or what is to be their future lot in 
this world of sorrow and suffering ; doubtful whether those they have 
left behind are dead, or living in a state of degradation and misery ten 
thousand times worse than death itself; themselves on the point of 
being transported to a distant country where they must be shut out 
from all information for months, if not forever, that might allay their 
anxious fears. The beings who were now looking on the burning ruins 
of the city which but a few days before they inhabited in peace and hap- 
piness, surrounded by friends and relations, now scattered they knew not 
where, blessed with abundance and with those domestic ties that sweeten 
and make life desirable, were now friendless, penniless, and without a 
home on the habitable globe where they might shelter their heads. 
This was the work and the consequence of the sudden emancipation of 
the slaves in the Northern Department of St. Domingo. 1 Let those 
self-styled philanthropists who are now endeavoring to bring about the 
immediate emancipation of the slaves in our own country ask themselves 
whether they are willing to see themselves to be the instruments of 
like scenes of misery and wretchedness to their fellow-citizens. Is the 

1 The representations and entreaties of the planters who had escaped from St. 
Domingo induced the Britisli Government to send an expedition to the island in 
September, 1793, under Colonel Whitelock, with orders to occupy such ports as 
were willing to accept protection. Although the commissioners had a force of 
some fourteen or fifteen thousand whites, and a motley band of negro troops at 
their command, they did not feel themselves strong enough to repel the English, 
and therefore resorted to the desperate expedient of proclaiming the abolition of 
slaver}'. About one hundred thousand blacks then took possession of the moun- 
tain fastnesses, while a desperate band of thirty or forty thousand mulattoes and 
negroes ravaged the northern districts. On hearing of the seizure of Port au 
Prince by the English, the commissioners fled to the mountains with about two 
thousand followers, but finding that Toussaint l'Ouverture had occupied the 
heights, they turned their steps to the coast and embarked for France. (Quarterly 
Review, 1819, p. 439.) 


comfort, or what they call the comfort, of the blacks of more importance 
to them, or to the real friends of humanity, than the preservation of 
the lives of their white brethren of the South ? Can ladies, nay, can 
women of any degree, contemplate the horrors of degradation which 
must fall on their own sei throughoul the Southern States in case of 
Budden emancipation, or of a general rising of the blacks, still bold 
meetings to encourage a course of things thai must inevitably produce 
this result? Can men who profess themselves Christians, who bave 
wives and daughters, sisters and friends, labor to produce evils to their 
fellow-men, —their fellow-countrymen, too, — that if brought home to 
their own firesides would make them Bhudder with horror? Bui bo 
m this great and awful revolution is effected the shock will not be 
confined to the Southern States; it will be felt to the uttermost limits 
of this great Republic, even to the firesides of those w ho have promoted 
it. This will be their recompense in this world ; of the future we know 

But the comforts and the freedom of the slaves are of more impor- 
tance than any consequences that may result to our white population, 
Bay these fanatical emancipators. We shall see how it operated on the, 
blacks after they had gained their boasted freedom. 


Recollections of St. Domingo, continued. 

The fleet separated on Monday forenoon, some for France, some for 
the United States of America, some for the bight of Leogane, and other 
ports to leeward in the island. Nothing can be more beautiful than a 
Meet of three or four huudred sail of vessels of all classes, from the 
humble droger or coasting-craft, up to the majestic ship of the line, 
all under full sail, moving in various directions. The brig in which I 
was destined to pursue my course, in company with half a dozen other 
American residents at the Cape, was commanded by an amiable and 
worthy Bostonian, and that in which my partner Mr. Burling had 
embarked was owned in this city, partly by our house. Mr. Burling, 
who had charge of all the money we had Baved from the flames — 
about fifteen thousand dollars — was captured and carried to Jamaica, 
there being at this time war between England and France, but before 
his capture he had gone into a small port called Limbe, a few leagues 
to leeward of the Cape, to get water for his voyage to the United 

Star. b. 

I may be excused perhaps for relating an adventure that he met with 

at this place, as it shows what feelings and dispositions were roused 
among the blacks the moment they heard of the liberation of their 



fellows at the Cape. On landing, Mr. Burling having chanced to meet 
a planter of our acquaintance, a man of great wealth and owner of sev- 
eral plantations, named Francois Lavaud, communicated to him the state 
of things at the Cape, and Lavaud immediately determined to load Bur- 
ling's vessel with sugar, as well as that of another American who had 
also put in there. His carriage was in town, and he invited these two 
gentlemen to proceed in it to one of his plantations in the neighborhood, 
while he mounted his horse to accompany them, with a view of making 
final arrangements regarding the freight he was to give them. Scarcely 
had they lefc the town when four blacks, mounted on fleet horses, passed 
the carriage at full speed. They were armed with swords and pistols, 
and passed directly on towards Mr. Lavaud, who was some hundred 
or two yards in advance of the cabriolet which contained our friends. 
The moment the blacks arrived within striking distance of this gentle- 
man they shot him dead. As this was done in full view of those in the 
carriage, they ordered the postilion to stop, and by the time they had 
got out the assassins were before them with their pistols presented at 
their breasts. The shock they had received by seeing their companion 
killed before their eyes, without even a question being asked him, 
left them no doubt that equal despatch would be made with them. 
" We are Americans," exclaimed both these gentlemen together ; 
" we belong to the United States." One of the blacks who knew 
enough of English to understand them, cried out, " Stop, comrades, 
they are not French ; they are from America, — a country of liberty." 
'■ No matter," said another, " they are whites, and that is enough ; shoot 
them like dogs." A dispute arose between the four, two swearing 
they should be killed because they were whites, and the others opposing 
the step with great vigor. During the contest between the murderers, 
the two Americans slipped off into the woods, and as it was now nearly 
dark they were left to grope their way as well as they could till day- 
light, sometimes wading through deep swamps, and sometimes so en- 
tangled in the underbrush of the wood that they could with difficulty 
extricate themselves. When day appeared they found themselves on 
the seaboard, and soon descried their vessels at anchor. Having hailed 
their respective ships, they were soon on board, well pleased with hav- 
ing escaped this second massacre. Our woman-cook had gone on shore, 
where Burling left her. 

The brig in which I was embarked sailed to the port of St. Mark's, 
where we were no sooner anchored than a guard of soldiers took 
possession of the vessel. The officer proceeded to examine us, and 
finding we were inhabitants of the Cape, sent us off to jail, where we 
were locked up with all sorts of filthy criminals of the lowest grade 
of the slave population. As soon as it was rumored throughout the 
town that a number of American gentlemen from the Cape were 


confined in prison, we were visited by aome of the white inhabitants, 
among whom was a Mr. Ricard whom I had formerly known at the 
Cape. This gentleman remonstrated with the jailer, who was a mulatto 
man, for putting as into a confined room u ith a parcel of black convicts, 
and finally obtained from him a promise that we should be separated. 
He then sent as Borne mattresses to spread on the floor, which was of 
stone covered with mud, where we were destined to Bleep, if we slept, 
at all, or to remain on our legs during the night, for there was neither 
chair nor bench to 1"' had to rest upon. I had afterwards an oppor- 
tunity of thanking this amiable man for bis kindness, as it saved us 
from much Buffering. 

1' Bring that the news of the revolution at the (ape and the ••manci- 
pation of the Blaves might produce similar effects at St. .Marks with 
those we had bo lately witnessed, we were very desirous of remaining 

up, and in the jailer's room, to which we had been allowed to retire 
through the intervention of our French friend, so that we might be 
ready, in Case the jail was forced or set fire to during the night, to 
defend our persons or make our escape according to circumstances. 

To effect this object, we represented to the jailer that we were half 
famished, ami begged him to procure us a good supper, and plenty of 
wine of the best quality, anil invited him to join us in the good fare 
that he might provide. We gave him money to buy what was needed ; 
and having ordered BUpper to he served up very late in the evening, we 
passed the intermediate time in cogitating on the future. During the 
repast we contrived to ingratiate ourselves with our host, who very 
obligingly allowed as to remain at table till one in the morning, 
when he told OS it was more than his head was worth to extend this 
indulgence. He then locked us up in our room, and left us to a sound 
ami undisturbed repose until the morning was well advanced. 

As the governor of the place did not arrive in town until the after- 
noon of this day, we were detained in jail ; but on his arrival he called 
to see Q9, and after some inquiries ordered our release. 

When the governor first arrived he absolutely refused to let us out 
until he had orders from tht; commissioners; but on our telling him 
that we were under their special protection, and that the revolution at 
the Cape had taken place in consequence of their having ordered the 
merchants to pay US the debt that the (Government owed us, and that 
this persecution would be highly resented by them when they should 

receive our letter-, he ordered the prison doors opened, and apologized 
very humbly for the mistake that had been made. 

The first step we had to take was to procure some ready-made shirts. 
I had only three remaining of all I had saved from my wardrobe, the 
real having been disposed of to those that were more needy than 


After a short stay at St. Marks, I proceeded to Port au Prince, 
where I found a vessel loaded with flour from Baltimore to the con- 
signment of our firm. Having disposed of this cargo, and obtained 
some money for my expenses from the commissions that I received, 
I determined on returning to the Cape to look after the debt due us 
from the Government. One of the commissioners, Citizen Polvorel, 
had in the mean time arrived at Port au Prince, where a guillotine was 
erected by him in terrorem, to keep the whites in order. 

I had applied to him by letter for instructions as to the mode to be 
pursued to obtain my money, and was informed that without the evi- 
dence of the debt nothing could be done ; that the ordinance award- 
ing to my house the amount due to it must first be produced, and then 
the commissioners would take the subject into consideration. As this 
ordinance had been left in the hands of the commissioner of the Gov- 
ernment stores at the Cape, I had no chance of getting anything but 
by going back to look it up. 

I accordingly embarked on a small vessel — one of the coasting craft 
of the island — with several other passengers, among whom was an 
American, whose name I shall not mention because he is long since 
dead, who had also claims on the Government to an inconsiderable 
amount. On our passage, this person, who was a great talker, was ex- 
ceedingly indiscreet in his observations respecting the commissioners. 
There were several Frenchmen on board the boat, and one of them 
was a gentleman evidently above the rank of the other French passen- 
gers, lie was extremely taciturn, but evidently watchful of everything 
that was said or done among the guests in the cabin. I had frequently 
chided the half-Dutch, half- American passenger (for such he really 
was) for the license he gave his tongue, which I thought extremely 
impolitic at least, situated as we were ; but his reply was, " Nobody 
understands us ; and if they do, I care not a straw." There were sev- 
eral parcels on board, directed " To the Citizen Santhonax, Commis- 
sioner, etc., at the Cape," lying in the cabin in a small open box ; these 
had been frequently handled by this person, who said one day that he 
should like to see what the despatches contained, and had an inclination 
to open them and satisfy his curiosity. The master of the vessel was 
on deck at the time, but the French gentleman, whom I have men- 
tioned, was sitting apparently half asleep at one end of the cabin. 
" For Heaven's sake ! " said I, " what do you mean ? Are you mad ? " 
" No," said he in reply, " I am not mad ; but I mean to see what mis- 
chief these rascals are brewing." Shocked at the cool and determined 
manner which he showed, I remonstrated with him. I represented not 
only the crime, but the consequences that would follow it. I attempted 
to rescue the packet from his grasp. Everything that could be done I 
did to prevent this outrage on common decency. I told him if it was 

188C] insi i:i:i:cii<>n in ST. DOMINGO. ; i">7 

known he would be hung, and deservedly; and it' the result were to 
end there I Bhould not regret it, but all on board, particularly myself 
as an American, would be implicated, and w<- might expect on our ar- 
rival to be all imprisoned it' the packet was missing. Thia rash man, 
however, had broken the Beal, and proceeded to read the enclosures, 
when a movement from the person at the further end of the cabin 
alarmed him, and he threw the despatches out of the cabin window. 
M\ anger whs roused to the highest pitch, and I Baid everything that 
my indignation suggested to him; l>ut be remained as undisturbed aa it' 
I had been paying him a compliment for hi> hardihood. The French 
gentleman rose and went on deck, and as I had Buspected that he had 
Been the letters thrown overboard, if not all that had passed, I followed 
him up, greatly distressed lest he might Buspect me of participating in 
this shameful outrage. He joined me on the deck and immediately 
open d a conversation on the subject, by which 1 was .soon relieved 
from all apprehension as regarded myself at least. 

He told me that he had heard the conversation between me and the 
other American citizen during the time we had been on board; that he 
understood English well, and could speak it with considerable ease ; 
that In- had watched the whole proceeding below, and that he was 
happy to say he was fully satisfied with my conduct, and should, in case 
of need, bear testimony to my efforts to prevent that madman below 
from committing the crime he had so foolishly been led into. He then 
told me he was a councillor of State ; that if the tacts were known to the 
• rnment, the violator of these public despatches would pay for the 
trespa-s with his life; but that he should be discreet, and if the cap- 
tain did not discover the loss of the parcel he should remain silent, 
provided no other violence was committed. He cautioned me, how- 
ever, not to mention to Mr. that he knew anything of the trans- 
action, as it might lead to some communication between them, aud in 
this cas ( > he Bhould be obliged to order the captain of the vessel to 
arrest ami confine him, which would lead to an open publicity of the 
transaction, and thus bring about a catastrophe which he was desirous 
to avoid. 

I shall never forget the mild, benignant, and amiable character of 
this gentleman. Few men in his situation would have shown the same 
degree of moderation and forbearance that he did. I have now for- 
gotten his name; but I afterwards learned that he was ;l man of great 
consideration, and high in the confidence of the Government. When 

we arrived at the Cape he took a kind leave of me. and bowed coldly 
to my companion. I onfe-s I had a >me doubt- on my mind whether 

the 1"-- of tin- packet would not be discovered either by the master of 
the vessel or the commissary, and that we should be called on to ac- 
count for it; but all passed off in silence. 


The author of this shameful scene was extremely alarmed when he 
observed the marked difference which this gentleman showed towards 
us at parting, and he would have given all he was worth to have 
been sure of his life, for his reflections had convinced him that he had 
forfeited it to his curiosity. 

On my arrival I went on board the Boston brig " Betsey," which 
had arrived at the Cape after its destruction. The captain, who was 
an old acquaintance of mine, received me kindly, and inquired what 
was my object in coming there. Being told that it was to obtain evi- 
dence of the debt due to my house from the Government, and to en- 
deavor to collect it from them, he advised me to return without landing, 
as I might be assured if I went on shore I should be shot on the ram- 
parts before twenty-four hours had passed, if I had not been already 
assassinated in the streets. He stated that it was well known that I 
had landed with a party of armed men and had shot some of the blacks ; 
that he had heard the thing mentioned among the blacks repeatedly, 
and that nothing would rejoice them more than to get me into their 
power. I told my kind friend and adviser that we had done nothing 
more than we had a right to do, which was to defend our lives while 
we were securing a part of our property, and that if I could reach the 
commissary I had no doubt I could obtain from him the necessary pro- 
tection against violence ; and that as I had come up from Port au Prince 
with the knowledge of Citizen Polvorel for this purpose, I could not re- 
turn without an effort to get my money. I accordingly requested the 
loan of his boat to put me on shore, which he granted with tears in his 
eyes, and I landed on the quay called the King's Wharf. On the end 
of the wharf I observed a black man dressed in a suit of white dimity, 
wearing a white cocked hat bound with gold-lace on his head, having a 
gold-headed cane in his hand, and a large gold watch-chain hanging 
from his fob. He eyed me as I approached the quay, and when I 
landed he walked up to me very deliberately (for he was very fat), 
opened both his arms, and gave me the fraternal accolade. 

By this time I had recognized Andre, a slave and house-servant of 
M. Joyeux, one of my neighbors, a stout old gentleman, who, like myself, 
was an American commission merchant, although a Frenchman. He had 
been killed in the general massacre ; and his favorite servant, who was 
about his height, being an aristocrat in feeling, and having by the new 
order of things become a citizen, had thought it would well become the 
dignity of his new character to wear his master's Sunday suit and carry 
his gold-headed cane. During our short interview the good Andre rec- 
ommended me to be cautious, not to show myself in public more than 
was absolutely necessary, and to sleep on board my vessel without fail 
every night. He also advised me to salute all the blacks I had occasion 
to speak to with the title of Oitoyen, as all were now free and equal. 

1888.1 [N8UBEECTI0M in BT. DOMINGO. 859 

On leaving Andre, to proceed to the residence <>f Mr. Meyers, who 
was then American Consul, I perceived :i number oi black men and 

out.! whiu: man in the water, in the acl of rolling a hogshead of sugar 
into a large Bat-bottomed boat The white man was encouraging the 
rot it) exerl themselves by cheering them with his voice. "Allons, 
mes enfans, encore une fois I " exclaimed the old gentleman, whose 
head was as white as snow ; "now for the lasl Bhove ! " and the hogs- 
head was safely lodged in the boat. " Now for another/ 1 said he, turn- 
in.- round t<> come tO the shore for another cask, when who should I 

Bee but my former next-door neighbor, M. Laroque, lately a gentle- 
man of large fortune, now without hat or shoes, in a coarse checked 

shirt and troupers, doing the labor which but a lew weeks before was 

the l)u-iue>s of his slaves. I immediately went down to the beach to 
meet him. "What!" Baid I, "is this M. Laroque that I see here 
workiug like a slave?" "Que faire, mon ami?" said Ik;; "il faut 
Itieti viwv." I was struck dumb. He then cautioned me not to use 
the word slave on any occasion, as it might cost me my life. 

On leaving him I proceeded to the Government stores, which were 
near the wharf, and there found Consul Meyers, with whom I proceeded 
towards the commissioner's lodgings, which were no longer at the ancient 
I I irnment House, that building having been mostly destroyed during 
the contest. On our way we were conversing in a low tone, with cur 
faces turned towards each other, and our heads rather stooping, my hat 
being drawn over my lace to avoid being recognized, when I received a 
blow on the breast that almost levelled me with the ground. On look- 
ing up to see whence the blow came, I saw before me a negro fellow of 
great size, in full uniform, with his sword half drawn, glaring upon me 
with the most infernal countenance I ever beheld. My first impulse 
was to break out upon this savage with a heavy curse, but as prudence 
is the better part of valor, a moment's reflection cooled my anger, and 
I asked the fellow what he meant by striking me in that manner. He 
eyed in,' steadily for a moment, and then raising himself up with the 
most arrogant manner to his full height (which was six feet two or 
three inches), in the most contemptuous tone he exclaimed in Creole, 
u Moi trompe! " (•• I am mistaken in my man '. ") and passed on. Al- 
though it was consoling that I was not his man. I did not get over the 
pain in my breast during the day, and I thought it best on the whole to 
show my face in future, that I might not have to pay for the misdeeds 
of other- a- well as my own. The incident, however, gave me an ex- 
cuse for asking the commissary to give me a carte de si/rete, which he 
granted without hesitation. The commissary treated me politely enough, 
and told me if I could procure my ordinance he would write to Citizen 
Polvorel at Port an Prince to have my balance paid. 

Ou application to the Guard Magazin for this purpose, I was shown 


into a large room, fifty or sixty feet long, one end of which was filled 
with papers in one solid mass ; and here I was to hunt for my single 
sheet of proof. I had the work of a month before me at least ; I was 
in despair. However, to work I went, and as if fortune thought it 
proper to indemnify me for the blow I had received in the morning, she 
placed the paper in my hands in fifteen minutes. Full of spirits at my 
good luck, I sallied forth to find the consul and communicate to him my 
happiness. On the way I met a negro, whom I had known as the 
servant of a rich old merchant of my acquaintance who had retired from 
business. The fellow recognized me at once, and made up to me with 
his hand extended, which I took and shook with great cordiality, ex- 
pressing a hope that he was well. This fellow was not decked out like 
my friend Andre, but was decently clad. I was afraid to ask about his 
master ; for the fellow had always appeared to me to be a surly bad- 
tempered chap, and I felt a conviction in my mind that he had mur- 
dered him. t; Will you come home to my house and dine with me ? " 
said he ; " I shall be glad to give you a dinner if you are not too proud 
to dine with a black man." My blood ran cold at the thought of dining 
with the murderer of my old friend, but I thought it best to appear 
satisfied, and I asked him where he lived. He said he lived in the 
same house where he had so often seen me. " At what hour do you 
dine? I have some business to attend to before dinner that will engage 
me for some time." " Oh, at any hour you please, only come." " Thank 
you ; I will endeavor to be with you at two." " Very well, I '11 wait 
for you." " Apropos," said I, " you had better not, on the whole, wait 
beyond your usual dinner-hour, for I may be detained altogether, and 
not be able to come." The fellow looked at me with a malignant eye, 
said nothing, and went his way. I had not separated from this man 
many minutes when I met an American captain who asked me where I 
intended to dine. I told him what had passed between me and the 
black, that I had resolved not to dine with him, but that I felt uneasy 
at his apparent suspicions and jealousy. " Never mind him," said the 
captain ; " you will of course sleep on board, and as you are, I under- 
stand, under the special protection of the commissary, they dare not 
touch you in daylight if you keep yourself in the business quarter, where 
there are always men enough to protect you. Come and dine with me 
at an excellent house close by, and before dark you can go on board." I 
accepted his invitation, and at one o'clock we sat down to table. The 
host was a mulatto man, whom I had never seen before to my knowl- 
edge. It was soon rumored at table that I had a special protection 
from, the commissary, and my host was very gracious and disposed to 
make me comfortable. There were perhaps twenty persons at table, — 
some well-dressed mulatto men, several American ship-masters, and 
others of whom I knew nothing, — all, however, well-clad and decent- 

1886.] insi kkkction in ST. DOMINGO. 3G1 

looking people. Scarcely wrere we Beated at table when a black Fellow, 
without hat or Bhoee, a dirty checked Bhirt and trousers, whirl, had 
apparently been worn for six months^ entered the room, and without 
ceremony took a chair at tabic. Every one turned his eyes on this in- 
dividual, expecting the landlord would order him out of the room; at 
leasl that was my expectation. Bui the fellow, Beizing on a roasted 
fowl, began to devour it most voraciously, and after a lew minutes' eat- 
ing helped himself plentifully with wine from the bottle of his neighbor 

which Btood be8ide him. The landlord immediately placed another hot- 
tie on the Other Bide of his gue8t, but Said not a word to the intruder, 
who appropriated the pest of the wine he had Beized to himself. Alter 

eating to his heart's content and cursing the whites in his negro Creole, 

he looked round the table with the fierceness of a tiger for a few min- 
utes to Bee it any one chose to take exception at his conduct. Every 
one, however, being occupied with his dinner or his own thoughts, and 

not choosing to notice him, he retired. After he was gone, some one 
asked the hoel why lie permitted such a scamp to take a place :it his 
table. '• If I was to refuse," said the man, " I should have my throat 
cut in a Bhort time. When Buch things happen, as they frequently do, I 

have found the safest and best way to be silent, and I am then quit for 
a dinner ami a bottle of wine; but the jealousy of these liberated slaves 
is Mi,h that if you hint that they are not fit company for the whites, 
you may be sure that they will find some occasion, when you least ex- 
pert it. to put a knife into you." The captain with wdiom I came turned 
- towards me. and I thought it would have been safer to have ac- 
cepted the invitation I had received from the cut-throat in the morning. 
The host was a free-born mulatto, whom I have since seen in tlrs coun- 
try. Although cautious, he did not hesitate to speak freely of the 
liberated blacks as, in general, a most worthless and depraved set of 
men, who had already committed so many crimes that all timidity and 
compassion were Btrangers to them when their anger or their cupidity 
was roused. I mentioned to him the invitation I had received and how 
I had evaded it. " That fellow," he remarked, l ' is said to be one of 
the most daring villains among them. He murdered his master, and 
has possessed himself of his house and all his tangible property. 
You did right to avoid him, but you had better in future keep out 
of his way." 1 

1 " Among the various facts related to mo during my then short stay at the 
Cape, there is one that may be worth relating, as it shows the effects and con- 
sequences of avarice and the futility of a miser's calculations. A M. (,'assig- 
narde, a near neighbor of mine, who was quite rich ami always kept a large 
amount of specie on hand to operate with as occasion offered, on the night be- 
tween the Thursday and Friday of the breaking out of the insurrection at the Cape, 
hail allowed all his slaves to quit his house, except a child of live or six years of 
age. He and his partner then dug a large hole in bis yard, which was in the 



The quarter where business was now done was confined to a small 
space about the King's Wharf and the public stores, all the upper part of 
the town having been destroyed. Before dark I went on board and re- 
lated all that had taken place to mj' friend the master of the " Betsey." 
He was rejoiced to see me well and under the protection of the commis- 
sary. "That," said he, "may save you from a public execution ; but 
look to yourself, for I believe there is a plot among the blacks to put you 
to death." I considered this to be the effect of an anxious and heated 
imagination ; for I was not conscious of ever, during my residence of 
nearly nine years, having done an injustice or been guilty of any severity 
towards any black man in the place, and the contest during the time 
we were securing our clothes and our goods, even if it had terminated 
in the death of any of them, could not in justice be imputed to me as a 
crime. I slept little, however, during the night ; my thoughts were 
constantly calling up all I had done while I remained at the Cape, and 
I could not remember any event of my life that could justify hostility 
towards me from any of the slaves I had ever known. On the con- 
trary, I knew I was a favorite with them for repeated acts of indulgence 
and interference in their behalf, and I did not feel afraid to trust myself 
with any of them that I had ever known. The man, however, with 
whom I had declined to dine, came frequently to my mind ; but his 
anger was of fresh growth, and my friend could not have reference to 

Towards morning I fell asleep, but my rest had been so much broken 
that when I appeared at the breakfast-table the captain thought me un- 
well, and insisted on my remaining on board during the day to recruit ; 

centre of the building, and nicely paved with bricks, and therein deposited be- 
tween thirty and forty thousand dollars, replaced the paving so as to leave no 
marks of its having been removed. His house was burned with the rest; and 
although his slaves knew he had large sums in the house when they left it, after 
the fire no traces of the treasure could be found by them, and it was supposed he 
had removed it. Had M. Cassignarde, when order was restored, stated the fact to 
the Government, they would have had it removed to a place of safety for him, but 
fearing that they might claim a salvage, he determined to keep his own counsel 
until a fitter opportunity occurred to carry it on board some American vessel. 
Such, however, was his anxiety that he could not refrain from paying frequent 
visits at night to the place where it was deposited, and this he did until he was 
observed, and a suspicion aroused that the money was still there. Some of his 
slaves who knew the child had been left in the house, having searched in vain 
for the treasure, took the child with them to the spot ; and he soon pointed 
out the place where it was hidden. They then carried it off, replacing every- 
thing as before. Cassignarde continued his watch as often as he dared to go 
to the place ; but when, having matured his plan of removal, he went to get it 
on a dark night, he found that it had taken wings to itself and was gone. I saw 
the old man in extreme poverty at the Cape while I was there. He had entered 
his complaint to the Government ; but it was now too late, and he was brooding 
over his loss and his folly for not having taken this step earlier." 



but it was all-important thai I Bhould Bee the commissary at once, and 
obtain hi> orders od Port au Prince for payment of my balance. I 
therefore went on Bhore immediately after breakfast, and going to the 
Government House, where I left my ordinance with the Becretary of 
the commissioner, was told to call the next day for my answer. 

I dow bad the whole day before me, and nothing to do, I thought, 

therefore, I would take a .stroll into the upper part of the town and up 

the bay to Bee the Btate of our house, and to take a lasl view of the 

ruins of a dwelling where I had passed bo many pleasant and happy 

of my life. 1 went first to the great Bquares where the bodies of 

the dead had heeu burned. The bones were lying in long rOWB acr088 

the Bquares in great masses, Bhowing that the destruction of buman life 
must nave b< < o great. As there could be no correct computation made 
of tin' number, the only means of judging was from the quantity of hu- 
man bones that lay on the Burface of the ground. In Bomeof the streets 
dead bodies -till lay exposed; but whether they were those of persons 

killed at the time ot' the destruction of the town or whether they were 
the fruit of more recent assassinations, I had no means of judging. The 
wails of the eld Government House were still standing, but the interior 
appeared to l»e mostly destroyed. I descended to the hay. at least to 
the Btreet which ran back of our houses. The timbers and rubbish 
which lay in heaps in the cellars were still burning. Our two irou 
chests lay among the burning materials, with their covers forced open. 
There was not a soul moving in that quarter of the town ; all was still 
a- death. I moved round to the front of the building on the bay side ; 
what a change had taken place in six short weeks! This was the busi- 
D688 part of the city, where the whole bay for three quarters of a mile 
was tilled with merchandise being landed or being shipped ; all was 
bustle, noise, and cheerful labor. The blacks during the working days 
enlivened the Bcene by their rough but cheering songs as they pursued 
their labor, with constant explosions of loud laughter at the absurdity of 
their own roundelays. On Sundays, groups of dancers took the place of 
laborers, and the drum and the pipe, and the laugh and the song, made 
the air ring with gayety and frolic. Now all was hushed as death ; not 
even the dip of an oar or the sight of a boat, where all was alive but yes- 
terday, with the voice of the mariner urging his craft to her appointed 
destination. The store- and warehouses that were so lately loaded with 
merchandise from all part- of the world lay smouldering in flames, and 
the harbor that formerly was filled with the Bhips and crafts that had 
transported it hither contained only a few inferior vessels at its outer 
anchorage. A melancholy came over my spirit, as I leaned against the 

wall of the house, contemplating these .-ail change-, that I had never be- 
fore felt. I turned my back on the gloomy scene, and stood gazing into 
the cellar, endeavoring to see what were the materials that had for .so long 


a period retained combustion. I had not been in this position long when 
I heard the tramping of horses, and immediately turned round to see 
whence it proceeded. At no great distance from me, coming from the 
then business quarter of the town, I saw a troop of black horsemen. The 
captain of the troop, as I took him to be from the epaulet on his right 
shoulder, was some distance in advance of his troop. My first impulse 
was to move off into the back street; but this I thought might cause 
suspicion, and as I had the commissary's protection in my pocket, I 
thought it best to remain where I was, looking steadily at the troop. 
I observed the leader of these men look at me with a scrutinizing eye 
from the moment I turned my face towards him ; the troop continued 
to advance until they came within a hundred yards of me, when the 
chief ordered a halt, and advanced alone to the spot where I stood. I 
had no doubt he came to arrest me, but as I had lived a life of suffering 
and danger for some time, and was naturally of a firm temperament, I 
stood his glance without showing any fear, although I would have 
given much to have been on board my ship. After eying me for a mo- 
ment he said in negro Creole, " Vous pas conne moi, ha ! " " No," 
said I, "I don't know you." "Si fait, vous conne moi bien, oui ! " 
(" You don't know me, ha ! but you do know me very well, yes ! ") 
I told him I did not recollect him if I knew him. " Vous pas con- 
naitre Antoine, naigre M. Lefevre ? Ces epaulets la pour quoi vous 
pas conne moi." (" Don't you know Antoine, the negro of M. Lefevre? 
It is my epaulets there that prevent your knowing me," pointing to his 
epaulets.) You may perhaps recollect that I mentioned in the first 
part of these Sketches a black slave belonging to M. Lefevre, who had 
charge of and defended his plantation against the insurgents on the 
Plain du Nord. Antoine was this very man. I knew him well, for he 
used to come in the large flat-bottomed boat with the crew to get the 
necessary provisions from our store for the plantation. I knew all he 
had done before the destruction of the Cape to preserve his master's 
property, and my heart jumped for joy when I heard his name. " You 
see those fellows there," continued Antoine in his Creole, and pointing 
his thumb over his shoulder; "the rogues think themselves free, but 
they are a thousand times more slaves than ever. They are cut-throats, 
murderers, wretches, ready to commit any crimes, but they have put 
on uniforms, and think they are great men ! And what," said he, 
" have the blacks gained that have been set free ? They are starving 
for the greater part for want of food ; some work, to be sure, when 
they can get work to do, but most of them are too lazy to work, and go 
without food until they are obliged to seek it by plunder." All this 
was said in a subdued voice, but with sufficient action to lead his fol- 
lowers to suppose he was in dispute with me. He asked why I ex- 
posed myself by coming to that part of the town. I told him I had a 

1886. | 


written and Bealed protection from the commissary. "Thai 's right," 
Baid la-. " 1ft me see it." I accordingly pulled out the paper, which he 
took care to display bo that his comrades might Bee it. After returning 
my passport, In- asked me if I bad any vessel at the Cape, as he wished 
to load one for Charleston, where his master lived. He Baid he had 
loaded one already, and had produce enough on the plantation to load 

another ; if I would let mine go to Charleston, lit' would load her for Ids 

master. He uniformly made use of this word muster in speaking of 
M Lefevre. I told him I had understood thai one third of the pro- 
duce <'f the plantations went to the Government, one third to the 
blacks thai worked it, and one third to its Bupporl and the mainte- 
nance of the workmen. "That is true," said Antoine; "but I always 
contrive to save enough out of the two thirds to remit a good portion to 
my master, who, alter all, if justice was done him, is the owner of the 
whole." 1 was truly delighted with my friend Antoine, and could have 
given him the fraternal accolade with all my heart ; and as I stepped 
forward to offer him my hand he saw my ohject, and stopped me. Point- 
ing with his -word (which he had drawn when he first came up to me) 
up the cross Btreet, as if ordering me to be gone, he advised me to retire 
and not to put myself in peril again, hut to sleep on board always, and 
away a- BOOH as I could. I had told him I had no vessel, which 
Was a great disappointment to him; but he said he should look out for 
one. ami hoped to make a good shipment to M. Lefevre. I afterwards 
saw and dined with this eld gentleman in Boston, and related the facts 
above Mated to him. lie said it was all true ; that this man had con- 
tinued for a long time to make him remittance-, but that of late they 
had ceased, and he was afraid the faithful Antoine was dead. 

As I returned to the King's Wharf determined not to dine on shore 
again, I met the chap who had invited me to dine witli him the day 
before. He walked directly up to me, and with a fiendish expression 
on his countenance addressed me thus: "Well. Citizen, so you would 
not dine with me yesterday." I attempted to make some apology, but 
the fellow cut me short with — ■" It is not true; the reason you did not 
come is because I am black, because you despise the black people. I 
know wdiat you did when you landed with a body of armed men ; that 
account is to be Bettled, look to yourself!" Some persons coming by, 
lie walked on ; and so did I as fast as I could toward- the boat that 
was waiting for me. 

I now determined to gel away from the Cape as soon as possible; 
and as a brig i" Delight," 1 think her name was) had come out from 
Boston to my address, I resolved, it" I could get my papers from the 
conunissary the next day. to go down to Port an Prince in her the day 
after. I had told my adventures of the day to my friend the master 
of the "Betsey," who cursed the papers and the commissaries, and 


swore I was a madman to wait for anything. I however went on 
shore in the morning, and proceeded directly to the commissary, who 
gave me my orders on the Commissioner of the Public Stores at Port 
au Prince, with which I embarked, and sailed the next morning in the 
" Delight ; " and delighted I was to get away from my once happy 
home. 1 

I ought not, perhaps, to omit mentioning an incident that occurred 
while I was at the Cape, which serves to show, in another instance, that 
the blacks, when left to themselves, were generally contented and happy 
with their masters. I had observed that the negro woman who was 
formerly our cook had left the brig at Limbe while my partner was on 

1 " I subsequently understood, from persons whom I left at the Cape, that a 
regular plot was laid to take my life, by false information to the commissary as 
to my having tried to prevail on a negro boy, named Farmer (who had remained 
behind at the Cape when his master, my friend Mr. Tremain, fled with us), to 
go off with me ; and if this failed it was planned to draw me away from the 
small settlement about the public stores, and put me privately to death. I un- 
derstood that this scheme was laid by a free black woman named Betsey, who 
had been a sort of housekeeper or upper servant in our family while Mrs. Perkins 
remained at the Cape ; and as she had always conducted herself well during 
that time, we retained her in the same capacity after Mrs. Perkins left the island. 
This woman had been suspected of embezzling wine and other stores belonging 
to the house that were under her charge; and I had determined to get rid of her, 
although I could not allege this as a reason, because I had no proof of the fact. 
She, however, contrary to the rules of the family and to the police of the city, 
stayed out one night till ten o'clock ; and having no written card from us, as the 
law required, she was taken up on her return home by the patrol and lodged in 
the guardhouse. I knew nothing of this till the next morning, when Miss Betsey 
was not to be found, and the keys of the store-closet, of which she had charge, 
were missing ; but we soon learned that she was in limbo, waiting for an order 
from me to release her ; but in limbo I was determined she should remain, at 
least for the whole of that day. When she was released, she complained at my 
having left her there so long, and I paid her her wages, and discharged her. This 
made her very angry, as I was told at the time ; but after a while she appeared 
to have gotten over it, and used occasionally to visit the house. This had hap- 
pened some time before the events above spoken of, and the circumstances had 
slipped my mind at that time, although I had been told that with all her appar- 
ent reconciliation, she still continued to feel a revengeful spite towards me. 
When I arrived at the Cape from Port au Prince she kept a boarding-house, and 
had a barber's shop attached to her establishment, in which she had placed Master 
Parmer as principal operator, he having been accustomed to dress his master's 
hair, which was always well frizzled and powdered. To this shop I went to get 
shaved; and there, to be sure, I had some conversation with Farmer about his 
master, asked him why he did not come off with our slaves, though I avoided 
asking him to go away then, as I knew this was strictly prohibited. Neverthe- 
less this, it seems, was made the foundation of a plot to take my life, through 
the revengeful disposition of Miss Betsey. I had seen her that morning, and she 
was very gracious indeed, and urged me to take lodgings and to eat at her house ; 
but as I had determined not to sleep on shore, she lost an opportunity of carrying 
her purposes into execution while I was there, and I left the Cape before she was 
aware of my intention." 

1886.1 [N8T7RREGTIOM in sr. DOMINGO. 867 

shore, and that he left her there. On my arrival at the Cape she came 
immediately to Bee me, and after expressing ber joy at finding me well, 
asked me to give her my clothes to wash while I remained there, This 
I did without hesitation, and they were all returned to me the next day 
done up in nice order; hut when I offered to pay her tor washing them, 
she turned on her heel and exclaimed, " Pray, what do you take me I'm, 

master? Do you think I would take money from you now?" I did 
everything in my power to prevail on this woman to accept some money, 

it' not for washing my clothes, as a present from me; hut nothing that 
I could Bay had any effect on her. She absolutely refused to take any- 
thing, and insisted on washing my clothes while I stayed, without pay, 
Baying, M You will want it all by and by, master, and I have hands that 
will always provide me with enough." I was \riy much affected with 
the disinterested and kind conduct of this girl. She had been many 
years our slave, was an excellent cook, hut was generally esteemed to 

be a bad-tempered woman. She was hideous in her form and face, 
although she now appeared to me quite comely, and wa8 wvy clean in 

her person and habits. 

On my arrival at Port an Prince I delivered my credentials, and 
was assured that I should have the first produce that came in from the 
country on the Government account; hut I soon found that a Phila- 
delphia ship, on hoard of which there was a French Supercargo, that 
had arrived at Port au Prince after I did, was getting all the BUgar 
that arrived, while I was put off with excuses by the old commissioner 
of the warehouses, who had orders to supply my demands first. 

I complained, and told the old gentleman that he had no right to do 
this; but although he promised that I should have the next parcel, still 
the French supercargo found means to soften his heart that I had not 
the power of doing. At last I became fearful that I should get noth- 
ing, and I told the old fellow that unless he stopped furnishing the 
Other vessel and gave? me my produce, I should complain to Commissioner 
Polvorel, who was at Port au Prince. This, however, he disregarded, 
and was moreover somewhat impertinent, so that I determined to pay 
a visit to the great magician who held the lives and fortunes of every 
one in his right hand. 

I had never seen Citizen Polvorel, although T had corresponded with 
him ; but I knew his character, and had no doubt he would see that the 
order of his colleague was executed. I accordingly went to the Gov- 
ernment House, and sent in my name requesting an audience. I was 
not kept long waiting, but was soon ushered into this man's presence. 
There was in the room with him an old mulatto man named Pen china, 
a Counsellor of State. Bald to possess great acquirements and great in- 
tegrity, lie had a mild and amiable countenance. lie bowed respect- 
fully when I entered, and directing my attention by a wave of his head 


to the side of the room on which I had entered, he said, " There is the 
Citizen Commissioner." 

The Citizen Commissioner was seated at a table covered with papers, 
pens, and ink ; and as I turned to the spot where he sat, his large 
white eyes met mine with such a peculiar stare and forbidding frown 
that it had almost as powerful an effect upon my frame as the blow I 
had received in the breast from the black officer in the Cape. " What 
is your business, Citizen ? " said he, rising from his seat, and showing 
a figure as powerful as his eye was severe and frightful. I stated in as 
few words as possible the object of my visit, and told the manner in 
which I had been put off from day to day, while another vessel was 
loaded with the merchandise I had been encouraged to believe from 
the Citizen Santhonax would be delivered to me in preference to all 
others after my arrival at Port au Prince. The commissioner's eyes 
grew red as 1 related my story, until they looked like those of an angry 
tiger ready to leap on his prey. Where the storm was to fall 1 knew 
not, but I would readily have given up my claim to have been safe on 
board the " Delight." My senses began to reel, and the guillotine 
erected at Port au Prince, which I had frequently seen, rose up before 
my eyes in terrible array, when the commissioner burst out with a 
voice of thunder, his hand clenched and extended towards me, " Allez, 
Citoyen, allez a ce Gueux-la, et dis lui de ma part, que s'il ne vous 
paye pas tout de suit, je lui mettrai l'epee aux reins" (" Go, Citizen, go 
to that villain there, and tell him from me, that unless he pays you iin- 
mediatelv, 1 will plunge my sword into his loins "). By this the gentle 
commissioner meant only to say he would have the old man guillo- 
tined. The style or title by which the commissioners Santhonax and 
Polvorel were sent to St. Domingo by the National Assembly of France 
was " the Civil Commissioners ! " " Well," thought I, " that is kind, 
gentle, and forbearing ! " I did not wait, however, to talk with this 
philanthropic emancipator for fear that he might take it into his head 
to emancipate me from the toils of life ; I therefore departed to pay a 
visit to my old friend of the warehouses. 

I told him literally what the commissioner had said; and the doors of 
the public stores were immediately thrown open for my inspection, with 
assurances that all that was there (which, by the by, was very little) and 
all that came should be at my service. I must say that I was very 
much amused at the terror and dismay of the old man when I told 
him what the Citizen Polvorel had said ; but as his fate was in my 
hands, I thought there was no great harm in suspending the sword of 
justice over his head until he had fulfilled his duty. 

One other instance of the paternal care which the Citizen Commis- 
sioner exercised over his loving subjects may show the state of the white 
population under the reign of these lovers of freedom. My friend Mr. J. 



( ;. I ' — , an American citizeD of the I united States, but a resident mer 
chant "i Port an Prince, had written t<> his correspondents in this coun- 
try that Buch was the precarious situation of the place that he could not 
advise them to send out an\ more goods tor sale, and recommended a 
suspension of their shipments to Porl an Prince until things bore a 
more favorable aspect. 1 had done the mimic thing myself; but my let- 
ters were not Copied, nor scon by any one. llo\v tht; fact got to the 
Commissioner's cars 1 know not; but while I was in the act of writing 

one of these letters in the counting-room of Mr. F , a file of soldiers 

commanded by an officer entered. Mr. F was oul on business. 

The officer demanded to see him ; called for his letter-hook and paper 
case, where he kept his half-written, unfinished letters; summoned an 
interpreter, and began the examination of the unfinished letters then 
lying on his table. I looked at these people with astonishment, not 
knowing their object ; but as booh as the interpreter began to read, and 
the officer to comment on those parts of the letters that related to the 
importations of goods, 1 found that I was myself exposed to be brought 
up before those horrid white and red eyes again, that had so lately 
thrown me into a cold BWeat. I continued to write on for a minute or 
two, as if quite easy about their movements, and then doubling up my 
paper, as if it contained some memoranda, I rose and left the room with- 
out interruption. I went in pursuit of F , but he was not to be 

found ; he was, however, soon arrested and sent to prison. After a 
fortnight's detention in jail to the great injury of his busiuess, he re- 
ceived his trial at the request of the American masters and some Amer- 
ican citizens, who represented to the Government the baleful effects that 
such proceedings must produce wdien known in the United States. I 
attended the trial. The commissioner was not present ; and I had reason 
to be thankful that my friend maintained such perfect self-possession. 

'l'he trial was by interrogatories from the judge to the prisoner. F 

acknowledged without hesitation all he had written, stated the grounds 
on which he did it. declared that he would do it always wdien he thought 
it for the interest of his friends and the United States, and so completely 
justified himself that the court ordered him to be discharged, with a 
camion to be prudent. 

The young men who had escaped from the massacre of the Cape on 
board of coasting-vessels, and others that fell into the hands of the corn- 
mi— iom-rs at the time, settled at Fort Dauphin, a small town about forty 
miles east of the Cape. A second massacre took place there some 
months afterwards, that carried off the principal part of the survivors 
of the first. 

The eireumstances were related to me by a gentleman by the name 
of Jolly, whom I had long known at the Cape, on my return to St. 
Domingo in 17 ( J4. I met this gentleman at Cape St. Nicholas mole, or 



at St. Mark's, I forget which. He told me that Jean Francois, the 
commander of the original insurgents of the plain Du Nord, had be- 
come jealous of having so large a body of young white men so near 
him, although they had taken no steps whatever to annoy him. They 
at first had received assurances of protection from him, and I think 
he said the black chief had visited Fort Dauphin, and had held a 
conference with them as to their views ; but of this I am not certain. 
However this may be, they felt themselves in perfect security from 
having received his promises not to molest them, and no guard was 
kept on foot to give the alarm in case of need. Accordingly, one 
night when all the inhabitants were buried in sleep, this man, Jean 
Francois, entered the town with a strong party of black troops, and 
murdered every white man they could find. A few, very few, made 
their escape. A number of the young volunteers who had fought so 
bravely at the Government House at the Cape on the 19th of June, 
and had subsequently escaped and gone to Fort Dauphin, were all 
butchered in their beds, or while endeavoring to escape in their 
night-clothes. M. Jolly had succeeded in getting off in a boat, and 
subsequently arrived at the place where I saw him. 

From this gentleman, and some others who had been preserved from 
the knives of the blacks in the sacking of the Cape and carried into the 
country, I learned also the fate of many of the inhabitants, male and 
female, who fell into the hands of the commissioners. The road, said 
my informants, from the town to the Haut du Cape (a village about 
two or three miles from the Cape), was lined with men, women, and chil- 
dren of all colors, lying on the ground exposed to the burning rays of 
the sun ; without food, without liquid of any sort to quench their vehe- 
ment thirst; exposed to all the outrageous insults of the blacks who 
guarded them ; half naked, and half raving with their sufferings, and 
praying the Almighty to relieve them from their miseries by death. 
Some had already been happy enough to reach " that bourne from which 
no traveller returns ; " some were speeding their way thither ; some 
weeping, some praying, and some cursing the cruel authors of their suf- 
ferings. Among them there were some who, having money within their 
reach when they were obliged to fly, had taken gold, as the lighter arti- 
cle in proportion to its value, in their pockets. They endeavored to 
bribe their guards to give them a glass of water in exchange for gold 
pieces of eight or sixteen dollars in value ; but the savages refused their 
yellow money, and demanded white money or dollars, with which they 
were acquainted. Such as were fortunate enough to have it obtained 
what they wished, but those that were without it were refused, although 
they offered sixteen times the value that their neighbors had paid for it. 
Hence arose a traffic of dollars for Joes or doubloons, happy to give 
one piece for another as it would procure them what they most wanted, 


a little miter. How long these miserable people were left in this situa- 
tion, I know not ; but finally the commissioners ordered that they 
should receive food and Bhelter. Among the sufferers were many 

mnlattoes and blacks \\ h<> bad not joined the insurgents ; and as soon as 
the excitement was passed, and tiio plunder of the freed blacks was ex- 
pended, they themselves had to experience a full Bhare of the miseries 
they had inflicted on their masters. Famine and Bloth soon accomplished 
what my friend Antoine had so Btrongly prophesied would l>e their fate; 
and those wlio had been used as instruments to extirpate the whites soon 
became the greater Bufferers. 

Long before the destruction of the Capo it was known that the insur- 
gents of the plain Du Nbrd, who were commanded by Jean Francois, 

Were languishing under the Bevere8t trials and the most despotic rule. 
The lit - '' of the laborer and the soldier were equally under the sole con- 
trol of this chief. The smallest departure from the orders given them 
cost them the severest stripes, or the loss of their lives. Even those 
highest in the ranks were without hesitation cut off, if his will ordained 
it ; and his Becond in command was shot by his order, without trial, be- 
cause he had disobeyed him. It is true that he sometimes exereised Ins 
authority for beneficial and humane purposes ; but his power was, never- 
theless, absolute, and his orders instantly executed whether for good 
or had ends. 1 

So far from gaining a relief from labor or the blessings of liberty, the 
blacks were ten times more slaves than ever, and ten times more severely 
treated and worked, without any of those comforts that always awaited 
them under their former masters when their labors for the day were 
over, ftnd when sickness or wounds were their lot. In lieu of a clean 
comfortable lied, and kind nurses in a commodious hospital to watch 

1 " The following well-authenticated anecdote shows what summary punish- 
ment this chief of the insurgents was accustomed to inflict : The black man who 
was Becond in command, whose name has escaped my memory, had a separate 
com niaml at some distance from Jean Francois. He was one of those brutes that 
always extend their barbarity in proportion to their power. His cruelties to 
the whites who had fallen into his hands, and particularly to the women, had 
been reported to his chief more than once ; but occupied with other objects of 
more importance to himself, he had overlooked them. It was, however, finally 
reported to him that he held an old lady in prison who was supposed to have 
hidden money on her plantation, and that the lieutenant had threatened that 
unless she revealed the place where it was deposited before a certain day, he 
would tie her up and whip her to death. On the morning of the day assigned for 
this execution, Jean Francois set off for the quarters of his lieutenant with a 
company of cavalry. On his arrival he was informed that his seconil was in the 
courtyard executing this threat. The chief entered, and found the poor and help- 
less old woman, stripped naked and tied to a tree, undergoing the infliction of the 
cart-whip ; while the lieutenant was seated in his arm-chair, encouraging his 
menial to lay on the strokes harder! Jean Francois had him shot dead on the 


over them, they were left to seek relief from the shelter of the hedge 
on the bare ground, without the care that they had formerly seen given 
by their masters, even to the beasts of the field. 

Certainly, if a balance of suffering could be made up, the black slaves 
lost as much in proportion to their wants and habits of life by their 
emancipation in St. Domingo, as the whites did. Instead of being 
raised in the scale of humanity, they were doubly degraded ; for they 
became the slaves of their own black or mulatto chiefs, a cruel race 
whom they detested, in lieu of being the slaves and servants of the 
comparatively humane whites, by whom they were always well fed and 
well clothed and generally well treated. 

" Note — taken from various authors, such as Cornier's ' Memoire sur la situa- 
tion de St. Dominique a l'epoque de Janvier, 1792 ; ' also from a work by M. Buclis, 
called ' Un mot de verite',' published at Paris, December, 1791 ; and partly from 
the speeches of the deputies sent from St. Domingo to the National Assembly and 
delivered at the bar of that body, Nov. 80, 1791. 

" ' While the National Assembly/ says a writer of that day, 'was considering 
how laws should in future be made for St. Domingo, that valuable colony ex- 
hibited the most ludicrous caricature of the revolution in the mother country. 
Two of the mulatto deputies to the Assembly, " Henry " and " Hirondelle Viard," 
having clandestinely returned to the island after the insurrection of Oge, im- 
ported thither all the artifices used by the demagogues of Paris. They distributed 
libels and incendiary publications of every kind, and provided persons to read 
them at private meetings of the slaves who could not read ; all was summed up 
in one favorite expression from Robespierre, "Perish the colonies rather than sac- 
rifice one iota of our principles !" It was industriously disseminated that the king 
had given liberty to the negroes through the influence of the Abbe' Gre'goire, but 
that the white colonists withheld the boon thus granted to them. They conse- 
quently looked upon Gregoire as their patron saint. The revolt broke out in the 
night between the 22d and 23d of August, and was marked in its commencement 
with that base ingratitude which too often enhanced the guilt of bloodshed in the 
mother country. The first person of any distinction who fell was M. Odeluc, 
member of the General Assembly, and the attorney of M. Galifet's estates, on all 
of which the treatment of the slaves had been so eminently mild, humane, and 
paternal that it was a prevalent mode of expressing any man's happiness to say 
at the Cape that he was happy as one of Galifet's negroes. When M. Odeluc 
recognized his coachman among his assassins, he said, " I have ever treated you 
with kindness ; why do you seek my death 'I " " True," replied the wretch, " but 
I have promised to cut your throat ; " and instantly the whole gang rushed in 
and murdered their benefactor. About twenty white persons, nearly all who 
were present, perished with him. Another principal place where the insurrec- 
tion broke out at the same time, was the plantation of M. Flaville. The attorney 
who resided there owed his death to his gentle and merciful disposition. About 
eight days before, a negro had been caught in the act of setting fire to an out- 
building belonging to M. Chabaud. On his examination the man gave intelli- 
gence of a plot for a general conflagration and massacre, and pointed out four of 
M. Flaville's negroes as the principal ringleaders. On being made acquainted 
with this charge, the attorney had so much confidence in the attachment which 
he had deserved from those under his management, that he assembled them, told 
them of the accusation and his own disbelief, urged the enormity of such a crime, 

1886.] tNBl 1:1:1. G HON in BT. DOMING* >. 81 8 

atp I "i ' an atonemenl if lie had Injured any of them. With 

onev< oswered that the storj was :i gross calumny, and loudly swore 

InTiolable fidelity to him. Thej kt-pt their oath by bursting Into the bedrooms 
of the members <<i hia family . murdering five of them ai well as himself, in the 
: bis wife, who on ber knee- in rain implored mercy for him, and told 
her, in mockery of ber sorrow, that she and her daughters would be spared to 
rare. Then throwing down their weapons, the murderen took 

1, and 1 ry thing on the spot in a blaze. It waa the appointed 

signal, and all the neighboring gangs instantly armed themselvi 1. This account 

ren byayoung man of sixteen, who escaped, though with tun wounds. 
Wherever white- were found they were Immolated. Men and women, young 
an. I ol v nnder the unrelenting Fury of the assassins. It was 

thought that if the Government had sent a strong force into the country, the in- 
surrection might have been luppressed ; but they sent onlj a small detachment, 
and l lined ground on all sides, until the adjacent districts presented 

to the riew nothing but heaps of ashes and mangled carcasses. 1 his small force, 
bowei I some advantages over the insurgents; but the negroes had 

increased t.> such numbers, that when beaten in one quarter they spread them- 

- mto another, till they had filled the greater part of the Northern Depart- 
with carnage and desolation. Those who were taken and tried for the 

murder of their masters pointed to the real Bource of the mischief: "he was 
.1 bad or cruel man ; we killed him for the Bake of the nation ; 
they have lab red in France to u r i\e us freedom/' 

• ■ 1 - committed in this Btruggle for the French riidit* of man,' says 

this writer, ' are shocking in the recital, but they are due as a dreadful li sson to 

■ -ill and to posterity.' (Here follows a detailed account ol the horrible 

and brutality which were inflicted on the whites, 'ooth male and 

female; but they are too shocking to present to the eye of any man of feeling, and 

1 be read by any female of character.) 'Nor did the ferocity of the 

is it was by the new principles, show itself against those 

only whom they considered their enemies, but also against their confederates, 

their countrymen and kindred. Such of their own race a> declined joining in 

their excesses, they frequently seized and roasted by the next fire.' 'When they 

were in want of Burgeons to attend their wounded/ says this historian, ' they 

confine. 1 them in a hut and set fire to it. Their chiefs were always :it enmity 

ich other, and ready for mutual destruction ; they exercised over their fol- 

- an absolute despotism and unparalleled tyranny ; their claims to superiority 

• Mature, — children killing their father* with their own haul-, and 
*inu r their .lead bodies to their comrades as ei id< nee of their courage, and 
proof s of title to the confidence of their companions.' Accounts were received 
in France before the National Assembly had dissolved itself, that property had 
been destroyed in St. Domingo to an amount exceeding twenty-five million 
pounds sterling, or about one hundred and twenty millions of dollars. About two 
- nd white inhabitants had been destroyed, or had perished miserably ; and 
si fifteen thousand of the insurgents themselves had fallen, less by the de- 
spair to the which they had driven the Colonists than by their own internal jealous- 

1 the barbarities of the chief- they had chosen. ' It is a melancholy fact,' 
ir author, ' that the slaves who had been most kindly treated by their mas- 
■ re generally observed to be the rery soul of tins no less perfidious than 
y insurrection. Yet, for the honor of human nature, it should be also 
1 that some were found who at the ri-k of their lives rejected with disdain 
all attempts to seduce them.'" 


Boston, Jan. 11, 1836. 
Franklin Dexter, Esq. 

Dear Sir, — Your last note, which I received a few days past with 
the second part of the narrative of the revolution of St. Domingo, re- 
quests me to give you an account of the events of my voyage after I 
left that island at the close of 1793. I omitted to do it in the narrative, 
because it was unconnected with the facts that you had expressed a wish 
to learn regarding the insurrection ; and I now do it with diffidence, be- 
cause it involves so much of personal action that there must necessarily 
be great appearance of egotism. 

But as the account is for your personal inspection, and not intended 
for the public eye, I will with great pleasure comply with your request, 
not doubting that you will excuse the frequent and necessarily repeated 
recurrence to myself which will appear in the course of the narrative, 
which I shall confine to the simple facts, without deviation from their 
course so far as they now rest on my mind. 

Very truly and respectfully yours, 

S. G. Perkins. 

Narrative of a Voyage from Port au Prince to Boston the latter Part 
of the Year 1793. 

The constant alarms which existed at Port au Prince after the de- 
struction of the Cape, lest a similar fate should befall that city ; the 
frequent arrests of persons who were obnoxious to the ruling powers, 
and some rumors that were current as to the disposition of the slaves, 
led me to determine on returning to America ; and accordingly, after 
my business was closed, I took passage on board the brig " William," 

Captain P , for Boston. The week before the brig was ready for 

sea, I was dining on board an American vessel with a party of gentle- 
men, among whom was the commander of a British armed cutter named 
Young. Some vessel had arrived the day before from the United 
States, the master of which reported that he had been chased by a row- 
boat, armed with fifty or sixty men of all colors. 

We had heard of this boat before at Port au Prince, and it had been 
reported that an American vessel had been taken by her, and all hands 
murdered ; but how the fact was ascertained I do not now remember. 

In the course of the conversation respecting this cruiser, it was men- 
tioned that there was on board of her an Irishman of prodigious size, 
who had hailed the American, and that from his brogue his nationality 
was easily known ; that he was quite young in appearance, although as 
ferocious in his manners as a wild bull. At this description Captain 
Young, of the cutter, observed that he had no doubt this fellow was a 
deserter from his cutter, on board of which vessel he had acted as 

1686.] FKn.M PORT at PRINCE TO BOSTON. 875 

boatswain, and that be Bad left her some time Bg » without their having 
b( en able t<> trace him since. " The Lord have mercy upon any poor 
fellow who may chance to fall into that rascal's power," said he, "for 
miivIv nothing else could save him ; for this O'Brian ( I think he called 

1 1 i in > 1 not hesitate to cut the throat of any man li\ in-, if In- could 
get a dollar by it ; and when bis passions an- up, nothing but absolute 
force would prevent him from destroying bis opponent lit; lias the 
Btrength of a lion with the ferocity of a wild-cat." 

As wo were about to pass through the Btrail where this boat had been 
Been, thia description of the commander of the cutter was not very con- 
s.ilii g ; hut as wo reflected that there were two or three chances to one 
that we might not meet or Bee it, and as many more that if we did we 
might, with a good breeze, escape from any description of row- boat then 
known, a- the American had done before us, we flattered ourselves with 
the hope that we Bhould he u quitte pour la peur." Besides, as she had 
been Been by Beveral vessels that had escaped her, it was supposed that 

she would, from fear of having an armed vessel Bent after her, shift her 
cruising-ground, and leave the coast between the island of Gonarve and 
thai of St. Domingo open for ua to pass unmolested. 

I mention these facts because, if I had supposed there was any threat 
risk of falling in with her, I should not have trusted myself in the 
M William," as >he was a dull sailer, and deeply laden with molasses. I 
had had enough of pirates on land without running the chance of meet- 
ing them at mm, and I was too much exhausted both in body and spirit 
tpose myself unnecessarily to a new encounter. The season was, 
however, far advanced, and there was no other opportunity for the 
Northern States ; I had no spare cash to enable me to pay my passage 
to Baltimore aud then home by land, for the little I had saved from my 
commi8aiona was my all. as far as I then knew, ami I could not spare a 
cent. Besides, I was engaged to be married, and the attractive [tower 
lay far east After I resolved to embark, I was requeued by a M. 
Thoiien, a planter who had become obnoxious to the Government and 
was coining to the Cape, to take charge of two watches belonging to 
him, as he was fearful, in case he fell in with a British cruiser, that they 
might be taken from him, he being a Frenchman, and there being war 
at the time between Prance and England. One of these was a plain 
gold watch : the other was mounted with diamonds, and cost two 
thousand crown-, or twelve thousand francs. It had belonged to M. 
Thoiien'a wife, who had lately deceased. The watches had been given 

to me before any rumors of pirates had reached us; and when they did 
M. Thotien had left Port an Prince. I had of my own money seventy 
a L r old. rolled up in Btrong paper, and about seven hundred dollars 
in silver, besides my watch | for I had bought a gold one at Port an 
Prince) and a pair of silver-mounted pistols that my brother had given 


me some time before I left home. When we sailed all these arti- 
cles, my own watch excepted, were deposited in my trunk. We left 
Port au Prince early in the morning, and had a good run until mid- 
night, when it fell calm. The next morning at daylight I was roused by 
the captain, who told me that the boat we had heard of was in sight and 
making for us. I immediately rose and dressed myself; and as the 
least evil to be apprehended was plunder of everything in sight, I put 
M. Thoiien's diamond watch and my rouleau of Joes in the lower part 
(about the ankles) of my pantaloons, which were large, and had, as is 
usual in that country, feet to them ; his gold watch I put into my fob, 
under my own watch, which I wore as usual, hoping that by taking it 
they would look no farther. I went on deck, and there I saw the row- 
galley coming towards us with eight or ten oars of a side. We could 
not tell which, as she came on, head towards us. She soon came near 
enough for us to distinguish the men and a long swivel-gun on the deck. 
The quarters of the brig were surrounded with bags of cotton, which 
came breast-high, so that they served for shelter in case the pirate 
should fire into us. I took my station on the quarter-deck with my 
spy-glass laid on the bulwark, looking out for O'Brian, the Irish giant ; 
but I could see but one man of extraordinary size, and he appeared 
more like a Spaniard. There were perhaps fifty or sixty men on her 
deck, all armed with pistols, blunderbusses, and cutlasses, besides long 
knives in their belts. 

There was not a breath of wind, and no vessel in sight, and we were 
about half-way between Gonarve and St. Domingo in the narrowest 
part of the channel. The crew of the brig were all on her deck watch- 
ing the approach of the galley. Not a word was spoken by any one, 
for we were all too much taken up with our own thoughts and fears to 
be interested in anything else, and as we were without arms, resistance 
was useless. There was one man, however, a poor French passenger 
who lived in the steerage, who did not make his appearance. He had 
crept down into the hold under some rubbish, where he thought he 
might escape the Jlrst onset at least. As the galley approached near to 
us there appeared to be great confusion on board. " Long Tom," as the 
swivel-gun is called, was pointed towards us, and one of the ruffians 
stood with a lighted torch ready to fire it should there be occasion, or 
should they apprehend resistance. As our people stood uncovered and 
unarmed, the pirates could see there was no danger, and they steered 
the boat alongside, raising the most disorderly shouts imaginable. I 
looked steadily at the crew for O' Brian, but I could see no one who 
answered his description. The moment the galley touched our vessel 
twenty or thirty men sprang on board and began laying about them 
with their cutlasses, until they had driven all the crew, including the 
mate, down forward, where they were secured. The captain and 


myself remained aft on the quarter-deck daring this .n«-iuli- operation, hut 
as goon as it was accomplished the rush was afl towards us. The fury 
of the crew, however, was restrained by their leader, who asked in 

French tor the captain, and I pointed him OUt to this now gentle and 

polite assassin ; for as soon as the crew were confined, he became as 
complaisant as you could desire. He asked me whence we came and 
where we were bound ; when he was answered, he asked for the ship's 
papers. These the captain produced. He Baid the cargo was French 
property, and that lie Bhould send us into St. Jago de Cuba lor adjudi- 
cation, as there was war between France and Spain, and we were a 

good prize. I asked him if his boat belonged to St. JagO. He said it 
did, and that ike was commissioned to make French prizes ; that he 

knew our cargo was French, sent off to save it from destruction by the 

blacks. To tin- we could Only answer that, we were willing to go to 

St. Jago, where we could easily prove that the cargo was the proceeds 

of the property carried out from America. 

He showed ns what he called a commission from his captain to take 
charge of ns as prize-master, and said that as soon as the wind sprung 
up he should run down for the island of Cuha ; but in the mean time lie 
demanded the keys of our trunks. These were given him, and we all 
went into the cabin together, where the trunks were opened, the money 
and other effects in them seen, and then reshut without disturbing any- 
thing, except an overturn of our clothes to see if there were any more 
bags hidden beneath them. 

The captain had a bag containing about five hundred dollars in 

his trunk, but nothing else of value except his clothes. The cook 

was allowed to come on deck to get breakfast, aud two of the sailors 

were let out to haul the yards about, as the little wind we hid made 


The mate oificiated as one, and the other was a man named Jack 
Stevens. I shall never forget Jack Stevens. We invited the prize- 
master to breakfast with us in the cabin, where he behaved himself 
with great decency, — talked of the Americans, how much he liked 
them; that it was his intention to go to the United States and live 
among a people who had a free government; that he had known many 
Americans, and was very sorry to take us out of our course, but it was 
his duty ; he could not help himself ; he was under orders, being the 
BCCOnd in command on board the galley, but that we should soon be liber- 
ated, as he had no doubt we could show all was right, etc. The fellow 
managed his tongue so well that he soon talked us out of our fears; 
and as I could see nothing of the Irishman, I began to think this must 
he BOme other boat fitted out as a privateer. After breakfast we went 
on deck ; the galley was at Borne distance from us, and we had on board 
sixteen armed men beside the prize-master. The captain's papers had 



been all put on board the galley, but I thought if a breeze of wind 
should spring up while the galley was at a distance from us we might 
retake the brig and proceed on our course. I talked to the mate about 
it, who readily agreed if the captain, who was an uncommonly strict 
man, would consent and lend a hand. I asked him whether the sailor 
was to be trusted and could be depended on. " Who, Jack Stevens ? 
Ay, sir, for anything he undertakes, I '11 answer for him while there 
is any breath in his body." " Well," said I, " sound him carefully, and 
take care that you are out of ear-shot of the rascals, for some of them 
may understand a little English." Jack was soon after sent to me, and 
I found him ready to undertake any four of them thieves, as he called 
them, if the captain and mate and myself would manage the rest ; we 
might mark him out any four we chose, and he would engage to silence 
the lot. " But, Jack," said I, " we can't in open day engage seventeen 
armed men who are on the watch ; it must be done at night when some 
are asleep, so that we can secure their arms, and then we may have 
only half the number to contend with; and we may release the rest of 
our crew unobserved, and if there is a breeze, by extinguishing the 
lights, we may escape the galley." " Well, sir, any way you like, so 
that I get a lair lick at their dingy heads ; I warrant you I '11 warm 
the wax in their ears." " Well, hush is the word, Jack ; the captain is 
to be consulted yet. I will see you again ; but be careful you don't 
show fight before we are all ready." Jack promised faithfully to be 
prudent, and I went to consult the captain. But at this moment our 
attention was attracted by a shot from the galley that lay in shore of 
us towards Gonarve. On looking towards her we discovered a small 
boat still farther in shore, and the galley appeared to be in pursuit, and 
fired again and again ; and we could hear the shout of the crew each 
time that Long Tom was let off. I asked the prize-master what this 
meant, and he replied that it was a pirate they were in pursuit of. 
Well, thought I, what a lucky thing it is for us that we have fallen 
into the hands of these honest men ; for as sure as we now live, if they 
had not picked us up the pirate would, and it is better to be in the 
hands of privateersmen than to be butchered by the pirates. " How do 
you know that it is a pirate ? " said I. " Oh, I know it very well ! for 
we have heard from vessels that we have boarded that there is a pirate 
in the neighborhood ; and that must be he, for there is no anchorage for 
vessels in the island of Gonarve." The galley was soon alongside the 
small boat, when a general shout was again raised, and away they came 
towards us at full speed, with the small boat in tow. The small boat 
was so situated that she was frequently hidden by the large one ; but 
as they approached us, and the galley hauled up to cross our bow, I 
saw the boat was full of men. I took the spy-glass, and the first glance 
I got at her showed me the man whom I had so much dreaded seated 

1886. FROM PORT At' PRINCE TO B08TON. 379 

in her Btern Bheeta Bteering her. As soon as they got within suitable 
distance, the Bmall boal was cast oil*, ami she rowed directly for the brig. 
Que faire f I went below. 

You may Buppose that my feelings were do! at ease. I heard die 
fellow's voice ordering the hatches opened with many oaths and impre- 
cations. I Beated myself on the after locker, and took ap a book that 
happened to be near me without knowing what I was doing. I opened 
it; bat my thoughts were on other things. I heard the abusive lan- 
"iia-e of the pirate ordering the men and officers to obey him immedi- 
atelv, or he would cut them in pieces. My blood boiled within me. I 
could with difficulty keep my Beat, but I determined to keep below and 
nut be the first aggressor; but all my prudence, all my discretion, all 
my self-possession, were gone. I felt as it' my last hour had arrived ; 

that there was no e-eapc j that we had keen deceived from the first, and 
that we were in the hands of a gang of pirates. 

1 always hated discord and contention, and if left to myself should 
never kill a fly; hut I hated oppression of all kinds still more from my 
infancy upwards, and always resisted what I thought such at all haz- 
ards. The batches were broken open, and I heard the orders of the 
Bavage given to load his boat with various articles; still I remained 
quiet " Well," said the pirate, " let 's look into the cabin ;" and giv- 
ing B call to his comrades, down they rushed. I sat still with my book 
in my hand, pretending to read. "Holloa! holloa! here below ; have 
you got anything to drink?" vociferated the beast as he entered, (at 
the Bame time reaching a case bottle of gin or brandy from the cap- 
tain's case that Btood in the transom.) " Here, my lads, take a tiff ! " 
turning out a tumbler full of the liquid, which he drank off without 
taking breath ; he then repeatedly filled the glass for his companions 
until the bottle was empty. 

The prize-master had followed this fellow below, which I was glad 
■•: for though I had lost all confidence in him, still there was a 
decorum, a kindly manner, that soothes even while it destroys. 

I had a pair of new white-top boots hanging up in the cabin near the 
door; they had been sent out to me by my friend and brother-in-law, 
but were too large for me. I had had thoughts of putting Mr. Thouen's 
Watch into oue of these, thinking it a place not likely to be searched, 
but Bomething had prevented my doing it. As soon as these wretches 
had drunk as much gin as they chose, their leader began to look round 
for plunder. I saw his object, and forgot the good and valuable hint 
given me by our friend Butler, " He that fights," etc. The first 
things that caught his eye were my boots, nicely polished, ample in di- 
mensions, and apparently just from the last. These he seized without 
ceremony. My blood was up to boiling heat : away went the book 
across the cabin, and with one spring I snatched the boots from his 


hand arid threw them into my berth at the other side of the cabin. 
" Those are mine, sirrah" said I, and turning to the prize-master I 
called on him in French to protect his prisoners from the outrage of 
this brute. O'Brian, confused by the sudden and unexpected assault 
and the manner in which I addressed him, was for a moment thrown 
off his guard, and probably, from being accustomed to be commanded 
and ordered about his ship while in the royal navy, was for a minute 
confounded ; but his recollection soon came to him, for his cutlass was 
out by the time I had finished my appeal to the prize-master, and with 
a tremendous oath he made at me. But the prize-master, whose views 
were to find out if possible whether we had other precious metals beside 
those he had seen, thought gentle methods answered the objects of his 
party better than violence, and he immediately stepped between us 
and ordered the fellow to desist. I then told the Frenchman that if 
we were a lawful prize to him and his galley, it was his duty as well 
as his interest to protect us from these outrages, and insisted on his 
sending the fellow out of the vessel. O'Brian did not understand any- 
thing I said, but stood cursing and swearing that he would have his 

The prize-master, however, spoke to him in Spanish, and soon per- 
suaded him to leave the cabin. As he moved off he stopped at the 
door, and turning round doubled his fist, which he shook at me with the 
fierceness of a maniac, and swore by the living God he would have my 
heart's blood ! I made no reply, but tried to look as bold as he did, 
although I felt myself entirely in the power of the gang, of whose char- 
acter I no longer had any doubt. It was not long before I heard the 
splashing of oars, and I was soon informed that the boat with her crew 
had gone off to the island of Gonarve, and glad indeed was I ; for my 
courage for want of fuel began to cool, and I felt convinced that unless 
we were relieved before night we should all be murdered. 

I now set myself to work to devise means of defence in case of need, for 
I was determined not to surrender m}^ life without an effort at escape. I 
had harsh feelings towards the prize-master, but I saw he was a feeble man, 
and could not, if he would, protect us long against this barbarian, should 
he return in the night with his myrmidons to cut our throats. I returned, 
therefore, to the project of retaking the vessel as soon as a good oppor- 
tunity offered at night ; and to this end I applied to the captain. Cap- 
tain P was a man of great size and strength ; but as my friend 

Jack Stevens said of him, " he is not made of the right stuff, sir." The 
captain's arguments were : first, it was impossible for us to master 
seventeen armed men, even if we were armed ourselves ; 1 then, if we 

1 " The following facts will show that this is a mistake, and that by good 
management and a determined spirit a much more slender force than we pos- 
sessed can control and subdue seven times its own force. The brig 'Ann/ 


failed ire were Bure to* be murdered . next, ii we succeeded on board 
our own vessel, the gallej might overtake as, and ire irere 1"-! irithout 
redemption ; and la-^t, the captain of the galley bad his register, and if 

longing to <!. II md W. P . of thii city, iraa captured 

In the year 1709 bj a French privateer and can le was con- 

aptain rime to Paris while I was there in the early part of 1800, 

;i 1 1 ■ i [gave him a small box in charge, containing a variety of valuable articles, 

to bring home t j wife. Captain Lord returned to Bordeaux from Paris, 

when • nt in charge of a ship, with :i view to bring her to the United 

i. On her ; fell in with a French prh ateer from < Suadaloupe, and 

iptun 'l All the crew, including the mate, were I i K ■ n out of the ship, the 
: to it main on board ; and after putting fourteen men 
master and an Irishman whom they had taken from an English i < ssel, 
lered to Guadaloupe. As soon as the prize separated from the privsv- 
u began to hunt f<>r plunder, and among other object's fell <»n 
the boi I had consigned t«> Captain Lord's care. The articles were taken out 
of it and divided among the crew. The Brussels lace, cambric handkerchiefs, 
kid g] with a case containing eighteen silver fruit-knives, were sepa- 

: n equal proportions and divided among the privaleersmen. Lord saw tins 

rith ;m aching heart. He had tried to Bave the 1><>x from plunder 
ting to these fellows that it was a present from r gentleman in Paris 
to his wife in America, an 1 was put into his keeping; bul all he could Bay merely 
a laugh against him, and he was obliged to Bubmit, bul with a deter- 
mination, if possible, to retake the vessel and repossess himself of the articles. 
A r lingly he formed a plan which he carried into operation in the following 
v knew nothing of the feelings of the Irish passenger towards his 
captors, his Brst obje i was to sound him and ascertain whether he had a right to 
■ any aid from him. This he did very cautiously, and soon found his man 
• dl lengths with him. As booh as this was Bettled, he communicated 
his plan to his companion, which was to be carried into effect the Brst foul day 
that occurred, tn the mean time Lord, who had always a penknife in his hand 
whittling pieces of pine into various Bhapes, contrived to make, without being 
observed, Beveral toggles or round spikes or Bpigots of wood suited to put into the 
staple when the hatches are closed and the hasp is drawn over it. These he pnt 
into his pocket, and waited until a suitable day should arrive for his purpose. 
At last a col 1 drizzly day occurred, and the prize-master retired to the cabin for 
shelter, and took to his book for amusement, and the Irish passenger followed ins 
example. Half the crew w. re asleep below deck, down in the forward steerage, 
it being their watch below, so that there were only Beven men on deck, one of 
whom was at the helm. The rest of the watch were Bitting under the lee of the 
long boat to Bh< Iter themselves from the rain ; and Lord walked the main deck, 
occupied as usual with his penknife. Lord spoke French well enough to be un- 
td by the crew, with whom he had made himself familiar during the few 
>n together. ' Why do you sit here in the rain ! ' asked Lord 

of these men ; • two of you are enough to Btay on deck at a time, and the rest of 

v .'own forward, and it anything occurs to need your 

n be called.' Accordingly, four of the six went below, and 

m the booby-hatch was always left open to admit the air, they could see and 

II that was going on on deck. The provisions and water were kept down 

■ft, and the covering of this hatch was, like the forward one, covered with w hat is 

called n booby-hatch, which has hinges and fastens with a staple and hasp, and is 

always kept unfastened. Lord took up B tin pot which he had placed on the deck. 


we were overhauled by a British cruiser, we should be taken for pirates 
ourselves and be hung up in some of the Bahama Islands without judge 
or jury. Beside, we might be relieved ! 

The captain was a very good-natured, indolent man, and if put to his 
mettle could fight as well as anybody ; but he did not like the labor nor 
the excitement, and though as anxious as any of us to get out of their 
hands, he thought discretion the better part of valor. I could not 
move him. 

My next plan was to get at my pistols that were in my trunk ; they 
were loaded and in excellent order, being a pair of first-rate arms, 
which, as I before said, were presented to me by my brother. My 
project was to ask the prize-master for the key to get a clean shirt ; 
this he readily granted, but he accompanied me to the cabin. I told 
him I was afraid that Irish whelp would return in the night, and as he 
had threatened to put me to death, I wanted my pistols to defend my- 
self. He looked slyly at me, and said there was no danger ; he would 
protect me. I said everything I could think of to persuade him, but he 
remained inexorable. 

In the course of the day Jack Stevens got into a row with one of the 
pirates ; the fellow struck him with the flat of his sabre. Jack knocked 

and asked one of the men on deck to go down aft and get him some water, and at 
the same time he walked forward, and covering over the hatch of the forescutttle 
he closed the hasp and put a toggle or spigot into the staple ; and before the 
party below were aware of their situation or had time to make a clamor, he 
had returned to the man on deck and asked him to see what the other sailor 
was about so long in getting the water. This man went to the hatchway 
aft, and stooped down to call his comrade, when Lord seized him by the breech 
and pitched him headlong into the after-steerage, and then shut over the hatch 
and fastened it as he had the other. This last act was seen by the man at the 
helm, who immediately stamped violently on the quarter-deck to rouse the prize- 
master. This was the signal for the Irish passenger to begin operations ; and hav- 
ing all things ready prepared, Lord soon silenced that personage. In the mean 
time the helmsman sprang forward to seize upon Lord, who had placed a harpoon 
in such manner that he could possess himself of it at once ; but the Frenchman 
was so quick upon him that Lord was obliged to drop his weapon and resort to 
his fist, with which he knocked the fellow overboard the first blow he struck him. 
The noise now, both forward and aft, by beating against the hatches in trying to 
force them open, was so great that Lord was obliged, with his companion, to 
have recourse to the firearms, which they repeatedly discharged to let the sailors 
know they had the means of suppressing them entirely. When this impression 
was sufficiently made, they entered into a compact with their prisoners, agreeing 
that if the two fellows aft would supply them with provisions and water, they, 
Lord & Co., would cook it and give them their share. This the Frenchmen both 
fore and aft were glad to accede to, agreeing to let a portion out to help work the 
ship daily, and to submit in all things to the recaptors. In this way the ship was 
brought to Bermuda, where she was libelled for salvage in the Vice-Admiralty 
Court. Lord collected all the articles belonging to me, and delivered them to my 
wife ; but the lace was sadly cut up." 


him dowD, and the whole horde rushed forward to avenge the insul! ; 
Jack jumped overboard, and Bwam to the galley, that was not far off. 
This caused great alarm, and it required all our eloquence to pacify the 
indignant prize-master and the enraged crew. -lack was put in confine- 
ment «»n board the galley under deck, where he was kept till the next 
mornimr almost suffocated and quite starved. The next morning he was 
| e i out; but the moment he put his foot ou the deck, he Bprang into the 
sea and Bwam for the brig. By coaxing and persuasion I got the prize- 
master to take him on board; but he was put below at once, and kept a 
close prisoner. 

It had been calm all day, and we saw nothing in the offing. The 
prize-master dined with us in the cabin, and was very good-humored; 
talked of St. Jago, and wished for a good breeze to carry us there; 
abused the Irishman for a hot-headed fool, and said he was afraid he 
was no better than he should be, but did not think he was a pirate, 
but that he was a thief and a drunkard. He had seen him before, but 
that party did not belong to their crew; they were suspicious of them, 
ami kept a jealous eye upon them. All this I considered as mere sham, 
as in fact it pr< ved to be; but he talked of morality and honor, as if 
he knew their worth. He, however, treated us with civility, and the 
afternoon went off without any new incident; the weather was still 

lint night approached, and my apprehensions came with it. I had no 
confidence in the assumed character of the galley, and was convinced 
something would befall us before the next morning. No meaus of re- 
sistance was left us ; the captain refused to aid in the rescue of the ves- 
sel, and indeed prohibited the undertaking. Besides, our right-hand 
man. -lack Stevens, was confined under deck in the galley. 

After remaining above as long as the pirate would permit, I went to 
my berth and lay down with my clothes on, but not to sleep, for had I 
drunk deeply from the fountain of Lethe I could not have closed my 
eyes or lost tor a moment my recollection. I thought of all the means 
within my power to defend myself. I did not despair or lose my reso- 
lution ; it, was increased rather than diminished ; but what could my 
will, unarmed as I was, do against a host of cut-throats, armed with 
every sort of deadly weapon, from the knife to the blunderbuss ? 

I felt sure that 0' Brian would revisit us during the night, and his last 
threatening attitude and vengeful curse when we parted were constantly 
nt to my mind ; but I was young, strong, and full of confidence in 
my own powers, and I had been accustomed to dangers all my life. 
The habit of constant exposure to danger grows by degrees into indif- 
ference. We lose our excitability as danger and oppression become 
familiar to us, and a strong feeling of dogged submission or a deter- 
mined resolution to resistance controls all our actions. The latter was 


my feeling ; for there was no hope in cowering before the ferocity of 
such a villain, and die 1 must if he came on board, unless chance or 
Heaven should interpose. These thoughts occupied my mind during 
the night ; at the least noise I was up and ready for the worst that 
could come ; but I did not feel as if I were to die that night, and I was 
determined not to if my own exertions could save me. There was no 
light in the cabin but such as the eye habituated to darkness can dis- 
cern, but my senses were all awake, and hour after hour passed on 
while I watched and listened for the splashing of oars which were to 
bring the Irish giant back upon us. The morning, however, arrived, 
and no O'Brian appeared, and my heart and spirits sank within me. 
Strange as it may appear, 1 was less depressed, and ten times more fit 
for action and resistance during the whole of this gloomy night than I 
was when I went on deck and found all quiet and safe. I said nothing 
to any one on the subject of my apprehensions, and a little reflection and 
a warm breakfast brought me to life again. 

I mentioned in the first part of this letter that a M. Thoiien had 
given me a couple of watches to keep and bring to the United States 
for him, and that I had placed one of them in the ankle part of my 
pantaloons on one leg, and a rouleau of Joes in the other, which be- 
longed to myself. I had carried them thus the whole of the day, but 
with great inconvenience and pain, as they chafed my ankles so that I 
could scarcely move at night. When I turned in I removed them to the 
pockets of my pantaloons, which were covered with the flaps of my 
frock-coat. After breakfast I took the spy-glass as usual and looked 
round the horizon and the distant shore, to see if there was anything 
in sight. As I looked to the northward, I thought I saw a speck, but 
could not make out what it was. I said nothing. The brig's head was 
to the northward, and there was a breath of air stirring from the east, 
off shore. I lounged forward and got into the bow, and then, without 
any apparent object, went out to the end of the bowsprit. 

I watched the motions of the prize-master; and whenever he turned 
his face towards me I looked with my glass round the shores of Go- 
narve and St. Domingo, sweeping the horizon as if I was amusing 
myself, but watching the speck in the north as I came to it in turn. It 
grew larger by degrees, but not fast. I saw, however, it was a sail just 
peering above the horizon ; but as there was little or no wind, we ap- 
proached each other very slowly. My elevated position gave me an 
opportunity of seeing it when no one on deck could observe it, and the 
galley was still lower than us. Here I sat for an hour and a half with- 
out interruption ; and as the wind freshened to the northward where the 
strange vessel was, the masts and sails rose out of the sea, and al- 
though I was afraid to look too steadily at it, T was not long in discov- 
ering that it was a large ship of some sort or other. This is easily seen 


long before yon can discern the bull of the Bhip, by the distance between 
tlic masts; and aa the Bhip was running down a Bouthwesl course, my 
mind was Batisfied that it was a British Bhip of war probably bound to 


About half-past ten or eleven o'clock the galley hailed the brig. 
I heard the captain Bay something to the prize-master about hati- 
m<it/>i, which I knew must relate to this ship, although I <li<l not 
understand Spanish. I therefore kept my face turned from the 
deck of the vessel towards the north, Looking Bteadily at the vessel 
which 1 was dow fully convinced was a British frigate. There was 
but one glass on board our vessel ; and that I had, and intended to 

keep as long BS I COUld. The prize-master came forward and asked 

for the glass, but I could not hear him. He asked me what sort of a 

ship that was in the offing, hut a sudden deafness had come over me 
and I did not notice his question. At length he ordered me to come 
on hoard, to which 1 answered that I would presently when I had 
made out the vessel ahead. He then again demanded the glass: and 

as the captain of the galley hailed again to know what the ship was, the 
fellow Bprung out on to the bowsprit and threatened to throw me over- 
board if I did not surrender the glass. I told him not to be violent, 
there was time enough for him and me too to look at the ship, that 
I COUld not make her out yet ; but the fellow seized the glass, and I